Photographic artists who exhibit their work want to minimize the contradiction between the social uses of photography and its practice as art, yet the contradiction never seems entirely
Trang 1Commentary on the Commentaries
Pierre Bourdieu
Contemporary Sociology, Vol 21, No 2 (Mar., 1992), pp 158-161.
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Trang 2158 SYMPOSIUM
hierarchies of legitimation which organize
cultural systems of expression No wonder
then that photographers feel the need to
justify the existence of photography as true
art
The second part of the book offers case
studies of groups that actively oppose the
naive popular view of photography Camera
clubs fall into two categories When members
are middle-class, painting is the compelling
aesthetic reference, and the refusal to acknowl-
edge technical considerations is considered
indispensable On the other hand, working-
class youth clubs reject aesthetic preoccupa-
tions and express their love of technology by
making the darkroom the heart of the camera
club They promote their own relationship to
technology and to culture by proclaiming
what they see as the victory of instrument
over nature Faced with these opposing
perspectives, photography seems unable to
establish an autonomous aesthetic
Photographic artists who exhibit their work
want to minimize the contradiction between
the social uses of photography and its practice
as art, yet the contradiction never seems
entirely forgotten Discontinuity also presents
a problem While taking, developing, and
printing photographs are creative acts, the
process is a fragmented one and disruptive to
the continuity of inspiration The threats of
repetition and copying are constant One way
out of the dilemma is to deny the authority of
the process, as Man Ray did (p 140)
Insecurity leads to polemics, yet all artists
agree on the necessity to seek consecration by
establishing photographic museums
The final study examines professional
photographers in their diversity of training,
status, income, and specialization, the last of
which follows a hierarchical pattern For
example, prestigious specializations such as
Commentary on the
I should like first of all to thank
Contempo-rary Sociology (and Vera Zolberg) for having
offered me this opportunity to pursue the
dialogue with American colleagues that has
always been of great importance to me Why
fashion photography preferably employ mem- bers of the upper classes
The version of the book that we are given here differs from the French original in several ways The title of the French edition,
A Middle-Brow Art: An Essay on the Social Uses of Photography (my translation), is more modest and more accurate Two chap- ters on press and publicity photography are missing, as well as the original version's conclusion on the symbolic and imaginary aspects of photography, all written by collab- orators Missing also are the methodological appendices I could accept more easily this truncated version if the book had a postscript with Bourdieu's reflections on the changes likely to have occurred since the book was first published For example, has the creation
of photographic museums served to legitimate photographic practice as an art form with an autonomous aesthetic? Do the high prices paid for artistic photographs attest to an increasingly higher place in the hierarchies of cultural legitimation? The book contains many of the ideas that Bourdieu develops more fully in Distinction; it should therefore
be read more for the light it sheds on photography itself and for the aesthetic questions that it raises than for its class analysis Finally, as Bourdieu himself would agree, this is a very French book, and the reader may wish to use it in a comparative way
The English translation is timely American readers reflecting on the recent controversy and trial surrounding the exhibition of some
of Robert Mapplethorpe's photographs may relate Bourdieu's perspective on the ambigu- ity of photography to the jury's call for testimonies whether the disputed pictures were artistic or obscene Perhaps photography has come of age-and Bourdieu helps us to see it
Collkge de France and
des hautes e'tudes en sciences sociales
not say publicly what I have often had occasion to say privately? I deeply respect the tradition of free, frank, and amicable discus- sion that has developed and persists in American universities, and I owe a great deal
Trang 3to the questions, objections, and suggestions
addressed to me, either in the course of public
seminars or in private conversations This is
not the place to describe, much less
de-nounce, the university tradition of which I am
the product and to which I am attached by the
accident of birth But I often have occasion to
think that I feel very much less at ease in a
universe that willingly defers to the master
without truly recognizing the virtues of
mastery than in a world which, as in the
American university, respects the scholar's
work according to its merits, not his person
In order to avoid giving this exchange an
overly personal turn and falling into narcissis-
tic indulgence, rather than pick up each point
of difference one by one, I prefer to try to
single out what seems to me to be their
common core I believe that it is necessary to
call to mind, first, the logic of the interna-
tional circulation of ideas and the structural
misunderstandings that it may produce Texts,
as we know, circulate without their context,
that is, without everything they owe to the
social space within which they have been
produced and, more precisely, to the fields
