From Poverty to Power

Well worth a read – or a re-read.’ pene-Ha-Joon Chang, Reader, Faculty of Economics, University of Cambridge `With its emphasis on the role of active citizenship and the need for effecti

`This second edition is a must read for those wanting data, analysis and positive lines about how to react to the cuts and financial setbacks in the West or build on the new opportunities opened by the Arab Spring in the South.’

guide-Sir Richard Jolly, Honorary Professor, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex

`This second edition, in addition to being thoroughly updated, provides equally trating analyses of more recent events, like the global financial crisis, the food crisis, and the Arab Spring Well worth a read – or a re-read.’

pene-Ha-Joon Chang, Reader, Faculty of Economics, University of Cambridge

`With its emphasis on the role of active citizenship and the need for effective states,

From Poverty to Power provides a discerning and prophetic analysis of the political and

economic turbulence of recent years.’

Professor Caroline Moser, School of Environment and Development,

The University of Manchester

`The book is a must read for anyone who is concerned about ending poverty, reducing inequality and promoting environmental sustainability simultaneously in the world.’

Justin Lin, Former Chief Economist, World Bank

`Duncan Green's focus on the importance of active citizens interacting with effective states for transforming the power relations that trap poor people in poverty has an enduring relevance.’

Naila Kabeer, Professor of Development Studies, SOAS, University of London

`This book is invaluable for anyone who wants to understand both the shocking tices of the way the world is run and the means by which they can be put right.’

injus-George Monbiot, journalist

`Duncan Green combines academic expertise, a flair for storytelling and an activist's sense of urgency in this essential guide to both what is wrong with the world and how

to put it right.’

Claire Melamed, Head of Growth, Poverty and Inequality Programme,

Overseas Development Institute

`A tour de force … At once shocking, realistic and radical, this book takes us further on the road to understanding the challenges of development and what needs to be done.’

Robert Chambers, Institute of Development Studies

`Oxfam's great strength is that it channels the moral outrage that global poverty evokes into effective action based on solid research.’

Dani Rodrik, John F Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University

`From Poverty to Power has played an important role in reshaping modern attitudes to

development, with poor people as protagonists, never objects or victims.’

Jonathan Glennie, Overseas Development Institute

`This book does justice to raising the spectre of inequalities … between the world's richest and poorest people and countries.’

Bineta Diop, Executive Director, Femmes Africa Solidarité

`Duncan Green uses numerous case studies to demonstrate this book is not merely an academic textbook but a manual for real, practical and lasting social change.’

Andrew Dodgshon, Tribune

‘The enormous breadth of this book, along with the author’s clear style and coherent presentation, makes it an indispensable key text for students of international development.’

Alexia Rogers-Wright, Department of Geography, University of Hull

how active citizens and effective states

can change the world

duncan green

Warwickshire CV23 9QZ, UKwww.practicalactionpublishing.org

Oxfam GB,Oxfam House, John Smith Drive,Oxford OX4 2JY, UKISBN 9781853397400 HardbackISBN 9781780447407 Library EbookISBN 9781853397417 PaperbackISBN 9781780447414 EbookFirst published by Oxfam International in 2008Second edition published by Practical Action Publishing in association with

Oxfam GB for Oxfam International

to be identified as author of this work

Since 1974, Practical Action Publishing (formerly Intermediate Technology Publications and ITDG Publishing) has published and disseminated books and information in support of international development work throughout the world Practical Action Publishing Ltd (Company Reg No 1159018) is the wholly owned publishing company of Practical Action Ltd Practical Action Publishing trades only

in support of its parent charity objectives and any profits are covenanted back to Practical Action (Charity Reg No 247257, Group VAT Registration No 880 9924 76).Oxfam is a registered charity in England and Wales (no 202918) and Scotland (SCO 039042) Oxfam GB is a member of Oxfam International

The information in this publication is correct at the time of going to press

Indexed by Liz Fawcett, Harrogate, North Yorkshire

Typeset in Stone Serif by Bookcraft Ltd, Stroud, Gloucestershire

Printed in the UK by Short Run Press

list of figures, tables, and boxes vii

acknowledgements xiii

i steal, therefore i am: natural resources, corruption, and development 69

how change happens: the fishing communities of

tikamgarh 120

how change happens: two african success stories (botswana and

Mauritius) 159

Part 4 huMan securitY 163

how change happens: india’s campaign for a national rural employment guarantee 180

Part 6 the food and financial crises of 2008–11 353

notes 371bibliography 409

glossary 451index 457

3.2 assessing developmental impacts 953.3 More equal initial land distributions go together with higher economic growth 100

list of tables

3.1 southern tncs countries with the most companies in the top 50

3.2 the top 10 non-financial tncs from developing and transition

economies 143

5.2 three grand narratives on aid: sachs, easterly, and collier compared 294

list of boxes

5.3 corporate responsibility or accountability? voluntary schemes vs

regulation 285

Duncan Green has been working in international development for 30 years

He is currently Senior Strategic Adviser in Oxfam GB where, from 2004 to

2012, he was Head of Research He is the author of several books on Latin

America, including Faces of Latin America (1991, fourth edition 2012) and

Silent Revolution: The Rise and Crisis of Market Economics in Latin America

(2003) He has been a Senior Policy Adviser on trade and development at the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID), Policy Analyst on trade and globalisation at CAFOD, and is a Visiting Fellow at the Institute of Development Studies

George Bernard Shaw argued more than 100 years ago (in the preface to his

1907 play Major Barbara) that, ‘The greatest of evils and the worst of crimes

is poverty’ This certainly goes well beyond noting the fact that poverty is a huge tragedy, which ruins the lives of a great many people across the world The immense tragedy of poverty is obvious enough: lives are battered, happi-ness stifled, creativity destroyed, freedoms eradicated by the misfortunes of poverty But Bernard Shaw was not talking, on this occasion, about the hard-ship of poverty, or the misfortune that goes with it He was commenting on the causation and consequences of poverty – that it is bred through evil and ends up being a crime Why so? And how is that evil bred?

The classic view that poverty is just a shortage of income may be well lished in our minds, but ultimately we have to see poverty as unfreedoms

estab-of various sorts: the lack estab-of freedom to achieve even minimally satisfactory living conditions Low income can certainly contribute to that, but so can

a number of other influences, such as the lack of schools, absence of health facilities, unavailability of medicines, the subjugation of women, hazardous environmental features, lack of jobs (something that affects more than the earning of incomes) Poverty can be reduced through expanding these facili-ties, but in order to guarantee that, what is needed is an enhancement of the power of people, especially of the afflicted people, to make sure that the facili-ties are expanded and the deficiencies removed

People remain unempowered as a result of a variety of complex processes The predicament of the poor need not be the result of deliberate cultivation

of asymmetry of power by identifiable ‘evil-doers’ But no matter how the deprivations develop, the gross asymmetries do not correct themselves Quiet acceptance – by the victims and by others – of the inability of a great many people to achieve minimally effective capabilities and to have basic substan-tive freedoms acts as a huge barrier to social change And so does the absence

of public outrage at the terrible helplessness of millions of people Thus the social evil draws not just on those who positively contribute to keeping people down, but also on all the people who are ready to tolerate the thor-oughly unacceptable predicaments of millions of fellow human beings The nature of this evil does not relate principally, even primarily, to the diagnosis

of specific evil-doers We have to see how the actions and inactions of a great many persons together lead to this social evil, and how a change of our priori-ties – our policies, our institutions, our individual and joint actions – can help

to eliminate the atrocity of poverty

This book from Oxfam explores many different ways in which poverty is being fought through the empowerment of the people whose deprivations relate ultimately to their helplessness in a badly organised world Under the lead authorship of Duncan Green, the book discusses a number of different types of initiative across the world that have enhanced and expanded the powers of the powerless and through that have reduced the unfreedoms that characterise the poverty of the deprived In bringing about these changes, the state obviously can – and does – have an important role to play, and yet the state is not the only responsible agency that can make a difference, nor is it the only instrument for tackling the general evil that society tends to tolerate and accept If the evil of poverty and the crime associated with it can come through the actions and inactions of a great many persons, the remedy too can come from the co-operative efforts of people at large.

