CHAPTER 16 Public Choice: Politics in Government And the Workplace I have no fear, but that the result of our experiment will be, that men may be trusted to govern themselves without a
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offers Their firms may also be subject to takeover, given that bright investors can buy
the firm, replace the existing management team with a more competent team, and then
sell the firm at a higher price The poor performance of one management team can
represent a profitable opportunity for their competitors in the market for firms and
management talent
Concluding Comments
In a competitive labor market, wage rates are determined by the interaction of willing
suppliers of labor (employees) and demanders of labor (employers) Suppliers are
influenced significantly by the nonmonetary benefits of employment, as well as by the
value they place on their next-best alternative employment Thus differences in money
wage rates may not reflect true differences in full wage rates Demand is influenced by
the laborer’s productivity and the price of the laborer’s product
In a competitive labor market, any attempt to change workers’ incomes through
minimum standards for wages or working conditions can benefit some workers only at
the expense of others As the economist Milton Friedman complains, “The old saying is
that Quakers went to the New World to do good and ended up doing well Today, well-meaning reformers go to Washington to do good and end up doing harm.”62 Can the
mixed results of minimum wage legislation be construed as a clear-cut improvement in
social welfare? Economic analysis cannot address that highly subjective question The
best we can do is present the deductions drawn from theory and evidence Unfortunately, both are conflicting, as evident in the theoretical implications of minimum-wage hikes
under competitive and monopsonistic conditions and as evident in the differing empirical
findings
We have also shown that while it is nice to suggest that workers be paid according
to performance, the issues of providing the “right” pay for the “right” performance are
thorny ones for managers Regrettably, the reality of managing can be tricky, as evident
in our discussion of executive pay, or, rather, “excessive” pay There are good economic explanations for executives to be paid more than they are “worth.”
Review Questions
1 The government requires employers to pay time-and-a-half for labor in excess of forty hours a week How should managers be expected to react to that law? What effect should such a law have on the quantity of labor demanded? Why?
2 Does union support of laws outlawing child labor square with the private interests
of union members? Should society protect some of its members from some kinds
of employment regardless of monetary considerations? Why?
62
Milton Friedman, “Migrant Workers,” Newsweek (July 27, 1970): 60
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3 How could the minimum wage rate and migrant housing standards be expected to affect the prices of consumer goods? Explain, using supply and demand graphs
4 Suppose government requires employers to pay a minimum wage of $10 per hour
to workers over twenty-two years of age What effect should such a law have on the employment opportunities and wage rates of persons under twenty-two?
5 Average real wages have increased steadily over the last 100 years What do you think is the main cause of the increase?
6 Suppose there were a cap put on executive pay by the government Suppose that
“excessive wages” of executives were “excessively” taxed What would be the
effects on wages of workers down the corporate ladder?
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Public Choice: Politics in Government
And the Workplace
I have no fear, but that the result of our experiment will be, that men may be trusted to govern themselves without a master Could the contrary be proved, I should conclude, either that there is no God, or that he is a malevolent being
Thomas Jefferson
revious chapters have discussed the effects of various government policies on the market system in general and the firm in particular We looked at government
efforts to control the external costs of pollution We considered the economic
impact of price controls and consumer protection laws, for example, on the market for final goods and services Throughout the analysis we have focused on assessing the
economic efficiency of government policy We said little about how government policy
is determined or why government prefers one policy to another
In this chapter, we will shift our focus to the functioning of government itself Using
economic principles, we will examine the process through which government decisions are made and carried out in a two-party democratic system, and consider its
consequences Today, when government production accounts for a substantial portion of the nation’s goods and services, no student of economics can afford to ignore these
issues
A study of the political process is especially important for many MBA students, mainly because a non-trivial amount of your time will be involved with seeking to change one governmental policy or another Moreover, politics is also endemic to many
businesses Our discussion of the “economics of politics” has various implications for
how businesses can be expected to operate, especially those that rely on “participatory management” processes (which are necessarily democratic to one extent or another)
The Central Tendency of a Two -Party System
In a two-party democratic system, elected officials typically take middle-of-the road
positions Winning candidates tend to represent the moderate views of many voters who are neither liberals nor conservatives For this reason there is generally little difference between Republican and Democratic candidates Even when the major parties’
candidates differ strongly, as Ronald Reagan and Walter Mondale did at the start of their
1984 presidential campaign, they tend to move closer together as the campaign
progresses
P
