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Tác giả Bentham, Jeremy
Trường học University of Oxford
Chuyên ngành Philosophy
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The fact that, so far as the course of actual experience went, he could insist that it coincided with the customary views of ordinary life was felt, rightly, to be not enough to make it

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fact, is Dumont’s title) Bentham’s claim is that language

which looks as if it is describing what rights there actually

are is in fact suggesting what rights there ought to be That

is, instead of citing existing rights, the French Declaration

is giving reasons why there ought to be rights As

Ben-tham puts it in Anarchical Fallacies, ‘a reason for wishing

that a certain right were established, is not that right; want

is not supply; hunger is not bread’ So to suppose that such

rights actually exist is nonsense Even worse is to suppose

that we can be sure that the correct rights have been found

for all time For Bentham is a promoter of

experimenta-tion We have to keep seeing what utility is actually

pro-duced by particular systems of rights Hence it is an

additional mistake to think that any rights are unalterable

(indefeasible, imprescriptible) This mistake was also

made by the French Hence the famous slogan The

com-plete remark from which it comes is ‘natural rights is

simple nonsense: natural and imprescriptible rights,

rhetorical nonsense, nonsense upon stilts’

Natural rights was one attempted answer to the

ques-tion of the source of obedience to the state and the

condi-tions for legitimate revolution Another attempted

answer also popular in Bentham’s day was the original or

social contract This device, founding obedience on

agree-ment, was used by the leading contemporary defender of

British law William Blackstone Bentham ridicules such a

defence in his Fragment on Government For Bentham,

justi-fication of obedience to government depends upon utility,

that is upon calculation of whether the ‘probable

mis-chiefs of obedience are less than the probable mismis-chiefs of

resistance’

A contract will not work here for Bentham because, just

like rights, all real contracts are legal contracts Hence they

are produced by law and government; and cannot

there-fore be used to provide a foundation for law and

govern-ment Even if its force is not supposed to be the force of a

proper contract but merely that of a promise, or

agree-ment, this again will not help to provide justification For

whether someone (government or people) should keep

their agreements has, again, for Bentham to be tested by

the calculation of utility Yet if utility is to be the ultimate

justification of promise-keeping, it would have been

bet-ter to have started there in the first place, rather than (like

Blackstone) traversing a tortuous path through contracts,

original contracts, and largely fictional agreements Again

Bentham designates the supposed alternative source of

justification to be merely a fiction and, as he puts it in the

Fragment, ‘the indestructible prerogatives of mankind

have no need to be supported upon the sandy foundation of

a fiction’

Although all justification comes from utility, this does

not mean that Bentham can not support secondary ends;

that is, things which, if promoted, will normally tend to

increase utility He lays down four such intermediate ends

which should be promoted by the right system of law and

government: subsistence, abundance, security, equality

These form two pairs so that subsistence (the securing to

people of the means to life) takes precedence over

abun-dance; and securing people’s expectations takes precedence over equality The utilitarian argument for this depends upon the psychological claim that deprivation of the former member of each pair causes more pain than the latter Psychological assumptions also lie behind Bentham’s promotion of *equality He claims that (in general) equal increments of a good will not produce equal increments of utility (That is, he claims that there is diminishing mar-ginal utility.) Therefore, in general, provision of a particu-lar good will provide more utility for those who already have less than those who already have more; hence a gen-eral tendency towards providing goods for the less well-off; or equality

Bentham’s is a consequentialist ethic It looks towards actual and possible future states of affairs for justification

of right action, not to what happened in the past (For example, punishment is not retribution for past action, but prevention of future harms; obedience to the state is not because of some past promise, but to prevent future harms.) This is for Bentham the right, indeed the only pos-sible, way of thinking correctly about these matters It explains his central stance with regard to reform of the law The law he found was common law, made by judges, based on precedent and custom It came from history For this he wanted to substitute statute law, made by demo-cratic parliaments, and founded on reason These reasons would be independent of history and would be in terms of

*consequentialism; utilitarianism

J Dinwiddy, Bentham (Oxford, 1989).