What the report calls ‘active citizenship’ can be a very effective way of seeking and securing solutions to these pervasive problems of powerlessness and unfreedom The reader is told about various efforts at enhancing the power of the unempowered, varying from the pursuit of women’s rights in Morocco to the international campaign to ban landmines around the world They can all make a huge difference in fighting intolerable and unacceptable deprivations One case study after another is invoked, presented, and inves-tigated to show how changes can be brought about through deliberate and organised efforts

This book, which I hope will be widely read, is important for at least three distinct reasons First, through discussing the ways and means of reducing and removing deprivation, the case studies bring out the role of powerless-ness in generating deprivation and the effectiveness of empowerment in over-coming widespread deprivations

Second, studies of this kind serve as much-needed correctives to the growing tendency to think of poverty removal mainly in terms of economic growth There has certainly been some success in many countries in the world in reducing the proportion of people with very low incomes through economic growth, a success that is significant enough even though the achievements are often exaggerated But the attraction – even the intoxication – of this success has also contributed to the mistaken understanding that (1) raising income is the uniquely privileged way – indeed the only secure way – of removing the unfreedoms of poverty (this downplays the role of general enhancement of economic, social, and political opportunities) and (2) high economic growth must necessarily be a sure-fire method of raising the incomes of the poor (this understates the social changes that are needed for expanding the freedom of the deprived to get a reasonable share in market-based aggregate economic growth) It is critically important, as a corrective, to clarify, with actual illus-trations, that poverty has many dimensions, and that the removal of depriva-tion calls for much more than economic growth (important as it is)

Third, the recounting of a number of successful initiatives in removing deprivation through empowerment helps also to confront the pervasive pessimism that has become so common these days concerning the possibility

of deliberately bringing about the changes that are needed An exaggerated belief in the frailty of public efforts – whether of the state or of active citi-zens – generates a climate of cynicism and provides comfortable grounds for inaction and torpor, even when the widespread deprivations and sufferings are fairly well recognised The recounting of what is actually being achieved – and how these achievements come about – can be very important as an antidote to inactivity based on exaggerated pessimism

Bernard Shaw may have chosen unusual words to characterise poverty as

an ‘evil’ and a ‘crime’, but underlying that verbal choice is clearly a call for action, through a more forceful social analysis of the nature and causation

of poverty that can lead to more determined efforts to eliminate the iniquity

of poverty In telling us what can be achieved by ordinary people through organised action, this book generates hope even as it enhances understanding

of what is involved in the removal of poverty The world does need hope as well as the know-how, and we have reason to be grateful for what we get from this important study of a rich collection of collaborative social action

Amartya Sen

Revising for a second edition is likely to be a nerve-wracking exercise for any author History moves blithely on, leaving a trail of wrecked and abandoned theses in its wake; critics and reviewers shine a floodlight on the weaknesses; one’s own thinking (hopefully) develops

Since From Poverty to Power was written in 2007, tumultuous events have

battered the global system – financial and economic implosions, food price chaos and political upheaval Yet (a pleasant surprise), these events have largely upheld the central arguments of the book – the central role of effective states and active citizens in bringing about genuine human development, and the primacy of ‘the national’ in development, compared to an often exaggerated emphasis on ‘the international’

Discussion of climate change, once framed largely in terms of future threats, is clearly now an issue of present dangers, not least in the multi-layered impact on poor and vulnerable communities While this urgency has sadly not moved climate negotiators, it has helped bring a new intellec-tual seriousness to development thinking Ecosystems have boundaries, and

we had better not cross them Oxfam’s GROW campaign, launched in 2011, arose from just such a reflection

Critiques of the book have largely focused on the role of the private sector, and here my thinking has indeed evolved I realised I had downplayed a crucial point: Markets and companies can indeed largely be left to states and citizens to sort out, as I argued in 2008 But the nature and exercise of economic power is a vital aspect of the politics of development that warrants much more attention than I gave it

Perhaps the biggest transformation for me as an author has grown out of the digital revolution A blog launched to coincide with the publication of this book [www.oxfamblogs.org/fp2p] rapidly acquired a life (and readership)

of its own, offering a level of spontaneity and interaction with readers that a book can never provide

One aspect of the book has particularly flourished within Oxfam – the focus on ‘how change happens’, a phrase that inspires development practi-tioners to ask good questions Though the theoretical annex on this subject

in the first edition rapidly became outdated and is not here (it is still able online), ‘How Change Happens’ will be the topic for my next book Now there’s a hostage to fortune

avail-The word ‘editor’ hardly does justice to Mark Fried’s enormous contribution

to this book Over both editions, he has used his unique combination of editorial skills and deep knowledge of development to shape the text, spot gaps, and propose improvements – all this with unfailing patience and good humour Seemingly infinite reserves of stamina and good humour have also allowed Anna Coryndon to manage the project from its conception, through byzantine consultations, to final product, her extraordinary eye for detail spotting whenever things were starting to unravel Jonathan Mazliah proved

an equally perfectionist project manager on the second edition It has been a delight to work with all three

I would like to thank Oxfam for ensuring that I had the time and resources to get this job done In particular Phil Bloomer, and before him Justin Forsyth, offered unswerving support and brilliant advice throughout Others who played a crucial role include John Ambler, Jaime Atienza, Jan Bouke Wijbrandi, Becky Buell, Sam Bickersteth, Marjolein Brouwer, Celine Charveriat, James Ensor, Gonzalo Fanjul, Lot Felizco, Jeremy Hobbs, Avinash Kumar, Richard King, Adam Leach, Tom van der Lee, Luk Tak Chuen, and Chris Roche Space forces me to be selective – the full list of those I would like

to thank is on the book’s website Dozens of Oxfam specialists, and others, have also contributed background papers and case studies – these are listed in the section ‘Background papers and case studies’

Outside Oxfam, numerous academics and others have offered expert advice They include Saamah Abdallah, Chris Adam, Sabina Alkire, Supriya Akerkar, Catherine Barber, Peter Bakvis, Nicholas Bayne, Stefan Baskerville and first-year students at University College, Oxford, Jo Beall, David Booth, Saturnino