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Figure 16.1 illustrates politicians’ incentives to move toward the center The bell-shaped curve shows the approximate distribution of voters along the political spectrum
A few voters have views that place them in the wings of the distribution, but most cluster
near the center Assuming that citizens will vote for the candidate who most closely
approximates their own political position, a politician who wants to win the election will
not choose a position in the wings of the distribution
Suppose, for instance, that the Republican candidate chooses a position at R 1 The Democratic candidate can easily win the election by taking a position slightly to the left,
at D 1 Although the Republican will take all the votes to the right of R 1 and roughly half
the votes between R 1 and D 1, the Democrat will take all the votes to the left Clearly the Democrat will win an overwhelming majority
_
FIGURE 16.1 The Political Spectrum
A political candidate who takes a position in the
wings of a voter distribution, such as D 1 or R 1,
will win fewer votes than a candidate who moves
toward the middle of the distribution In a
two-party election, therefore, both candidates will take
middle-of-the-road positions, such as D and R
The smart politician, therefore, will choose a position near the middle Then the
opposing candidate must also move to the middle, or accept certain defeat Suppose, for
instance, that the Republican candidate chooses position R, but the Democrat remains at
D 1 The Republican will take all the votes to the left of R and roughly half the votes
between R and D 1 She will have more than the simple majority needed to beat her
Democratic opponent In short, both candidates will choose political positions in the
middle of the distribution
Politicians can misinterpret the political climate, of course Even with polls, no
one can be certain of the distribution of votes before an election Just as producers find
the optimum production level through trial and error, politicians may suffer several
defeats before finding the true center of public opinion Inevitably, however, political
competition will drive them toward the middle of the distribution, where the median voter
group resides The median voter is in the middle of the political distribution
The recent history of presidential elections illustrates how politicians play to the
views of the median voter After an election in which the successful candidate won by a
wide margin, the losing party as moved toward the position of the winning party After
Barry Goldwater lost by a wide margin to Lyndon Johnson in 1964, the Republican Party made a deliberate effort to pick a more moderate candidate As a result, the contest
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between Richard Nixon and Hubert Humphrey in 1968 was practically a dead heat After George McGovern was defeated by Richard Nixon in 1972, Democrats realized they too needed a less extreme candidate Their choices in 1976 and 1984, Jimmy Carter and
Walter Mondale, were more moderate
In more recent times, after Ronald Reagan soundly defeated Jimmy Carter and
Walter Mondale and George Bush beat Michael Dukakis in 1988, the Democrats began what appeared to be a move back toward the center, picking Bill Clinton, a centrist
candidate whose policies, in many ways, have been more conservative than were George Bush’s
The Economics of the Voting Rule
So far we have been assuming that a winning candidate must receive more than 50
percent of the vote Although most issues that confront civic bodies are determined by
simple-majority rule, not all collective decisions are made on that basis, nor should they
be Some decisions are too trivial for group consideration The cost of a bad decision is
so small that it is uneconomical to put the question up for debate Other decisions are too important to be decided by a simple majority Richard Nixon was elected president with only 43 percent of the popular vote in 1968 (when a third-party candidate, George
Wallace, took almost 14 percent), but Nixon’s impeachment would have required more
than a majority of the Senate and the House of Representatives In murder cases, juries
are required to reach unanimous agreement In such instances, the cost of a misguided
decision is high enough to justify the extra time and trouble required to achieve more
than a simple majority
The voting rule that government follows helps determine the size and scope of
government activities If only a few people need to agree on budgetary proposals, for
example, the effect can be to foster big government Under such an arrangement, small
groups can easily pass their proposals, expanding the scope of government activity each
time they do so However, under a voting rule that requires unanimous agreement among
voters—a unanimity rule—very few proposals will be agreed to or implemented by
government There are very few issues on which everyone can agree, particularly when
many people are involved
A unanimity rule can be exploited by small groups of voters If everyone’s vote is critically important, as it is with a unanimous voting rule, then everyone is in a strategic
bargaining position Anyone can threaten to veto the proposed legislation unless he is
given special treatment Such tactics increase the cost of decision-making
Government represents the people’s collective interest, but the type of voting rule used determines the particular interests it represents and the extent to which it represents them
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The Inefficiencies of Democracy
As a form of government, democracy has some important advantages It disperses the
power of decision making among a large number of people, reducing the influence of
individual whim and personal interest Thus it provides some protection for individual
liberties Democracy also gives political candidates an incentive to seek out and
represent voters’ interests Competition for votes forces candidates to reveal what they
are willing to do for various interest groups Like the market system, however, the
democratic system has some drawbacks as well In particular, democracy is less than
efficient as a producer of some goods and services