Ross Harrison, Bentham (London, 1983).

H L A Hart, Essays on Bentham (Oxford, 1982).

David Lyons, In the Interest of the Governed (Oxford, 1991) Gerald J Postema, Bentham and the Common Law Tradition

(Oxford, 1989)

Frederick Rosen, Jeremy Bentham and Representative Democracy

(Oxford, 1983)

bent stick in water:see oar in water.

Berdyaev, Nikolai Alexandrovich(1874–1948) Influen-tial Russian religious philosopher who, after a youthful flirtation with Marxism of neo-Kantian persuasion, developed a form of Russian idealism sometimes called

‘Christian existentialism’ According to Berdyaev, what truly exists is spirit, conceived as a creative process: every existent, including God, is a self-determining subjectivity engaged in the realization of value Human beings attain personhood only if they realize their creative essence, which they may do in a society which embodies true

com-munity (sobornost') and which aspires to identity of pur-pose with God Berdyaev oppur-posed his vision of ‘personal socialism’ to both bourgeois individualism and any collect-ivism that subordinates the individual to the community

A perceptive critic of totalitarianism, he was expelled from the USSR in 1922 and settled in Paris Since the demise of the Soviet Union, Berdyaev’s writings have enjoyed

90 Bentham, Jeremy

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N A Berdyaev, The End of Our Time, tr D Attwater (London,

1933)

—— Solitude and Society, tr G Reavey (London, 1938).

—— Dream and Reality, tr K Lampert (London, 1950).

Bergmann, Gustav (1906–87) Austrian-born American

philosopher, who taught at the University of Iowa for

forty years, Bergmann disdained all versions of

*material-ism, though he did defend methodological

*behav-iourism A member of the Vienna Circle and influenced by

Moore, Russell, and Wittgenstein, Bergmann wrote

extensively on individuation, universals, and

intentional-ity, often setting out his views by contrasting them with

those of others: Meinong, Brentano, Husserl, Quine,

Strawson, and so on As an ideal-language philosopher,

Bergmann tried to design a formalism which allows for

the analytic–synthetic distinction and the syntactical

fea-tures of which point to solutions to the ontological

prob-lems Bergmann’s most striking contribution emerges in

his attempt to show that the truth-bearers of thoughts are

mental states which, though simple, have truth-makers

*materialism

Gustav Bergmann, Logic and Reality (Madison, Wis., 1964).

Bergson, Henri-Louis(1859–1941) French philosopher of

Anglo-Polish extraction who worked mainly at the Collège

de France in Paris Bergson is famous for two main

doc-trines, those of duration and the élan vital In a letter written

in 1915 he speaks of ‘the intuition of duration’ as ‘the core

of the doctrine’ which any summary of his views must start

from and constantly return to Duration is time at its most

timelike, as we might put it For the scientist time is a

homogeneous medium which can be divided into periods

of equal length, and treated for the purposes of the calculus

as analysable at the limit into an infinity of instants with no

length None of this holds for duration, which is

heteroge-neous, ever-changing without repeating itself, and cannot

be divided into instants (though one interpretation sees

Bergson as led to duration by reflecting on the calculus in

terms of Newton’s doctrine of ‘fluxions’) Duration is

*time as experienced by consciousness, and perhaps

Berg-son’s most important insight is that we do not experience

the world moment by moment but in a fashion essentially

continuous, illustrated by the way we hear a melody,

which cannot consist simply in hearing a succession of

dis-jointed notes Past, present, and future cannot be so

sep-arated that it becomes impossible for us to know of the past

because only the present is ever present to experience It is

perhaps rather strange that of the two main philosophers

of time of the late nineteenth and early twentieth

cen-turies, Bergson and McTaggart, neither seems to have paid

any attention to the other Bergson wrote his main

rele-vant works before McTaggart’s famous 1908 article, but he

never overtly reacted to it and shows no signs of being

influenced by it in his later writings (despite being fluent in

English and having lectured in England)