M Borras Jr, Oygunn Brynildsen, Diana Cammack, Ha-Joon Chang, Martha Chen, Anuradha Chenoy, Peter Chowla, John Clark, Chris Cramer, Paddy Coulter, James Darcy, Michael Ellis, Rosalind Eyben, Julian Filochowski, Sean Fox, Verena Fritz, John Gaventa, Jonathan Hellin, Mark Heywood, Rolph van der Hoeven, Richard Jolly, Jonathan di John, Roman Krznaric, David Lewis, Matthew Lockwood, Ian MacAuslan, Ruth Mayne, Branko Milanovic, Nuria Molina, Jamie Morrison, Sarah Mulley, Karma Nabulsi, Peter Newell, Sheila Page, Jenny Pearce, Jeff Powell, the staff and students of Queen Elizabeth House, Oxford, Vicky Randall, Amartya Sen, Frances Stewart, Pablo Suarez, Jim Sumberg, Michael Taylor, Kevin Watkins, David Woodward, Andrew Wyatt, Roger Yates and Dan Yeo The author assumes full responsibility for all opinions and any errors

Finally, I would like to thank my family, Catherine, Calum and Finlay, for putting up with a self-obsessed author in the house (again).

A list of the non-government and civil society organisations and networks supported by Oxfam that are mentioned in this book is available on the book’s website: www.fp2p.org

AIDS acquired immune deficiency syndrome

ARV antiretroviral

Against Women

France, and Canada)

HIV human immunodeficiency virus

Societies

TRIPS Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights

INtroDUCtIoN

Massive poverty and obscene inequality are such terrible scourges of our times – times in which the world boasts breathtaking advances in science, technology, industry, and wealth accumulation – that they have to rank alongside slavery and apartheid as social evils.

(Nelson Mandela, London, 2005)

From cradle to grave, a person’s life chances are dominated by the nary levels of inequality that characterise the modern world A girl born in Norway will almost certainly live to old age.1 If she is born in Sierra Leone, however, she has a one in four chance of dying before her fifth birthday A Norwegian girl can expect to go to a good school, followed by university, and

extraordi-to be healthy and cared for right through extraordi-to old age In Sierra Leone only two

in three girls start school at all, and many drop out along the way, deterred

by having to find ‘user fees’ levied by the school or by the low standards of education, or forced to stay home to care for their brothers and sisters, or to

go out to work to feed the family Only one in four women is able to read and write University is an impossible dream

The extent of global inequality is breathtaking The income of the world’s

500 richest billionaires exceeds that of its poorest 416 million people.2 Every three minutes, somewhere in the developing world, two women die need-lessly in childbirth or pregnancy,3 and over 40 children are killed by avoid-able diseases such as diarrhoea or malaria.4 Governments spend least on health care where the need is the greatest.5

Ending inequality’s ‘lottery by birth’ is perhaps the greatest global lenge of the twenty-first century And it is one that concerns all nations, since

chal-in a globalised world, poverty and sufferchal-ing do not remachal-in confchal-ined withchal-in borders, but spill over in the form of conflict, migration, and environmental degradation

The world as a whole is far more unequal than any single country Such grotesque unfairness would probably precipitate social and political melt-down were it to occur within a single country One consequence of globalisa-tion is that the world is increasingly coming to resemble just that: a single community bound together by ever-improving transportation and communi-cations links The political price of continued inequality can only rise.According to a calculation by Oxfam based on income distribution data held by the World Bank, if global inequality could be reduced to even that of

Haiti (one of the most unequal countries in the world), the number of people living under $1 a day poverty would be halved to 490 million Go further, and achieve a distribution of income of a middle-ranking country (in terms of inequality), say Costa Rica, and $1 a day poverty falls to 190 million – a fifth

of the current total

Even within countries, inequalities are grotesque across the whole trum of life chances Children born into the poorest 20 per cent of house-holds in Ghana or Senegal are two to three times more likely to die before the age of five than children born into the richest 20 per cent of households In the UK, the government’s Scientific Reference Group on Health Inequalities found that life expectancy in the country’s wealthiest areas is seven to eight years longer than in the poorest areas.6

spec-Inequality compounds, and often stems from, discrimination based on gender, race, or caste Black Brazilians are twice as likely as whites to die

a violent death, and are only one-third as likely to go to university.7 In Guatemala, the number of children of European descent dying before they reach their fifth birthday is 56 in every 1,000, compared with 79 of every 1,000 indigenous children In the Indian states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, primary school enrolment for scheduled caste and scheduled tribe girls is 37 per cent, compared with 60 per cent for girls from non-scheduled castes.8

Among boys from non-scheduled castes, 77 per cent are enrolled.9

For poor people, such inequalities cancel out the benefits of living in a better-off society Here too, rich countries have nothing to brag about The infant mortality rate among indigenous Canadians is, on average, two to three times the national rate, and the average indigenous person will die 20 years earlier than the average Canadian.10

Middle-income countries appear the most unequal Gini index trends show that Eastern Europe/former Soviet Union and Asia had the largest increases

in inequality between 1990 and 2008 Inequality in India has doubled in the last 20 years.11 Latin America remains the region with the highest level

of income inequality, although the region is marked by significant ment since 2000 Low-income countries show mixed results; sub-Saharan Africa is highly unequal but appears to have reduced its Gini index by almost five points, on average, since 1990.12

improve-Nowhere is the injustice of inequality more evident than in the enon of ‘missing women’ Due to discrimination, the world’s female popula-tion is lower than it should be compared with males; discrimination starts even before birth through selective abortion and then continues as girl chil-dren’s nutrition and health care are neglected compared with their brothers’ Recent estimates put the number of missing women at 101.3 million – more than the total number of people killed in all the wars of the bloody twentieth century Eighty million of these are Indian or Chinese: a staggering 6.7 and 7.9 per cent of the expected female populations of China and India respectively.13

phenom-One little recognised, but crucial facet of inequality is in access to quality essential services Education and health care are available in two forms within India: better-quality, state-of-the-art services for a few contrasts with a dilapi-dated, low-quality service shorn of all dignity for the majority of the poor

Oxfam and other NGOs have long highlighted the moral repugnance of the world’s yawning social and economic divides There is something deeply unjust about a system that allows 850 million people to go hungry, while an epidemic of obesity blights millions of lives in rich countries (and increas-ingly, in cities in developing countries) A new word, ‘globesity’, has even been coined to describe this global phenomenon

Extreme inequality provokes outrage and condemnation, because it violates the widely held notion that all people, wherever they are, enjoy certain basic rights Addressing inequality is essential if countries are to live up to their obligations under the international human rights framework established

by the UN, to guarantee equal civil and political rights and to pursue the

‘progressive realisation’ of economic, social, and cultural rights.15

Yet inequality and redistribution have been out of fashion with rich country decision-makers for many years and warrant barely a mention in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which emerged during the course

of the 1990s.16 In sway to the Washington Consensus view that ‘a rising tide lifts all boats’, rich country leaders believed that economic growth alone would be enough to address poverty By 2005, the manifest failure of that approach prompted a rash of high-profile publicationsfrom the World Bank, and the UN argued that tackling inequality is one of the most urgent tasks

of our time.17

Academics used to stress the positive potential for inequality to reward

‘wealth creators’ and so encourage innovation Now economists argue that it is

equality that is good for growth, and makes it more effective at reducing poverty.

