Breakdown of T otal Government SpendingFederal State Local In 1902, the federal government accounted for only 34% of total government spending; local governments accounted for 58%.. OPTI
Trang 1Chapter 6 State and Local Government
Expenditures
Public Finance and Public Policy
Trang 2 Optimal fiscal federalism is the question of which activities should take place at which level of
government
For example, welfare programs were historically
financed at the federal and state level, while
education is largely financed at the state and local level
Trang 3FISCAL FEDERALISM IN THE U.S
AND ABROAD
Early in the history of the United States, the federal government played a relatively limited role
The last amendment of the Bill of Rights of the
United States Constitution states:
“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.”
Figure 1 shows the spending patterns over time
Trang 4Breakdown of T otal Government Spending
Federal State Local
In 1902, the federal government accounted for only 34% of total government spending; local governments accounted for 58%.
Federal government was responsible
for national defense, foreign relations, judicial functions, and the
postal service.
State and local governments were responsible for education, police, roads, sanitation, welfare, health,
hospitals, and so on.
The role of the federal government grew with the introduction of the federal income tax and the New Deal programs of the Great Depression.
The share of state financing coming
from the federal government has grown because of joint program like cash welfare and Medicaid.
Figure 1
Trang 5FISCAL FEDERALISM IN THE U.S
Trang 6Spending and Revenue of State and Local
Governments
The major source of revenue at the state and local level is the property tax, the tax on land and any building on it
Property taxes raised $253 billion in revenue in
2001, and accounted for almost one-half of the grant revenues of local governments
Trang 7non-Fiscal Federalism Abroad
The U.S sub-national governments collect a much larger share of total government revenue than in other countries, and spend a somewhat larger share
of total government spending
Table 1 shows this
Trang 8collect 40%.
On the spending side, the differences are slightly less
dramatic.
Trang 9Fiscal Federalism Abroad
The higher level of centralization in other nations exists because state/local governments have almost
no legal power to tax citizens
Many countries practice fiscal equalization,
whereby the national government distributes grants
to sub-national government in an effort to equalize differences in wealth
Trang 10Fiscal Federalism Abroad
There has been a move toward decentralization around the world
In the U.S., there have been increased efforts to shift control and financing of public programs to the states, such as with welfare reform in 1996
Trang 11OPTIMAL FISCAL FEDERALISM
What is the optimal division of responsibilities
across different levels of government?
A theory of how the efficiency of public goods provision may differ at different levels of
government helps answer this questions
Trang 12OPTIMAL FISCAL FEDERALISM
Two of the major problems in public goods
provision are:
Preference revelation: Difficult to design democratic
institutions to cause individuals to reveal their
preferences honestly.
Preference aggregation: Difficult to aggregate individual
preferences into a social decision.
Trang 13The Tiebout Model
Tiebout (1956) showed that the inefficiency in
public goods provision came from two missing
factors: shopping and competition.
Shopping induces efficiency in private markets
Competition induces the right prices and quantities
in private markets
Trang 14The Tiebout Model
With public goods provided at the local level,
competition naturally arises because individuals can
vote with their feet by moving to another town without
much disruption
This induces fiscal discipline for local governments
and creates a new preference revelation device: mobility.
Tiebout argued that the threat of exit can induce
efficiency in local public goods production
Under certain (unrealistic) conditions public goods
provision will be fully efficient at the local level.
Trang 15The Tiebout Model
Tiebout’s formal model assumes the following:
Large number of individuals, who divide themselves
up across towns that provide different levels of
public goods.
Town i has N i residents who all demand G i of the public good.
Uniform tax of G i /N i.
Trang 16The Tiebout Model
Tiebout’s model solves two problems:
Preference revelation: There is no incentive to lie With a uniform tax on all residents, the consumer
saves 1/N i in tax but receives 1/N i less of the public good.
Preference aggregation is solved because everyone in
the town wants the same level of public goods, G i.
Trang 17Problems with the Tiebout Model
There are a number of problems with the model, however, related to:
Tiebout competition
Tiebout financing
Spillovers
Trang 18Problems with the Tiebout Model
Tiebout competition may not hold because:
It requires perfect mobility.