The fact that the democratic form of government is inefficient in some respects
does not mean that we should replace it with another decision-making process, any more than we should replace the market system, which is also plagued by inefficiencies
Instead, we must measure the costs of one type of production against the other, and
choose the more efficient means of production in each particular case We must weigh
the cost of externalities in the private market against the cost of inefficiencies in the
public sector Neither system is perfect, so we must choose carefully between them
Median Voter Preferences
When you buy a good like ice cream in the marketplace, you can decide how much you
want You can adjust the quantity you consume to your individual preferences and your
ability to pay If you join with your neighbors to purchase some public service, however, you must accept whatever quantity of service the collective decision-making process
yields How much of a public good government buys depends not only on citizens’
preferences, but also on the voting rule that is used
Consider police protection, for instance Perhaps you would prefer to pay higher taxes in return for a larger police force and lower crime rate Your neighbors might
prefer a lower tax rate, a smaller police force, and a higher crime rate, but public goods
must be purchased collectively, no matter how the government is organized If
preferences differ, you cannot each have your own way Under a democracy, the
preferences of the median voter group will tend to determine the types and quantities of
public goods produced If you are not a member of that group, the compromise that is
necessary to a democracy inflicts a cost on you You probably will not receive the
amount of police protection you want
The Simple-Majority Voting Rule
Any decision that is made less than unanimously can benefit some people at the expense
of others Because government expenses are shared by all taxpayers, the majority that
votes for a project imposes an external cost on the minority that votes against it
Consider a democratic community composed of only five people, each of whom would
benefit to some degree from a proposed public park If the cost of the park, $500, is
divided evenly among the five, each will pay a tax of $100 The costs and benefits to
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each taxpayer are shown in Table 16.1 Because the total benefits of the project ($550) exceed its total cost ($500), the measure will pass by a vote of three to two, but the
majority of three imposes net costs of $50 and $75 on taxpayers D and E
Table 16.1 Costs and Benefits of a Public Park for Five People
Individuals
(1)
Dollar Value of Benefits to Each Person
(2)
Tax Levied on Each Person (3)
Net Benefit (+)
or Net Cost (-) [(2) - (3)]
(4)
Vote For or Against (5)
When total benefits exceed total costs, as in this example, decision by majority
rule is fairly easy to live with, but sometimes a project passes even though its cost
exceeds its benefits Table 16.2 illustrates such a situation Again, the $500 cost of a
proposed park is shared equally by five people Total benefits are only $430, but again
they are unevenly distributed Taxpayers A, B, and C each receive benefits that outweigh
a $100 tax cost Thus A, B, and C will pass the project, even though it cannot be justified
on economic grounds
Table 16.2 Costs and Benefits of a Public Park for Five People
Alternative Schedule
Individuals
(1)
Dollar Value of Benefits to Each Person
(2)
Tax Levied on Each Person (3)
Net Benefit (+)
or Net Cost (-) [(2) - (3)]
(4)
Vote For or Against (5)
It is conceivable that many different measures, each of whose costs exceed its
benefits, could be passed by separate votes under such a system If all the measures were considered together, however, the package could be defeated Consider the costs and
benefits of three proposed projects—a park, a road, and a school—shown in Table 16.3
If the park is put to a vote by itself, it will receive the majority support from A, B and C Similarly, the road will pass with the support of A, C, and E, and the school will pass
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with the support of C, D, and E If all three projects are considered together, however,
they will be defeated Voters A, B, and D will reject the package (see column 4)
Table 16.3 Costs and Benefits of a Park, a Road, and a School
Individuals Benefit Cost Vote Benefit Cost Vote Benefit Cost Vote Benefit Cost Vote
E 50 100 Against 250 200 For 500 400 For 800 700 For
Many if not most measures that come up for a vote in a democratic government
benefit society more than they burden it Moreover, voters in the minority camp can use
“logrolling” (vote trading) to defeat some projects that might otherwise pass For
instance, voter A can agree to vote against the park if voter D will vote against the
school Our purpose is simply to demonstrate that, in some instances, the democratic
process can be less than cost efficient
Political Ignorance
In some ways, the lack of an informed citizenry is the most severe problem in a
democratic system The typical voter is not well informed about political issues and
candidates In fact, the average individual’s welfare is not perceptibly improved by
knowledge of public issues
A simple experiment will illustrate this point Ask everyone in your class to write
down the name of his or her congressional representative Then ask them for the name of the opposing candidate in the last election You may be surprised by the results In one
survey, college juniors and seniors, most of whom had taken several courses in
economics, political science, and sociology, were asked how their U.S senators had
voted on some major bills The students score no better than they would have done by
guessing.1 In the United States, most voters do not even know which party controls
Congress,2 and public opinion polls indicate that most voters greatly underestimate the
cost of programs like Social Security.3
1
Richard B McKenzie, “Political Ignorance: An Empirical Assessment of Educational Remedies,”