Inequality wastes talent If women are excluded from top jobs, half the talent

of any nation is squandered By one estimate, if all states in India were to perform as well as the best (Karnataka) in eradicating gender discrimination

in the workplace, national output would increase by a third.18 When banks refuse to lend to poor people, good economic opportunities are wasted

Inequality undermines society and its institutions In an unequal society, elites

find it easier to ‘capture’ governments and other institutions, and use them

to further their own narrow interests, rather than the overall economic good

Inequality undermines social cohesion ‘Vertical inequality’ between

individ-uals is linked to rises in crime, while ‘horizontal inequality’ (for example, between different ethnic groups) increases the likelihood of conflicts that can set countries back decades

Inequality limits the impact of economic growth on poverty A one percent

increase in growth will benefit poor people more in an equal society than in

an unequal one

Inequality transmits poverty from one generation to the next Most cruelly, the

poverty of a mother can blight the entire lives of her children Each year

in developing countries around 30 million children are born with impaired growth due to poor nutrition during foetal development Babies born with a low birth weight are much more likely to die, and should they survive, are more likely to face a lifetime of sickness and poverty.19

While inequality has received greater attention in recent years, rich country decision-makers have shied away from the idea of widespread redistribution of the kind that occurred in Europe after World War II

or in the New Deal in the USA The World Bank argues for equality of

opportunity (for example, access to education, freedom from

discrimina-tion, equality before the law), but mentions greater equality of outcome

only in relation to avoiding absolute deprivation The redistribution of assets, through progressive taxation or radical land reform, is treated with great caution and its risks (for example, deterring investors) are continu-ally stressed When the rich world talks about development, it is more comfortable talking about poverty than about inequality, and it prefers inequality to redistribution

Moreover, inequality holds the key to the poverty that persists around the world The idea of ending poverty is not new, but the global economy now has the resources to actually do so The twentieth century delivered extraordinary progress in health, education, democracy, technology, and economic growth Each year, the global economy churns out some $11,205

$456.25 per annum that defines the ‘extreme poverty’ of a billion human beings.20 There is more than enough to go round According to an analysis from the Brookings Institution, just $66bn a year would be sufficient to lift everyone on the planet above the extreme poverty line of $1.25 a day, if it could be delivered straight into the hands of poor people.21,22 That is just over half of the global aid budget and just 4 per cent of the world’s military spending in 2010.23

PovertY, the huMan conseQuence of ineQualitY

At the sharp end of the skewed distribution of power, assets, and nities are the billion people who live in extreme poverty Poverty is about much more than a low income, something that becomes particularly clear when people living in poverty are asked to define it for themselves It is a sense of powerlessness, frustration, exhaustion, and exclusion from deci-sion-making, not to mention the relative lack of access to public services,

opportu-the financial system, and just about any oopportu-ther source of official support Poverty has a deep existential impact – being denied the opportunity to flourish, whether for yourself or your children, cuts very deep indeed The academic Robert Chambers talks of the world being divided into ‘uppers’ and ‘lowers’, a description that fits numerous aspects of poverty, whether women’s subjugation by men, or the power imbalances between ethnic groups, and social classes.24

The many dimensions of poverty reinforce one another Poor people are discriminated against, but many people are also poor because they suffer discrimination In South Asia, households that face discrimination because of religion, ethnicity, or caste are significantly more vulnerable to labour market exploitation and debt bondage than other economically poor families

In 2000, the World Bank published Voices of the Poor, a remarkable

attempt at understanding poverty from the inside, based on discussions

interviews was a complex and human account of poverty, encompassing issues that are often ignored, such as the need to look good and feel loved, the importance of being able to give one’s children a good start in life, or the mental anguish that all too often accompanies poverty The overall conclusion was that, ‘again and again, powerlessness seems to be at the core

of the bad life’

The reverse of such ‘multi-dimensional’ poverty is not simply wealth (although income is important), but a wider notion of well-being, springing from health, physical safety, meaningful work, connection to community, and other non-monetary factors That is why good development practices build on the skills, strengths, and ideas of people living in poverty – on their assets – rather than treating them as empty receptacles of charity

Although this multi-dimensional view of poverty is widely accepted in theory, in practice, attention centres on income poverty, most commonly defined by the international ‘extreme poverty’ line of US$1.25 a day, which forms the basis of the first Millennium Development Goal (MDG), that of halving the proportion of the world’s population living in extreme poverty

by 2015.26 Anyone living below that line is judged to be unable to feed selves properly The $2-a-day ‘poverty line’ is seen as the minimum required

them-to provide food, clothing, and shelter

There is plenty of good news on development (often downplayed by those keen for further action) Extreme income poverty is falling over time Between 1990 and 2005 the number of people worldwide in developing coun-tries living on less than the international extreme poverty line of $1.25 a day fell from 1.82 billion to 1.40 billion As a proportion of the world’s rising population, this was a decline from 42 per cent to 26 per cent.27

The nature and location of poverty is also changing The UN notes ‘an increased tendency for people to rotate in and out of poverty, a rise in urban

poverty and stagnation in rural poverty, and increases in the proportion of informal workers among the urban poor and in the number of unemployed poor’.28 In 2007, the earth’s urban population overtook its rural population for the first time in human history, driven mainly by growth in cities in developing countries Of the three billion urban residents in the world today, one billion live in slums, and are vulnerable to disease, violence, and social, political, and economic exclusion UN-Habitat estimates that the world’s slum population will double in the next 30 years, outpacing the predicted rate of urbanisation.29

Globally, achievements in reducing income poverty can be uted largely to the economic take-off of China and India Despite wors-ening inequality, China in particular has made extraordinary progress, reducing the proportion of its people living in extreme poverty from 84 per cent in 1981 (835 million people) to just 16 per cent (208 million people) in 2005.30

attrib-Many countries have shown how to grapple successfully with the other dimensions of poverty Egypt has sustained one of the fastest declines in child mortality rates in the world since 1980 Bangladesh, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Viet Nam have also achieved rapid progress.31

Such advances should of course be celebrated and learned from, but should not be allowed to mask the plight of numerous countries and sectors in which progress has been slow or non-existent – and in many cases, poverty has been getting worse In sub-Saharan Africa, the ranks of extremely poor people increased by 100.5 million between 1990 and 2005.32

Beyond income poverty, too, the glass is not even close to half full Compared with the position in 1999, there were 39 million fewer children

of primary school age out of school in 2009, but close to 70 million still do not receive an education, 53 per cent of them girls In 2009 there were 4.3 million fewer child deaths than there were in 1990, but 8 million children still die each year Almost all such deaths are preventable In Africa a child dies every 45 seconds of malaria; the disease accounts for 20 per cent of all childhood deaths.33