Born in the year of The Origin of Species Bergson was

familiar enough with the conflict between evolutionism

and religion His book Creative Evolution, introducing the élan vital as a sort of life force, probably owed its

popular-ity partly to his attempt, backed by scientific as well as philosophical arguments, to develop a non-Darwinian evolutionism that made room for religion, albeit not for orthodox Christianity He envisaged a process of constant change and development, irreversible and unrepeatable (so that biology is a fundamentally different science from

physics), and governed by the élan, which uses effort and

subtlety to overcome the resistance of matter (an echo of

the divine Craftsman in Plato’s Timaeus?), but is not drawn

by some pre-envisaged end, for that would be a mere

‘inverted mechanism’

Later in life Bergson turned his attention to morality Just

as duration could never be generated from time considered

as isolated moments (an argument he also used against Zeno’s paradoxes of motion), so, he claimed, universal benevolence could never be achieved by starting with group loyalties and making the groups ever wider Group loyalty always required a contrasting out-group, and could

be transcended only by a qualitative leap of the sort taken

by mystics in their love of all mankind

Another application Bergson makes of his general phil-osophy comes in his treatment of *laughter in the short book of that name Man is a spiritual outgrowth in a world which works, along with his body, on mechanical prin-ciples, and laughter arises when he is seen as reverting to the mechanical level, primitively when he slips on a banana skin, sophisticatedly when his conscious actions unconsciously mimic the mechanical a.r.l

*evolution

H.-L Bergson, The Creative Mind (New York, 1946; French

origi-nal 1934) Good starting-point

L Kolakowski, Bergson (London, 1985) Brief introduction.

A R Lacey, Bergson (London, 1989) General critique of

Berg-son’s philosophy

Berkeley, George(1685–1753) Berkeley is a most striking and even unique phenomenon in the history of philoso-phy There have been many philosophers who have constructed bold and sweeping, often strange and aston-ishing, metaphysical systems Some, particularly in the English tradition—for example, Thomas Reid in the eight-eenth century or G E Moore in the twentieth—have been devoted to the clarification and defence of ‘common sense’ And some have made it their chief concern to defend religious faith and doctrine against their perceived enemies It is the peculiar achievement of Berkeley that, with high virtuosity and skill, he contrived to present him-self in all these roles at once His readers have differed in their assessments of the relative weights to be accorded to these not clearly compatible concerns It is easy to read him as primarily a fantastic metaphysician—a line taken,

to his baffled chagrin, by almost all his own contempor-aries More recently some, by reaction against this, have perhaps tended to overstress his credentials as the

Berkeley, George 91

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champion of *common sense His religious apologetics, if

scarcely his dominant interest, were unquestionably

sin-cere But mainly one should try to see how, not merely

temperamentally but as a lucid theorist, he really did

con-trive to make a coherent whole of his diverse concerns

The works on which Berkeley’s fame securely rests

were written when he was a very young man Born and

educated in Ireland, he first visited England in 1713, when

he was 28, and his Three Dialogues between Hylas and

Philo-nous was published in that year But he had by then already

published his Essay towards a New Theory of Vision (1709)

and his major work A Treatise Concerning the Principles of

Human Knowledge (1710) His later philosophical writings

do little more than defend, amplify, and in one or two

respects amend the comprehensive views thus early

arrived at It is, in fact, evident from his correspondence

that in his later years concern with philosophical issues

was for long periods wholly displaced by other interests

In this respect he differs markedly from John Locke—the

chief target of his criticism—whose Essay Concerning

Human Understanding (1690), long meditated and much

revised, did not appear till its author was nearly 60 The

young Berkeley was apt to commend Locke’s thoughts,

not without irony, as quite creditable for one so far

advanced in years

A major motive of Locke’s philosophy—with which

Berkeley was well acquainted in his student days—was to

work out the implications of the great achievements of

seventeenth-century science It had been established

beyond all question, he took it, that the material universe

was really, essentially a system of bodies mechanically

interacting in space—bodies ‘made’, so to speak, of

mat-ter, and really possessing just those qualities (*primary

qualities) required for their mechanical mode of

oper-ation—‘solidity, figure, extension, motion or rest, and

number’ This was the bedrock of Locke’s position These

bodies operate on, among other things, the sense-organs

of human beings—either through actual contact with the

‘external object’ or, as in vision, by ‘insensible particles’