(scientific, in this case) in relation to which
they have been constructed It follows from
this that the categories of perception and
interpretation that readers apply to them,
themselves linked to a field of production
subject to very different traditions, run a
strong risk of being relatively inadequate
When it comes to my own work, I believe
that rather than run the risk of being totally
mistaken, it is necessary to put oneself in the
epistemological tradition that orients the
scientific mode of production of which it is
the product: I mean the mode of production
which, making of the construction of the
object, contrary to the common-sense mean-
ing, the decisive moment of scientific
re-search, refuses to disassociate the theoretical
and the empirical, the analysis of a particular
case conceived as a "particular case of the
possible," to use Bachelard's expression, and
the search for the invariant For example,
reading the book entitled The Love of Art as a
description of the public of European muse-
ums at a certain moment, or even as an
attempt to propose a model of attendance at
these places that conserve and exhibit
art-works (actually, the book contains a mathe-
matical model that adequately accounts for, at
SYMPOSIUM
least to date, the growth of museum publics)
is to make use of the very categories that it aspires to abolish and reduces the real object
of research (which does not always immedi- ately appear at the level of a single study, and even less of a single book) to the apparent object such as is defined by a certain tradition that, to simplify, I will call positivist
It was necessary to break at the same time from the sort of theorizing that thinks it is posing the problems of art and artistic perception in all their generality, whereas it is merely going around a space of theoretical possibilities marked out long ago by various philosophies, and from the short-sighted empiricism that records "data" without exam- ining the social conditions that make them possible This had to be done in order to raise the question of the genesis and structure of aesthetic disposition and competence with regard to a particular, directly observable, but theoretically constructed, case Hence, the real purpose of my enquiry into the museum public was to create the basis of a "sociology
of artistic perception" (the title of an article that I had published several years earlier) To that end I made use of the empirical materials that sociological methods gave me the means
of producing, but that could just as well have been provided by historical study of the type carried out several years later by the art historian Michael Baxandall I had begun to sketch out a study like that during my stay in Princeton in the early seventies, and it is likely that the study I was planning, besides
seeming infinitely more "chic" than a rather
crude dissection of the capacities and prefer- ences of the museum public, would have made more evident the historicity of catego- ries of perception nai'vely taken to be universal and eternal that we apply to art work Put another way, it would have brought out more clearly the social conditions of this
historical transcendental we call "taste"
(i.e., the "unthought" foundation of "pure" theories of art, of which Kantian aesthetics offers us an exemplary realization) But it is probable as well- sometimes "crudeness" has its virtues-that, by virtue of the neutralization associated both with historical distance and cultural canonization, such a study would not have had the same power of
social (and political) rupture It might not
have highlighted the economic and social
Trang 4160 S Y M P O S I U M
determinants of the distribution of artistic
dispositions and competence which the char-
ismatic ideology of "the eye" would like to
pass off as reducible to something like the
distribution of "natural" gifts The Love of
Art forces us to recognize that the disinter-
ested game of sensitivity, the pure exercise of
the faculty of feeling, in short, the sensitivity
which Kant claimed to be an a priori, has
definite historical and social preconditions
Aesthetic pleasure, that pure pleasure which
"may be experienced by any human being,"
as Kant says, is the privilege of those who
have access to the conditions (i.e., social
status) in which the "pure" and "disinterest-
ed" disposition can become durably consti-
tuted
But something else, more important and
less visible, w a s i t stake in this study as well,
all the less visible because at the time the
dominance of norms of scientistic positivism
obliged me to keep it hidden I adopted
wholeheartedly the Cartesian phrase larvatus
prodeo lest by admitting such a nearly
"philosophical" theoretical ambition, I might
spoil the scientific respectability that method-
ological rigor and the power of the proposed
mathematical model would give me In the
privileged case of artistic perception I wanted
to try to clarify the specific logic of "practical
knowledge" (the analysis of which I was
pursuing, at about the same time, with respect
to a distant empirical object-Kabyle ritual)
In short, to create an adequate theory of
artistic perception as a practical execution of
quasi-corporeal schemata that operate beneath
the level-of the concept, even though they
might be summarized into pairs of adjectives,
it was necessary to break with the intellectu-
alist approach which, even in the iconological
tradition established by Panofsky and espe-
cially in the semiological tradition, then at the
height of its popularity, tended to conceptual-