The rapid scale-up in global immunisation since 2001 through the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization has also brought down the death toll, estimating that it has saved five million lives.34 Yet diseases such as measles, diphtheria, and tetanus, which can be prevented with a simple vaccination, account for 1.5 million childhood deaths every year.35 For every child who dies, many more will fall sick or will miss school, trapped in a vicious circle that links poor health in childhood to poverty in adulthood Like the 358,000 women36 who die each year from pregnancy-related causes, more than 98 per cent of the children who die each year live in poor countries.37 That some poor countries have brought an end to such pain and suffering makes these deaths all the more unacceptable

Poor health is compounded by dirty water Another 1.2 billion people have gained access to clean water over the past decade, but a further 0.9 billion still lack access to safe water and 2.6 billion have no access to improved sanita-tion.38 Diseases transmitted through water or human waste are the second biggest cause of death among children worldwide,39 after respiratory tract infection The overall death toll: an estimated 3,300 children every day.40

Hunger combines with ill health to weaken the bodies and undermine the futures of poor people More than 925 million people, including one in four pre-school children, were undernourished in 2010, even though the world has enough food for its whole population, and the number has since risen along with international food prices.41 The appalling toll is both human and economic – for every year that hunger remains at such levels, premature death and disability rob developing countries of around $500bn in lost productivity and earnings.42

While poverty has been falling since 1980, HIV and AIDS have spread their grip across the poorest countries in the world, and AIDS has become

a disease that mainly strikes women in developing countries Although the spread of anti-AIDs drugs has meant that the rates of new infections and deaths have peaked and are slowly falling, in 2009, an estimated 1.8 million people still died from the disease, and another 2.6 million became infected with HIV Almost all of these deaths were in the developing world, with 72 per cent of them in Africa Some 33.3 million people are now living with HIV – 22.5 million of them in sub-Saharan Africa.43 One in four adults in Lesotho, Botswana and Swaziland are HIV positive, and in sub-regions of those coun-tries and South Africa the rate is far higher.44

Some of the 1.4 billion people who live on less than $1.25 a day are worse off than others Many of them move in and out of poverty, according to the vagaries

of the weather, personal circumstances, and the economy An Oxfam survey

of slum dwellers in the Indian city of Lucknow showed that over a three-year period, out of 424 households, 110 stayed poor, 162 stayed above the poverty line, and the remainder – just over a third – moved in and out of poverty.45

Worldwide, some 340–470 million people constitute the ‘chronically poor’, trapped below the poverty line with little immediate prospect of escape.46

Chronic poverty exists in all regions, but is heavily concentrated in South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa Chronic poverty particularly affects children, older people, and people with disabilities, who face layers of social discrimi-nation, often based on ethnicity, religion, or language.47

Multiple deprivations reinforce one other Indigenous children sent to schools that use a language foreign to them fail to acquire the education needed to find decent jobs and earn their way out of poverty, even when racial prejudice does not deny them equal opportunities For these people, reducing the extent of their social and political exclusion and their vulner-ability to shocks is more pressing than economic growth (since many of them are jobless and are likely to remain so)

active citizenshiP and effective states

As Nelson Mandela says, poverty and extreme inequality rank alongside slavery and apartheid as evils that can be vanquished This book argues for a radical redistribution of opportunities, but also of power and assets, to break the cycle of poverty and inequality

People living in poverty certainly need opportunities, such as access to decent education, health care, water, and sanitation, and assistance to help them cope with the shocks of everyday life Poor people need power over their own destinies and over the factors that influence them, such as party politics, the justice system, and the markets for land, labour, and goods and services

In recent memory, a combination of pressure from below and enlightened leadership from above has produced some remarkable exercises in redistri-bution In several East Asian countries, for example, elites have embraced the long-term case for equality, to prevent social division and to stoke a thriving economy Taiwan and Viet Nam have combined astonishing growth with high levels of equity Indonesia and Malaysia have managed to reduce inequality over an extended period through government-led redistribution and generation of employment.48

In Brazil under the governments of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, popular movements have carried business elites along in redistributing wealth and opportunity in a hitherto appallingly unequal society This has been achieved through a mixture of good economic management (for example, controlling inflation, which customarily hits poor people hardest) and redistributing income to poor people through various government schemes such as the Bolsa Familia, which pays poor families

a monthly stipend if they ensure that their children attend school and are vaccinated.49 Lula’s first term saw the poorest 10 per cent of the population increase their incomes by 7 per cent a year, while the incomes of the richest

10 per cent stagnated As a result, some five million Brazilians were lifted out

of poverty, and inequality fell to its lowest level in 30 years.50 A similar story

of progress built on popular pressure and state action could be told of South Africa since the end of apartheid

This book explores these and other efforts to grapple with inequality and poverty in three key areas: politics, markets, and vulnerability In each case it finds that development, and in particular efforts to tackle inequality, is best achieved through a combination of active citizens and effective states

By active citizenship, we mean that combination of rights and obligations that link individuals to the state, including paying taxes, obeying laws, and exercising the full range of political, civil, and social rights Active citizens use these rights to improve the quality of political or civic life, through involvement in the formal economy or formal politics, or through the sort

of collective action that historically has allowed poor and excluded groups

to make their voices heard For those who do not enjoy full rights of ship, such as migrants or (in some cultures) women, the first step is often to organise to assert those rights.

citizen-By effective states, we mean states that can guarantee security and the rule

of law, and can design and implement an effective strategy to ensure sive economic growth Effective states, often known as ‘developmental states’, must be accountable to citizens and able to guarantee their rights

inclu-Why focus on effective states? Because history shows that no country has prospered without a state that can actively manage the development process The extraordinary transformations of countries such as South Korea, Taiwan, Botswana, or Mauritius have been led by states that ensure health and educa-tion for all, and which actively promote and manage the process of economic growth After twenty years of erosion by deregulation, ‘structural adjustment programmes’, and international trade and aid agreements, many states are weak or absent But there are no short cuts, and neither aid nor NGOs can take its place; the road to development lies through the state

Why active citizenship? Because people working together to determine the course of their own lives, fighting for rights and justice in their own societies, are critical in holding states, private companies, and others to account Active citizenship has inherent merits: people living in poverty must have a voice

in deciding their own destiny, rather than be treated as passive recipients of welfare or government action What is more, the system – governments, judi-ciaries, parliaments, and companies – cannot tackle poverty and inequality

by treating people as ‘objects’ of government or other action Rather, people must be recognised as ‘subjects’, conscious of and actively demanding their rights, for efforts to bear fruit

Active citizens, of course, are not limited to people living in poverty Members of the middle class often play a vital role in supporting grassroots organisations, helping them deal with those in power, and challenging entrenched attitudes and beliefs among elites

Most development practitioners acknowledge the centrality of citizenship and the state However, in practice, for many NGOs development is about citizenship only, while for many official donor agencies and government ministries development is only about the state The former elevate active citi-zenship to be synonymous with progress, while the latter reduce it to periodic elections and ‘consultation’ by government Similarly, the latter elevate the state to the be-all-and-end-all of development, while the former eschew it as beyond their remit In Oxfam’s experience, both are central to the pursuit of any development worth the name

The focus on active citizens and effective states underlines the need to grapple with the central role of politics in development Too often, discus-sions about development are conducted on the basis of policies rather than politics Advocates adopt an ‘If I ruled the world, I would do X’ approach,

often portraying political leaders and movements in developing countries as irritants or obstacles At best, politics is reduced to the depoliticised issue of