emitted or reflected from it This mechanical stimulation

in due course reaches the brain, and thereupon causes

*‘ideas’ to arise in the mind; and these are the items of

which the observer is really aware In some respects these

ideas faithfully represent to the mind the actual character

of the ‘external world’—bodies really do have ‘solidity’,

etc.—but in others not; ideas of, for instance, sound,

colour, and smell have no real counterparts in physical

reality, but are merely modes in which a suitably

consti-tuted observer is affected by the appropriate mechanical

stimuli

Berkeley came very early to regard this picture of the

world as at once absurd, dangerous, and repulsive It was

absurd, he argued, because it implied a fantastic

*scepti-cism, plainly intolerable to good common sense For how

could an observer, aware only of his own ideas, know

anything of Locke’s ‘external world’? Locke himself had

insisted that colour, for example, is only an apparent, not a

real, feature of that world; but how, in fact, could he know

that our ideas correctly represent to us, in any respect, the world’s actual character? A sceptic has only to suggest that our ideas perhaps mislead us not merely in some ways, but

in every way, and it is evident that Locke is left helpless before that suggestion—unable, indeed, even to assure himself that any ‘external’ world actually exists That is surely, for any person of good sense, an intolerable position

But it is also dangerous, Berkeley holds For—besides this general leaning towards an absurd scepticism—the

*‘scientism’, as one may perhaps call it, of Locke’s doc-trine seemed to lead naturally towards materialism and,

by way of universal causal determinism, to atheism also, and therefore, in Berkeley’s view, to the subversion of all morality God is brought in by Locke as the designer, cre-ator, and starter of the great Machine; but could he show that matter itself was not eternal, with no beginning and

no creator? Might God turn out to be superfluous? Again, though Locke himself had made the supposition that minds are ‘immaterial substances’ and no doubt hoped to sustain a Christian view of the soul, he had confessed that

he could not disprove the counter-suggestion that con-sciousness might be merely one of the properties of mat-ter, and so wholly dependent on the maintenance of certain purely physical conditions Thus Locke’s theories

at best permit, at worst positively encourage, denial of God’s existence and the soul’s immortality; with that denial religion falls and, in Berkeley’s view, drags morality after it

Finally, it is clear from, though less explicit in, Berke-ley’s words that he was simply oppressed and repelled by the notion of the universe as a vast machine Locke loved mechanisms He delighted in metaphors of *clocks and engines, springs, levers, and wheels, and indeed took mechanics to be the paradigm of satisfactory intelligibil-ity All this Berkeley detested God’s creation, he was sure, could not really be like that—particularly if, in order to maintain that it is, we have to assert that its actual appear-ance is delusive, that ‘the visible beauty of creation’ is to be regarded as nothing but ‘a false imaginary glare’ Why, to embrace such a nightmare, should we deny the evidence

of our senses?

What then was to be done? Berkeley thought that the solution of all these perplexities was obvious, luminously simple, and ready to hand As he wrote in his notebook, ‘I wonder not at my sagacity in discovering the obvious though amazing truth, I rather wonder at my stupid

inad-vertency in not finding it out before.’ The solution was to deny the existence of *matter.