It requires perfect information on the benefits
individuals receive and the taxes they pay.
It requires enough choice of towns so that
individuals can find the right levels of public goods.
Trang 19Problems with the Tiebout Model
Tiebout financing is problematic because:
It requires lump-sum taxes that are independent of
a person’s income This is viewed as highly
inequitable.
It is more common for towns to finance public
goods through proportional taxes on homes, leading
to the problem of the poor chasing the rich.
The use of zoning can ameliorate this problem.
Trang 20Problems with the Tiebout Model
Zoning regulations protect the tax base of wealthy towns by pricing lower income individuals out of the housing market
For example, a town that prohibits multifamily
dwelling such as apartments lowers the available amount of housing, and thus inflates the value of existing housing, keeping the poor out
Trang 21Problems with the Tiebout Model
Tiebout model is also problematic because of the assumption of no externalities or spillovers:
Model assumes public goods only have effects in a given town, and that they do not spill over to
neighboring towns.
Some public goods, like a public park, probably violate this assumption.
Trang 22Evidence on the Tiebout Model
Even given the problems of the Tiebout model the basic intuition that individuals vote with their feet is still a strong one Two types of tests reveal this:
Resident similarity
Capitalization
Trang 23Evidence on the Tiebout Model
A clear prediction of the Tiebout model is that
residents in a local community will have similar
preferences for local public goods
The more local communities and choices, the more residents can sort themselves into similar groupings
Gramlich and Rubenfeld (1982) found greater
sorting in larger metropolitan areas (where mobility costs would be smaller), and greater satisfaction with public goods provision
Trang 24Evidence on the Tiebout Model
Very little actual mobility is required for the Tiebout mechanism to operate because people not only vote with their feet
They also vote with their pocketbook
Tiebout model predicts that any differences in fiscal attractiveness will be capitalized into house
prices
Trang 25Evidence on the Tiebout Model
That is, the price of any house reflects the costs
(including local property taxes) and benefits
(including local public goods) of living there
Holding taxes constant, higher levels of public
goods raise housing prices
Hold public good levels constant, raising taxes
lowers housing prices
Housing prices are a reflection of people voting with their pocketbook
Trang 26Evidence for capitalization from
It limited the tax rate to 1% of a home’s assessed
value.
More importantly, it limited the tax base–the house’s
value The base could increase by only 2% per year, unless the home was sold.
80% in the four years prior to Proposition 13.
Trang 27Evidence for capitalization from
area, before and after Proposition 13.
The treatment group were the towns with high property tax rates prior to Proposition 13.
The control group were the towns with low property tax rates.
Using this approach, Rosen found that for every $1 of
property tax reduction house values increased by about $7, which implies close to full capitalization.
The fact that house prices rose by almost the present
discounted value of the taxes suggests that Californians did not think that they would lose many valuable public goods and services when taxes fell.
Trang 28Evidence for capitalization from
San Jose, California laid off art and music teachers
in elementary schools, cut bus transportation, fired school nurses and guidance counselors, and
shortened the school day from 6 to 5 periods
Even so, in 1983, the school district became the first American public school system in 40 years to
declare bankruptcy
Trang 29Optimal Fiscal Federalism
What are the normative implications of the Tiebout model?
That is, what should be the principles that guide the provision of public goods at different levels of
government?
The extent to which public goods should be
provided at the local level is determined by:
Tax-benefit linkages
Positive externalities or spillovers
Economies of scale
Trang 30Optimal Fiscal Federalism
First, the model implies that the extent to which public
goods should be provided at the local level is determined by
Trang 31Optimal Fiscal Federalism
The second factor that determines the optimal level
of decentralization is the extent of positive
externalities
If the local public good has spillovers to other
communities, they will be underprovided In this case, higher levels of government have a role in
promoting the provision of these public goods
Trang 32Optimal Fiscal Federalism
The third factor that determines the optimal level of decentralization is the economies of scale in
production
Public goods with large economies of scale, like
national defense, are not efficiently provided by
many competing local jurisdictions
Public goods without large economies of scale, like police protection, may be provided more efficiently
in Tiebout competition
Trang 33Optimal Fiscal Federalism
The Tiebout model therefore predicts that local spending should focus on broad-based programs with few externalities and relatively low economies
of scale
Examples include road repair, education, garbage collection, and street cleaning
Trang 34 Gaps in per-pupil spending arise because of
differences in the local property tax rate, but more importantly, from differences in property values
Trang 35Should We Care?