‘governance’ Yet it is such leaders and movements that change societies, for better or worse, and understanding and engaging with politics is essential.This book argues that active citizenship and effective states are compatible,

as well as desirable The challenge is to combine them as early as possible

in a country’s development However, the relationship between the two is complex They march to different rhythms, the steady grind of state machin-eries contrasting with the ebb and flow of civil society activism In many cases, long-term development requires an element of deferred gratification, requiring businesses to reinvest rather than skim off profits, rich people to accept redistribution of wealth and income for the sake of national stability and growth, and poor people to limit demands for the improved wages and social spending that they so desperately need

This in turn requires a ‘social contract’, a deal, whether explicit or implicit, that builds confidence and trust between citizens and the state The nature

of active citizenship and effective states, and their interaction, is explored

in Part 2, which discusses the factors that contribute to active citizenship: the concept of rights, attitudes and beliefs, essential services, and access to information This section also addresses property rights, corruption, and the spread of democracy

There is an argument for including the private sector as a third pillar in this scheme, alongside state and citizens, interacting with the others both positively and negatively As individual firms, the private sector creates jobs and products, transfers knowledge and technology, and contributes taxes to the state Crucially, it drives the economic growth that is so vital to long-term development But the private sector is more than the sum of its parts: economic power is indissolubly linked to political power, and who owns what determines to a large extent who says and decides what, shaping the land-scape in which states and citizens interact, and development emerges Over-powerful corporations can undermine states (for example, through bribery or inappropriate lobbying) or citizenship (by denying labour rights)

This book instead portrays a flourishing private sector as one objective

of the interaction between effective states and active citizens, arguing that, between them, they can create enabling conditions for the kind of equitable, sustainable private sector activity and economic growth on which develop-ment relies The private sector, along with the critical role of markets in tack-ling poverty and inequality, is discussed in Part 3, which sketches out the sort of economics needed to deliver real development, and its implications for rural livelihoods, labour, and growth models

A particularly important role for citizens and states is dealing with ability People living in poverty are more vulnerable than those who are well off to personal disasters such as sickness or job loss, or at a community level

vulner-to weather events, earthquakes, or outbreaks of conflict that invariably cause the greatest suffering among the poorest people

A holistic effort to reduce vulnerability should be based on supporting and strengthening the self-organisation of poor people, and providing protec-tion, whether at state or international level – what we term ‘human security’ Vulnerability and the search for such security are discussed in Part 4, which explores the increasing interest in social protection policies, the nature of and responses to hunger and famine, the growing impact of climate change on poor people and communities, and other risks such as HIV and AIDS, natural disasters, and violence and conflict

While the history of development success shows that the crucible of change

is primarily national and local, such change takes place in an increasingly globalised world of ever tighter political, economic, and cultural ties In such

a world, rich countries, societies, and corporations carry a great bility The deeply inequitable forms of global governance must be overhauled

responsi-to manage what are known as ‘global public goods’ Public goods have fits that cannot easily be confined to a single ‘buyer’ (or set of ‘buyers’) Yet once they are provided, many can enjoy them for free Street names are an example A clean environment is another. At the global level, processes such

bene-as climate change, capital flows, migration, conflict, and trade and ment must be managed in the interests of human sustainability In other

invest-areas, powerful governments and international institutions should do less:

for example, refraining from imposing particular economic policies on oping countries, and recognising that effective states and active citizens are the main actors in the drama of development and must be allowed to experi-ment, fail, learn, and succeed

devel-Citizens and states in rich countries should concentrate on putting their own houses in order, cracking down on their current harmful activities, such

as the arms trade, restrictions on the free flow of knowledge and technology, corporate malpractice, the forced liberalisation of trade and capital markets, and grotesque levels of planet-destroying carbon emissions This ‘stop doing harm’ agenda should be complemented by ‘global citizenship’ – active soli-darity by people and governments in the rich world with the struggles of poor people and their communities within developing countries How this might

be undertaken in the international systems for finance, trade, aid, tarian relief, and climate change is addressed in Part 5

humani-The combination of citizens and state is not intended to be a blueprint, still less an intellectual straitjacket As this book stresses, different countries have followed diverse paths to development But Oxfam’s experience on the ground suggests that some such combination lies at the heart of most, if not all, attempts to build a humane and sustainable development path, and is likely to play a vital role in tackling inequality and poverty during the course

of the current century

Perhaps the best way to illustrate the complex interplay between citizens and states is through concrete experiences of change This book takes eight such examples at community, national, and global levels, and explores ‘how change happens’, using an approach sketched out in a background paper

available on the From Poverty to Power website This is a ‘work in progress’, and

suggestions on how to improve its methodology are particularly welcome

this book

From Poverty to Power is partly the author’s personal reflection, part

conversa-tion – the result of prolonged discussion within Oxfam and with numerous other development professionals, including some with views very different from our own Given its origins, the content of the book inevitably concen-trates on those areas in which Oxfam has most experience, and draws out a common story from that experience in the field

The book is not a comprehensive statement of Oxfam’s current thinking

or of Oxfam’s agreed official policies – for these, readers may consult Oxfam International’s strategic plan51 – but is intended as a contribution to an evolving debate In that spirit, readers wishing to join in the conversation should visit the Oxfam website.52

First published in 2008, From Poverty to Power has been translated into

Korean, Spanish, Portuguese and Italian, and the conversation it aimed to promote has since continued on the blog of the same name.53 The years since publication have seen an extraordinary period of economic and political tumult – a global financial meltdown, a devastating spike in food prices, the eclipse of the G8 by the G20 and the uprisings of the Arab Spring are just the most memorable These events have prompted this new edition of the book, substantially revised and updated

Beyond the moral outrage aroused by so much needless injustice and suffering, this book is driven by the additional urgency of the development challenge today, when the planet’s ecosystem itself is under threat We need

to build a secure, fair, and sustainable world before we pass the point of no return As Martin Luther King Jr presciently wrote over 40 years ago:

We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now Human progress is neither automatic nor inevitable… In this unfolding conundrum of life and history there is such a thing as being too late… We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is deaf to every plea and rushes on Over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of

numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words: Too late.54

This book is predicated on the belief that it is not too late, provided leaders, organisations, and individuals act Starting today

Power AND PoLItICS

how change haPPens: a revolution for bolivia’s

how change haPPens: winning woMen’s rights in

Morocco 55

i steal, therefore i aM: natural resources,

Jeronima Quiviquivi is a force of nature Surrounded by the youngest of her six children, sitting outside her new house on the edge of the indigenous village of Monteverde in the muggy heat of a tropical afternoon, she recalls the struggles of her people, the Chiquitano Indians of lowland Bolivia

My father never realised about our rights We just did what the white people told us – only they could be in power, be President We couldn’t even go into the town centre – people swore at us But then we got our own organisation and elected our own leaders and that’s when we realised we had rights

Organising themselves at first under the guise of a soccer league – the only way they could meet and talk with Chiquitanos from other villages – the indig-enous activists of Monteverde fought for the things that mattered to them: land, education, rights, a political voice Moments of confrontation helped build a common history: bursting into the local government offices to seize the files proving that the unpaid labour they were forced to provide had been outlawed years before; a march on the distant capital, La Paz, which bolstered their sense

of common identity with Bolivia’s highland indigenous majority (see case study

‘How change happens: A revolution for Bolivia’s Chiquitano people’)