First, Berkeley insists, this odd-looking denial is wholly supportive of common sense On Locke’s own admission

we are never actually aware of anything but our own ideas; to deny the existence, then, of his ‘external objects’, material bodies, is not to take away anything that has ever entered into our experience But not only so; it must also put an end to all sceptical questioning For Locke was obliged to concede to the sceptic that our ideas might mis-lead us about the real character of things, precisely

92 Berkeley, George

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because he had regarded things as something other than,

merely ‘represented’ by, our ideas But if, eliminating the

supposed material body, we adopt the view that the

ordin-ary objects of experience simply are ‘collections of ideas’,

it will be plainly impossible to suggest that things may not

be as they appear to us—even more so, to suggest that

their very existence might be doubted If an apple is not an

‘external’ material body, but a collection of ideas, then I

may be entirely certain—as of course, Berkeley says, any

person of good sense actually is—both that it exists, and

that it really has the colour, taste, texture, and aroma that

I find in it Doubt on so simple a matter could only seem to

arise as a result of the quite needless assertion that things

exist, distinct from and in superfluous addition to the ideas

we have

But surely, it may be objected, our ideas have causes

We do not generate our own ideas just as we please; they

plainly come to us from some independent source; and

what could this be, if not the ‘external world’? But this

point redounds wholly, Berkeley claims, to his own

advantage For to cause is to act; and nothing is genuinely

active but the will of an intelligent being Locke’s

inani-mate inani-material bodies, therefore, could not be true causes

of anything; that ideas occur in our minds as they do, with

such admirable order, coherence, and regularity, must be

by the will of an intelligent being And of course we know

that there is such a Being—God, eternal, omnipresent,

omnipotent, ‘in whom we live, and move, and have our

being’, ‘who works all in all, and by whom all things

con-sist’ Berkeley wonders at the ‘stupidity and inattention’ of

men who, though every moment ‘surrounded with such

clear manifestations of the Deity, are yet so little affected

by them, that they seem as it were blinded with excess of

light’ (Principles, para 149).

Finally—and certainly, for Berkeley, most

satisfactor-ily—he finds himself in a position to put the physical

sci-entist firmly in his place For if there is no matter, no

material bodies, there are no ‘corpuscles’, no ‘insensible

particles’; that whole corpus of mechanistic physical

the-orizing in which Locke delighted cannot possibly be true,

for there is simply nothing for it to be true of At first, in

his early (though major) work the Principles, Berkeley

embraced this position in the most unqualified form

There is a modest role for the scientist, he there argued, in

observation and description of the objects of experience,

in the search for true generalizations about the course of

our ideas, that is, of natural phenomena; but all reference

to items supposedly ‘underlying’—supposedly

explana-tory of, and according to Locke more ‘real’ than—human

experience, must be dismissed as moonshine, the product

of mere confusion But later—regarding, perhaps, as

over-drastic this wholesale dismissal of not only Locke but also,

for example, Gassendi, Newton, and Boyle—he devised a

strikingly ingenious variant position in which, though

running hopelessly against the main tendency of his age,

he foreshadowed the ideas of many contemporary

philosophers of science In his pamphlet De Motu of 1721,

he still maintained that corpuscular theories of matter, for

example, or the particle theory of light could not be true; but they may nevertheless be allowed, not indeed as truths, but as useful fictions The ‘theory’ of the corpuscu-lar structure of matter makes possible the exact mathe-matical expression of formulae, by which we can make very valuable calculations and predictions; but there is no need to make the supposition that the corpuscles and par-ticles of that theory actually exist So long as it is useful to

us to speak and to calculate as if they exist, let us so speak

and calculate Such intellectual dodges ‘serve the purpose

of mechanical science and reckoning; but to be of service

to reckoning and mathematical demonstrations is one thing, to set forth the nature of things is another’ It is Locke’s concession, one might say, to the physical

scien-tist of metaphysical authority that Berkeley, at every stage,

implacably opposes

Two of Berkeley’s later works may be mentioned

briefly His Alciphron (1732) is a long work in dialogue

form, in which the tenets of Anglican orthodoxy are defended against various types of ‘free-thinking’ and

*deism Though able enough, it suffers from the artificial-ity of the convention, and has limited interest now that the controversies which prompted it are moribund His last

work was Siris (1744), a very strange, even baffling

pro-duction, in which a most uncharacteristically rambling, ponderous, and speculative statement of some part of his earlier opinions leads on to an inquiry into the virtues of