ize the perception of the artwork as an act of
decoding, a reading, by way of the typical
illusion of the lector spontaneously inclined
to what Austin called the scholastic bias [in
English in text] It was necessary to lay the
foundations for the science of aesthetic
knowledge, a particular privileged case of
practical knowledge, as a science of the
obscure and confused which is itself neither
obscure nor confused; to construct a theory of
practice as practice, that is, as an activity
based on cognitive operations involving a form of knowledge which is not that of theory, logic, and concept, yet without being, for all that, as those who sense its specificity might have it, a sort of mystical communion and ineffable participation
This is undoubtedly the aspect of my research program that is least achieved in The Love of Art That is easily understandable considering all the obstacles, especially so-cial, that prevented me from transferring to the domain of art and artistic perception (the form, par excellence, of cultivated practice) what I had established with respect to the logic of practice, thanks to meticulous analysis (it took me several years) of the ritual practices of the peasants of Kabyle I might say in passing that by ignoring altogether the chapter entitled "Irresistible Analogy" (The Logic of Practice), in which I demonstrate in painstaking detail the necessity of going beyond a structural analysis of the Kabyle mythico-ritual system to account fully for the specific logic of practice, my commentators miss out on the empirical foundation and the theoretical refinements of the analyses that I propose By doing so, they allow themselves the liberty of reducing them to a few simple
or simplistic propositions that are then available for "theoretical" comparison with other "theories "
Amicus Pluto, sed magis amica veritas: I disagree with practically everything that Scott Lash writes in his review of The Logic of Practice, and, without going into a systematic refutation of his analysis and comparisons, I must point out that it is altogether false to say that I have been "recently fascinated by ethnomethodology." I have explicitly op-posed it since my Esquisse d'une thkorie de la pratique (pp.' 163, 184, 189), published in French in 1972 (at a time when there was no talk of "structuration theory"), and I continue
to oppose it today just as resolutely, at a moment when-Scott Lash is right at least on this point-certain sociologists of the younger generation, and not the best ones in my view, import it to Paris or reinvent it, thanks to the misunderstandings fostered by the interna-tional circulation of ideas I can only refer readers to the analyses that I have developed since-the work that I have carried out on taxonomies used in scholarly judgment, critical discourse, or political thought-on the
Trang 5functioning of practical knowledge, of which
aesthetic knowledge is but a particular case,
and on the social genesis of classificatory
schemata that constitute the basic principles
of our preferences in the most diverse
domains of social existence
I have done all I could to avoid playing the
very disagreeable role, objectively and subjec-
tively, of criticizing my critics, especially
since, for lack of space, I was unable to
develop my argument with all the indispens-
able nuances This was no doubt the only way
of applying to my commentators the "princi-
ple of charity" that they have not always
applied in their reading of my works But I do
not want to conclude my remarks without
recalling once more the factors that tend to
muddle communications among scholars from
different nations and educational backgrounds:
aside from the gaps in time linked to the
slowness of translations (with the result that
books like The Love of Art or, in other
domains, The Inheritors or Reproduction
seem to repeat works that they preceded or
may have inspired), there are also intellectual
gaps resulting from the divergences between
historical traditions that tend to establish
misunderstanding at the heart of the most
ordinary, the most kindly, the most welcom-
ing communication I think that all sociolo-
gists who are concerned with the progress of
S Y M P O S I U M 161
their discipline and the internationalism that it presupposes and could encourage, should demand of the sociology of science (and, especially, of the sociology of the interna- tional circulation of scientific products) that it provide instruments of defense against the social forces and mechanisms capable of introducing the most harmful distortions in the scholarly exchanges most concerned with scientific and ethical rigor
References
Baxandall, Michael 1972 Painting and Experience in Fifreenth Century Italy Oxford: Oxford University Press
Bourdieu, Pierre 1968 "Outline of a Sociological Theory of Art Perception." International Social Science Journal 20:589-612
- 1972 Esquisse d'une theiorie de la pratique, pricedee de trois etudes d'ithnographie kabyle
Geneva: Editions Droz
1987 "The Historical Genesis of a Pure Aesthetic." Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism
(special issue): 201-10
- 1989 La noblesse d'etat: grandes ecoles et esprit de corps Paris: Editions de Minuit
- 1989 "The Scholastic Point of View." Cultural Anthropology 5, no 4 (November): 380-91
- 1990 "Les Conditions sociales de la circulation internationale des idees." Romanistische Zeitschriftfitr Literarurgeschichre 14: 1-10
Bourdieu, Pierre and Loi'c J D Wacquant 1992 An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology Chicago: University
of Chicago Press