Now the Chiquitanos have seized the positions of what was once white power: they have their own mayors and senators and, in La Paz, South America’s first ever indigenous president, Evo Morales And with power came the promise of precious land: after a ten-year campaign, on 3 July 2007 the Chiquitanos of Monteverde clinched an agreement with the government that granted them a ‘land of communal origin’ of 1m hectares

The course of this epic struggle also transformed relationships at home Jeronima’s husband, himself a local leader, now looks after the kids when she has a meeting ‘We used to meet separately as women, but now we meet with the men – we’re no longer afraid’, she says

The Chiquitanos’ journey out of marginalisation underlines the central role of power and politics in development The interplay between individuals, families, communities, and states can open paths to rights, security, and pros-perity, or it can condemn communities to vulnerability and poverty Power and politics will determine whether the world can build on the extraordinary pace of political and social change of the twentieth century in order to eradi-cate extreme poverty and tackle inequality and injustice

At the core of power and politics lie citizens and effective states By zens’ we mean anyone living in a particular place, even if they are not

‘citi-formally eligible to vote, such as migrants or children By ‘effective states’,

we mean states that can guarantee security and the rule of law, design and implement an effective strategy to ensure inclusive economic growth, and are accountable to and able to guarantee the rights of their citizens The inter-action between active citizens and effective states, with its complexity, its cross-class alliances, its peaks and troughs, and its many contradictions will

be discussed below

At an individual level, active citizenship means developing self-confidence and overcoming the insidious way in which the condition of being relatively powerless can become internalised In relation to other people, it means devel-oping the ability to negotiate and influence decisions And when empowered individuals work together, it means involvement in collective action, be it at the village or neighbourhood level, or more broadly.1 Ultimately, active citi-zenship means engaging with the political system to build an effective state, and to assume some degree of responsibility for the public domain, leaving behind simple notions of ‘them’ and ‘us’ Otherwise, in the memorable phrase

of the French philosopher Bertrand de Jouvenel, ‘A society of sheep must in time beget a government of wolves’.2

Active citizenship includes, but is not confined to, political activism It comprises any individual action with social consequences, which may include participation in faith groups or neighbourhood associations, ‘social entrepre-neurship’ directing business activities to social ends, and a panoply of other social organisations, if their benefits extend beyond the purely personal or familial Necessarily it is blurred at the edges and is distinct from the broader concept of ‘social capital’ (which includes any social network), being distin-guished by its transformatory character and its engagement with the struc-tures of power, in particular the state

Such an assertion of power is both an end in itself – a crucial kind of freedom – and a means to ensure that the different institutions of society (the state, the market, the community, and the family) respect people’s rights and meet their needs, via laws, rules, policies, and day-to-day practices Institutions often discriminate against women, indigenous communities, disabled people, and other specific groups Yet when individuals join together to challenge discrimination, they can transform the institutions that oppress them In contrast with portrayals of poor people as passive ‘victims’ (of disasters, or poverty, or famine) or as ‘beneficiaries’ (of aid), in this development vision poor people’s own ‘agency’ takes centre stage In the words of Bangladeshi academic Naila Kabeer, ‘From a state of powerlessness that manifests itself

in a feeling of “I cannot”, activism contains an element of collective confidence that results in a feeling of “we can”.’3

self-Across the world, Oxfam has seen social, political, and economic activism by people living in poverty achieve profound and lasting improvements in their lives It constitutes a central means of combating deep-rooted inequalities by

redistributing power, voice, opportunities, and assets to those who historically have lacked all three Activism is more often local than national, and more often national than global, although increasingly it takes place on all three levels It is often about resisting imposed changes, which in the process may create positive alternatives It usually addresses the allocation of resources, such as land, public spending, or credit And it nearly always pursues reforms rather than revolution, although the reforms pursued are often radical, and the accumulation of reforms can, over time, constitute a revolution.

Nevertheless, activism alone is not enough Of all the institutions that exercise power over people’s lives, it is the state that is capable of channelling the power of individual initiative and the market toward long-term develop-ment goals

In the interaction between states and citizens lie the seeds of mental success and failure That interaction includes both the formal politics

develop-of elections, parliamentary debate, and party activism, and the wider ment of active citizenship

engage-Development is seldom peaceful When a country transforms itself, social and economic structures change rapidly, new classes are born, and new wealth

is accumulated at historically unprecedented rates Losers and winners in this upheaval often come to blows It took centuries for this social and economic transformation to manifest itself in today’s industrialised countries, yet in developing countries a shock of a similar magnitude has been telescoped into

a period of decades.4

Together, citizens and states shape the evolution of the crucial third player

in development – the private sector But the interaction is two way The nature

of the economy and the distribution of economic power have a profound influence over the evolution of states and citizens To a significant extent, economic elites influence what kind of politics is permissible, even if they do not exert total control over the result

In some countries, this process of ‘creative destruction’ has led to a viable and dynamic capitalism In others, it has led to ‘spoils politics’ – the theft of resources by unproductive classes – and a descent into anarchy The nature and political evolution of the state is crucial in determining which path a country follows

Effective, accountable states are essential for development States ensure health, education, water, and sanitation for all; they guarantee security, the rule of law, and social and economic stability; and they regulate, develop, and upgrade the economy There are no short cuts, either through the private sector or social movements, although these too play a crucial role

A central challenge for development is thus how to build states that are both effective and accountable, able to tackle poverty and inequality in all their forms (not just income), and ensure the respect for rights that allows active citizenship to flourish Effectives states are critical in reducing vulnerability

to shocks and enabling poor people and communities to benefit from the market, as will be discussed elsewhere in this book

However murky their origins, modern-day states are duty-bound by national law to uphold people’s rights, and are increasingly evolving into this role under pressure from citizen’s movements and the international commu-nity For this reason, politics writ large – the interface of citizens and states – is the focus of this part of the book, which examines the challenges of political action, as well as evidence of progress towards ever greater freedom

inter-The highest manifestation of life consists in this: that a being governs its own actions.