*tar-water, a medicine which Berkeley made popular, and for the promotion of which he worked in his later years with surprising zeal

Berkeley’s main work was slow to exert any influence

on philosophy, though his limited early Essay on vision

became fairly well known His criticism of Locke, though not always ideally fair, was for the most part powerful and well taken; and the transition to his own remarkable doc-trine of a wholly non-material, theocentric universe,

whose esse was percipi, and in which human ‘spirits’ were

conceived of as conversing directly with the mind of God, was at least a feat of dazzling ingenuity But this doctrine was too extraordinary to be taken quite seriously The fact that, so far as the course of actual experience went, he could insist that it coincided with the customary views of ordinary life was felt, rightly, to be not enough to make it actually the same—he was far indeed from being accepted

as the friend of common sense His strikingly original

phil-osophy of science—really the fundamental area in which

he dissented from Locke—was also much less persuasive then than it would be if it were propounded today In the early eighteenth century it was still possible, even natural,

to regard physical theory as merely a kind of extension of ordinary observation, offering—or at any rate aiming at— literal truths of just the same kind, and couched in much the same terms, as those of everyday experience Today the sophistication of physical theory has made this difficult, or indeed impossible, to believe; but to deny it then was prob-aby felt not only to be perverse and unnecessary, but also— entirely rightly, in Berkeley’s case—to constitute an attempt to undermine the physicist’s prestige It was his

Berkeley, George 93

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misfortune that he opposed, even hated, the ‘scientific

world-view’ at a time when that view was in the first flush

of its general ascendancy

Berkeley was born near Kilkenny, and educated at

Kilkenny College and, from 1700, at Trinity College,

Dublin He was a Fellow of that college—though often

absent—from 1707 to 1724 Ordained in 1709, he was

appointed Dean of Derry in 1724, and Bishop of Cloyne in

1734 He married in 1728, and died at his lodgings in

Holy-well Street, Oxford, in 1753, while overseeing the

intro-duction of his son George to Christ Church Berkeley’s

life, apart from his philosophical writings, is remarkable

chiefly for his curious attempt in middle life to establish a

college in Bermuda The purpose of this project was

mainly missionary Berkeley’s hope was to attract to his

college both the colonial settlers of America and the

indigenous American Indians, so that they would in due

course return to their communities as ministers of religion

and purveyors of enlightenment As Dean of Derry he

devoted to this scheme his considerable energies, powers

of persuasion, and personal charm, and at first succeeded

in securing for it both private and official backing He was

granted a charter, raised substantial funds by private

sub-scription, and was even promised an ample parliamentary

grant But the scheme was really impracticable, and was in

the end recognized to be so Bermuda—as he was perhaps

not clearly aware—is far too distant from the American

mainland to have been an attractive location for his

insti-tution Berkeley himself set out boldly for America in

1728, but in his absence doubts and hesitations began to

prevail in London He waited nearly three years for his

promised grant to be paid over, but in 1731 the Prime

Min-ister, Walpole, discreetly indicated that there was no

prospect that his hopes would be gratified The house

at Newport, Rhode Island, which Berkeley built and

*empiricism; Irish philosophy; esse est percipi.

George Berkeley, Works, ed A A Luce and T E Jessop, 9 vols.

(London, 1949–57)

J Foster and H Robinson (eds.), Essays on Berkeley (Oxford, 1985).

G W Pitcher, Berkeley (London, 1977).

I C Tipton, The Philosophy of Immaterialism (London, 1974).

G J Warnock, Berkeley (London, 1953; reissued Oxford, 1982).

K Winkler, Berkeley: An Interpretation (Oxford, 1989).