The question then becomes should higher levels of government mandate redistribution across lower levels to offset these differences in spending?
In a perfect Tiebout world, communities would
have formed for the efficient level of public goods, and redistribution would impede that efficiency
Trang 36Should We Care?
To the extent that Tiebout does not perfectly
describe reality, however, there are two arguments for redistribution
The first is failures of the Tiebout mechanism For
example, even if one desires to be in a high benefit community, a household may be priced out of it by zoning restrictions, etc.
The second is externalities It is possible that local
public goods, like education, have spillovers to other communities.
Trang 37Tools of Redistribution: Grants
When higher levels of government redistribute, they
do so through grants–cash transfers from one level
of government to another
Between 1960 and 2003, grants to lower levels of government grew from 7.6% to 17.9% of federal
spending
Trang 38Tools of Redistribution: Grants
Higher levels of government tend to use three types of
grants:
Matching grants–which ties the amount of funds transferred
to the community to the amount of spending it currently
allocates to public goods.
Block grants–a fixed amount of money with no mandate on how it is to be spent
Conditional block grants–a fixed amount of money with a mandate that it be spent in a particular way.
The consequences of these grants are illustrated in Figure 2 Figure 2.
Trang 39A final alternative is a conditional
block grant, a fixed amount of money
that can only be spent on education.
Such a grant acts as an income effect, but keeps the price ratio at 1
rather than ½.
Such a grant might mandate that the
city can spend receive up to
As long as the city is already spending more than $375,000 on
education, it is equivalent to a block
grant and has no effect on behavior.
But the block grant also allows other
choices, and utility is higher at IC3, which entails less education.
A one-for-one “matching grant”
changes the price of education and
the price ratio to ½.
Trang 40The flypaper effect
As shown in Figure 2 Figure 2, block grants are simply income increases to communities if they are either unconditional or conditional but below the city’s desired spending on the public good
The city should therefore reduce its own spending, a
type of crowding out, so that spending on the public
good goes up by only a fraction of the total grant amount
Trang 41The flypaper effect
Researchers have compared the spending of states that receive larger and smaller grants from the
federal government, to assess whether they largely crowd out state spending, as the theory predicts
Surprisingly, after reviewing the evidence Hines and Thaler (1995) found that crowd out is often close to zero, so total spending rises almost one-for-one
Trang 42The flypaper effect
This finding has been described as the flypaper effect, because “money sticks where it hits.”
These older empirical studies suffer from potential bias, however States that value public goods the most may be the most successful at lobbying for federal grants
Thus, the positive correlation is not because of the flypaper effect, but rather spending preferences differ.
Trang 43The flypaper effect
A number of recent studies, that use more
convincing quasi-experimental approaches find evidence that is inconsistent with the flypaper effect
These studies suggest that the traditional conclusion
of substantial crowd-out from block grants is supported by the evidence
Trang 44Redistribution in Action: School Finance
Equalization
School finance equalization laws mandate
redistribution across communities in a state to
ensure more equal financing of schools
Local districts receive about 45% of the funding
from local sources, primarily from local property taxes This dependence can lead to vast disparities due to the wide variation in property values across towns
In Texas, for example, per-pupil spending varies
by more than a factor of four from the lowest to highest district
Trang 45Redistribution in Action: School Finance
Equalization
Since 1970, every state has made at least one
attempt at school finance equalization, some
prompted by state courts, others by the voting public
Trang 46Redistribution in Action: School Finance
$200 above the lowest district
On the other hand, New Jersey gives matching
grants to localities with property values below the
85th percentile
Trang 47Redistribution in Action: School Finance
Equalization
Empirical work suggests that equalization laws have had the intended effect of:
Equalizing spending across districts.
Equalizing student outcomes like SAT scores.