(St Thomas Aquinas, thirteenth century)

An old development saying runs: ‘If you give a man a fish, you feed him for a day If you teach him how to fish, you feed him for a lifetime.’ Fine and good, except that, as the case study ‘How change happens: The fishing communities

of Tikamgarh’ in Part 3 shows, he must have rights to fish the pond in the first

place Moreover, as a village leader from Cambodia points out, ‘A man is just

as likely to be a woman’ She adds:

That woman already knows how to fish She would like her river left alone

by illegal logging companies or fish poachers She would prefer that her government not build huge dams with the help of the Asian Development Bank, dams that have damaged her livelihood She would prefer that the police not violently evict communities to make way for the dam She doesn’t want charity She would like respect for her basic rights.5

Feeling that one has a right to something is much more powerful than simply needing or wanting it It implies that someone else has a duty to respond Rights are long-term guarantees, a set of structural claims or entitle-ments that enable people, particularly the most vulnerable and excluded in society, to make demands on those in power, who are known in the jargon

as ‘duty-bearers’ These duty-bearers in turn have a responsibility to respect, protect, and fulfil the rights of ‘rights-holders’ Rights, therefore, are naturally bound up with notions of citizenship, participation, and power

Rights alone are not enough, however In the words of Indian economist Amartya Sen, individuals need capabilities – rights and the ability to exercise them – an ability that is undermined when people are poor, illiterate, desti-tute, sick, lack vital information, or live in fear of violence Having the ‘right’

to go to school is of no use to girls if the pressure of domestic tasks, prejudice

in the home or community, or coming last in line at family meal-times means that they must spend their days hungry, carrying water, cleaning, or looking after younger siblings Capabilities determine what people can do, and who they can be.6 The ability to achieve material security through productive labour is a crucial aspect of such capabilities

All rights are necessarily related to responsibilities, constituting the web

of moral connections and obligations that binds society together All people,

however poor, have responsibilities towards their communities, but powerful individuals and organisations, notably governments, bear a particular burden

of responsibility if we are to build a society based on equity and fairness

the roots of rights

The idea that all people are of equal dignity and worth, and have natural rights, developed in Western Europe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centu-ries as a tool to protect individuals from the arbitrary power of the state Some authors speak of two ‘human rights revolutions’: the first around the period

of the US Declaration of Independence (1776) and the French Declaration on the Rights of Man and the Citizen (1789); the second linked with the post-World War II era of globalisation with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) which, for the first time in history, acknowledged human rights

as a global responsibility.7 That second revolution is still under way, as human rights frameworks expand with new treaties that address gender, ethnicity, and the rights of children It forms the basis of the emerging system of global governance and international law (see Part 5)

Progress in human rights became one of the hallmarks of the second half

of the twentieth century, with the spread of democracy and decolonisation leading to a massive expansion in the proportion of the world’s population that exercised some degree of say in the organisation of society The advent

of mass literacy and improvements in health meanwhile strengthened their ability to exercise those rights

Human rights can be grouped into three distinct generations: civil and political, or so-called ‘negative’ rights such as freedom from torture, which the state must guarantee; economic, social, and cultural, or ‘positive rights’, such as the right to education, which the state must finance and actively promote; and finally collective rights, such as self-determination, which the state must respect Most recently, the UN has tried to extend the notion of rights to non-state actors such as corporations.8

From universal franchise and the abolition of slavery onwards, new forms

of rights have initially been viewed by those in positions of power as sonable or unjustified, but have slowly been absorbed into the mainstream consensus The latest candidates are the culturally contentious issues of equal rights for women and for children

unrea-For many years after the UN Declaration, the rhetoric of human rights was reduced to a weapon in the propaganda battles of the Cold War As the econo-mist J.K Galbraith once joked, ‘Under capitalism, man exploits man Under socialism, it is the other way around.’ Neither side had much time for human rights The West pointed the finger at socialist countries for denying civil and political rights The East criticised capitalist countries for their failure

to secure economic and social rights for all citizens and for supporting cruel

dictators such as Zaire’s Mobuto Sese Seko or Chile’s Augusto Pinochet There was little active interaction between the worlds of rights and development.The end of the Cold War brought convergence, with many development practitioners combining the two disciplines into what became known as a

‘rights-based approach’ to development By reuniting economic and social rights with political and civil rights, this approach aimed to build a compre-hensive vision of a new, just, and viable ‘social contract’ between state and citizen.9

The worlds of human rights and development feel very different Put crudely, lawyers and scholars dominate the former, and economists and engi-neers the latter While this can lead to communication problems between two sets of mutually impenetrable jargon, both sides have much to learn from one other According to the UN:

The tradition of human rights brings legal tools and institutions – laws, the judiciary, and the process of litigation – as means to secure free-doms and human development Rights also lend moral legitimacy and the principle of social justice to the objectives of human development The rights perspective helps shift the priority to the most deprived and excluded It also directs attention to the need for information and political voice for all people as a development issue – and to civil and political rights as integral parts of the development process

Human development, in turn, brings a dynamic long-term perspective

to the fulfilment of rights It directs attention to the socio-economic context in which rights can be realised – or threatened Human development thus contributes to building a long-run strategy for the realisation of rights In short, human development is essential for real-ising human rights, and human rights are essential for full human development.10

Sometimes making use of the international human rights system, zens in many countries have successfully pressed governments to pass laws protecting rights One of the leaders in this field has been India, which

citi-in recent years has seen several groundbreakciti-ing citi-initiatives on the rights

whom citizens can appeal if they believe their rights have been violated Most countries now also recognise the rights of children Such laws, often introduced in response to UN conventions, exert a permanent ‘drip-drip’ impact on attitudes and practices These subterranean shifts in notions

of rights occasionally explode into the political daylight when groups of citizens seek political redress, as witnessed by events in recent decades in

La Paz, Kiev, Berlin, Tehran, and Manila, where mass demonstrations of people demanding their rights overthrew governments and ushered in eras

of rapid change

rights and PovertY

Oxfam starts from the premise that poverty is a state of relative ness in which people are denied the ability to control crucial aspects of their lives.12 Poverty is a symptom of deeply-rooted inequities and unequal power relationships, institutionalised through policies and practices at the levels

powerless-of state, society, and household People powerless-often lack money, land, or freedom because they are discriminated against on the grounds of one or more aspects

of their personal identity – their class, gender, ethnicity, age, or sexuality – constraining their ability to claim and control the resources that allow them choices in life

One in seven people in the world – about 900 million people – ences discrimination on the basis of ethnic, linguistic, or religious identi-ties alone.13 These excluded groups form the hard core of the ‘chronic poor’ Some unequal power relationships are due to age-old injustices In the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh in northern India, for instance, close to 80 per cent of women require their husband’s permission to visit a health centre, and 60 per cent have to seek permission before stepping outside their house Other such relationships are the more recent result of economic globalisation and imbal-ances in negotiating power between rich and poor countries

experi-The underlying purpose of a rights-based approach to development is to identify ways of transforming the self-perpetuating vicious circle of poverty, disempowerment, and conflict into a virtuous circle in which all people, as rights-holders, can demand accountability from states as duty-bearers, and where duty-bearers have both the willingness and capacity to fulfil, protect, and promote people’s human rights

A rights-based approach rejects the notion that people living in poverty can only meet their basic needs as passive recipients of charity People are the active subjects of their own development, as they seek to realise their rights Development actors, including the state, should seek to build people’s capa-bilities to do so, by guaranteeing their rights to the essentials of a decent life: education, health care, water and sanitation, and protection against violence, repression, or sudden disaster Less gritty issues such as access to information and technology are no less important in the long run

Such a rights-based approach anchors the debate about equity and justice

in principles endorsed by the international community and codified in national law In an era when nations are subject to a multiplicity of forces affecting the state’s capacity to address the needs of its citizens, the human rights framework helps governments and citizens to pursue justice.14 A rights-based approach compels Oxfam and other rights-based agencies to ‘raise the bar’ on their own accountability, lest they unwittingly perpetuate outmoded notions of charity, overlook discrimination and exclusion, and reinforce existing imbalances of power