Berlin, Isaiah(1909–97) Berlin was born in Riga, Latvia,

into a Jewish family that migrated to England in 1919 in the

wake of the Bolshevik Revolution He studied at Oxford

and taught philosophy there in the 1930s, becoming a

sig-nificant part of the movement that developed into

‘ordin-ary language’ philosophy, and publishing influential

papers on the logic of counterfactual conditionals He

wrote his first book in 1939, on Karl Marx During the war,

he had diplomatic postings in Washington and, briefly,

Moscow (‘one week’s work in an embassy—that is my

experience—is less of a strain than one day’s teaching at

Oxford’) and met outstanding Russian writers such as

Pasternak and Akhmatova Back in Oxford, Berlin’s

inter-ests shifted more to the history of ideas with particular ref-erence to political thought, and in 1957 he was knighted and appointed to the Chair of Social and Political Theory at Oxford He was the first President of Wolfson College, Oxford (1966–75), and President of the British Academy from 1974 to 1978

Berlin was rare amongst historians of thought and phil-osophy in being himself a substantial philosopher, and it is this, plus considerable powers of empathy and a wide range of learning, that gives his explorations of the work and impact of thinkers as diverse as Vico and de Maistre, Machiavelli and Herder, such power and fascination A lifelong secular liberal, Berlin’s writings on liberal theory have had a lasting impression on contemporary political philosophy, his discussions of the concepts of negative and positive liberty being his best-known contribution Equally significant, however, has been his passionate advocacy of the view that the ends of life cannot form a unified whole

Although his concerns and heroes were eclectically European, Berlin’s method and intellectual temper were rooted in English philosophical tradition with its stress on clarity, argument, and vigorous debate c.a.j.c

*liberty

I Berlin, Against the Current (New York, 1980).

—— Four Essays on Liberty (Oxford, 1969), reissued with a fifth essay as Liberty (Oxford, 2002).

Bernoulli’s theorem. The theorem is named after the Swiss mathematician who first proved it, Jakob Bernoulli

It is also known as the ‘weak law of large numbers’, and was historically the first of a cluster of famous limit the-orems of mathematical *probability It states that if

succes-sive outcomes, A and not-A, of a sequence of n trials are independent, and the probability of A at each trial is p, then the probability that the relative frequency of As in the n trials differs from p by more than an arbitrarily small number tends to 0 as n increases The relation between

probabilities and frequencies established by the theorem led many people, including Bernoulli, to believe that prob-abilities could be inferred from observed frequencies Whether such an inference is possible is still unresolved

c.h

W Feller, An Introduction to Probability Theory and its Applications

(New York, 1950)

Berry’s paradoxis credited to G G Berry by Bertrand Russell The phrase ‘the least integer not nameable in fewer than nineteen syllables’ consists of eighteen sylla-bles Thus the assumption that there is an ‘integer not nameable ’ etc., and that the phrase names it, is contra-dictory Russell claimed that the phrase ‘denotes’ 111,777, thus involving himself in the contradiction The truth

is that 111,777 can be named such things as ‘Russell’s Berry

example number’ or even ‘Joe’ (Nameability in zero syl-lables raises some interesting questions which, fortunately, needn’t be discussed to justify dismissing Berry’s puzzle as

94 Berkeley, George

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not deeply paradoxical.) Both the assumptions leading to

the *paradox are false Read aloud, ‘111,777’ has nineteen

syllables, but being named in some way must not be

Bertrand Russell and A N Whitehead, Principia Mathematica

(Cambridge, 1961), 61

Bertrand’s paradox,due to Joseph Bertrand, brings out

an inconsistency in certain *a priori ways of calculating

*probability What is the probability that the length k of a

‘randomly selected’ chord to a given circle is less than the

length l of a side of an equilateral triangle inscribed in the

circle? Viewing the chord as determined by a line through

a point p on the circumference, k < l if and only if the angle

between the chord and a tangent at p is either < 60° or

> 120° This is ⅔ the possible angles, which suggests that

the probability that (k < l ) =⅔ But one of many other

pos-sibilities is to view the chord as determined by a

perpen-dicular to a radius k < l if and only if the perpenperpen-dicular

intersects the radius over half-way between the mid-point

of the circle and the circumference, suggesting the

prob-ability that (k < l ) =½ The ‘a priorist’ technique of

finding a ‘random’ method to generate the chord and then

dividing the possibilities for that method to get the

prob-ability thus seems to lead to inconsistency, unless some

method can be shown to be the ‘right’ one j.c

Joseph Bertrand, Calcul des probabilités (1889), 4–5; cited by

William Kneale, Probability and Induction (Oxford, 1952).