Frontiers of Economics (Blacksburg, VA.: University Publications, 1977)
2
Donald E Stokes and Warren E Miller, “Party Government and the Saliency of Congress.” Public
Opinion Quarterly 26 (Winter 1962): 531-546
3
Edgar Browning, “Why the Social Insurance Budget Is Too Large in a Democracy,” Economic Inquiry 13
(September 1974): 373-388
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If voters were better informed on legislative proposals and their implications,
government might make better decisions In that sense, political information is a public
good that benefits everyone Nevertheless, as we have seen before, in large groups
people have little incentive to contribute anything toward the production of a public good Their individual contributions simply have little effect on the outcome
To remain politically free, people must exercise their right to determine who will
represent them The result is that they often cast their votes on the basis of impressions
received from newspaper headlines or television commercials—impressions carefully
created by advertisers and press secretaries
Special Interests
The problem of political ignorance is especially acute when the benefits of government
programs are spread more or less evenly, so that the benefits to each person are relatively small Benefits are not always spread evenly: subgroups of voters—farmers, labor
unions, or civil servants—often receive more than their proportional share Members of
such groups thus have a special incentive to acquire information on legislative proposals Farmers can be expected to know more about farm programs than the average voter
Civil servants will keep abreast of proposed pay increases and fringe benefits for
government workers, and defense contractors will take a private interest in the military
budget
Congressional representatives, knowing they are being watched by
special-interest groups, will tend to cater to their wishes As a result, government programs will
be designed to serve the interest of groups with political clout, not the public as a whole
Cyclical Majorities
In their personal lives, most people tend to act consistently on the basis of rational goals
If an individual prefers good A to good B, and good B to good C, the rational individual
will choose A over C repeatedly Collective decisions made by majority rule are not
always consistent Consider a community of three people, whose preferences for goods
A, B, and C are as follows:
Individual Order of Preference
Supposed these three voters are presented with a choice between successive pairs
of goods, A, B, and C If the choice is between good A and good B, which will be
preferred collectively? The answer is A, because individuals I and III both prefer it to B
If A is pitted against C, which will be preferred? The answer is C, because individuals II and III both prefer it to A Since the group prefers A to B and C to A, one might think it
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would prefer C to B, but note that if C and B are put up to a vote, B will win A cyclical,
or revolving majority has developed in this group situation This phenomenon can lead
to continual changes in policy in a government based on collective decision-making
Although there is no stable majority, the individuals involved are not acting
irrationally People with perfectly consistent personal preferences can make inconsistent
collective choices when acting as a group Fortunately, the larger the number of voters
and issues at stake, the less likely a cyclical majority is to develop Still, citizens of a
democratic state should recognize that the political process may generate a series of
inconsistent or even contradictory policies
The Efficiencies of Competition
Among Governments
In the private sector, competition among producers keeps prices down and productivity
up A producer who is just one of many knows that any independent attempt to raise
prices or lower quality will fail Customers will switch to other products or buy from
other producers, and sales will fall sharply To avoid being undersold, therefore, the
individual producer must minimize its production costs Only a producer who has no
competition—that is a monopolist—can afford to raise the price of a product without fear
of losing profits
These points apply to the public as well as the private sector The framers of the Constitution, in fact, bore them in mind when they set up the federal government
Recognizing the benefits of competition, they established a system of competing state
governments loosely joined in federation As James Madison Described in The
Federalist papers, “In a single republic, all the power surrendered by the people is
submitted to the administration of a single government: and the usurpations are guarded
against by a division of the government into distinct and separate departments.”4
Under the federal system, the power of local governments is checked not just by citizens’ ability to vote, but also by their ability to move somewhere else If a city
government raises its taxes or lowers the quality of its services, residents can go
elsewhere, taking with them part of the city’s tax base Of course, many people are
reluctant to move, and so government has a measure of monopoly power, but competition among governments affords at least some protection against the abuses of power
Local competition in government has its drawbacks Just as in private industry,
large governments realize economies of scale in the production of services Garbage,
road, and sewage service can be provided at lower cost on a larger scale For this reason,
it is frequently argued that local governments, especially in metropolitan areas, should
consolidate Moreover, many of the benefits offered by local governments spill over into surrounding areas For example, people who live just outside San Francisco may benefit from its services, without helping pay for them One large metropolitan government,
4
Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison, The Federalist: A Commentary on the Constitution of
the United States, no 51 (New York: Random House, Modern Library edition, 1964), pp 338-339