Bhagavadgı¯ta¯ ‘Song of God’, a part of the ancient (fifth to

second century bc) epic Maha¯bha¯rata In the Bhagavadgı¯ta¯

a brave but conscientious prince weakens and turns

paci-fist in the wake of a fratricidal civil war A philosophical

dis-course by Krishna, who is the Hindu God-in-human form,

is designed to goad him back to his soldierly duty and to his

‘own nature’ It runs to 650 Sanskrit verses, commented

upon for over 1,000 years by Indian philosophers of

vari-ous persuasions It is famvari-ous for metaphysical arguments

for the immortality of the soul, the doctrine of a Supreme

Person (God), transcending but ontologically supporting

both individual consciousness and matter, and a subtle

moral psychology of action vis-à-vis inaction It teaches

spiritual detachment even in the midst of constant

com-mitment to the most violent of professions Synthesizing

work, worship, and wisdom, the ensuing ethics of

moder-ation, desirelessness, and equality have a Kantian

deonto-logical ring There is the overarching theme of a blissful

liberation from the cycle of rebirths a.c

*Veda¯nta; deontological ethics; Hindu philosophy;

Indian philosophy

S´ri Aurobindo, Essays on the Gı¯ta¯ (Pondicherry, 1987).

biconditional.A conditional proposition is of the form: If

P then Q The conditional which is its converse is of the

form: If Q then P A biconditional, P if and only if Q, is

equivalent to the conjunction of a conditional and its

converse In notations of the propositional calculus a

biconditional is represented as PQ or often PQ In

the standard propositional calculus (the system of

mater-ial implication) PQ holds where P and Q have the same truth value Where PQ is a *tautology, P and Q are taken

*equivalence, logical

B Mates, Elementary Logic (Oxford, 1972).

bioethicsis the study of the moral and social implications

of developments in the biological sciences and the related technology This entails considering the value that is or should be accorded to various forms of life Are human beings morally entitled to use other living things, plants or animals, in any way that they choose? Is there a special

‘sacredness’ or ‘dignity’ attached to human life? If so, does the stage of development that a human life has reached nevertheless make a difference to the morality of des-troying it? Such questions as these are the concern of bioethics It is a subject that grew enormously in the late twentieth century, and most universities now have professional bioethicists among their members, whether interested in broadly environmental and ecological issues

or in medical applications of the new technologies Bioethics is concerned, for example, with the rights and wrongs of the genetic manipulation of crops and animals, including human animals (and at this point there is an overlap between bioethics and Green political theory) How are possible advantages to impoverished countries

of genetically modified crops, designed to resist drought

or flooding, to be weighed against the possible exploit-ation of the poor by chemical or pharmaceutical com-panies? Is there, in any case, something inherently wrong with the genetic modification of crops or cattle, different

in kind from the taking of cuttings or the selective breed-ing that has been part of horticulture and agriculture for ages past? Is the manipulation of human genes to prevent

a child’s being born with a devastating monogenetic dis-ease, such as Tay-Sachs’s disease or Duchenne’s Muscular Distrophy, different in kind from surgical intervention, or intervention by drugs, which doctors have always prac-tised in pursuit of their professional goal to alleviate suf-fering? Some regard genetic intervention as uniquely sinister; it is thought to contravene the laws of nature by artificially speeding up the kinds of changes properly brought about by the slow processes of evolution and nat-ural selection Debate about what is or is not ‘natnat-ural’ is curiously emotive Part of the work of bioethics is to analyse and evaluate such appeals to Nature

Of particular importance at the beginning of the twenty-first century have been the questions raised about embryonic stem cell research, or therapeutic cloning This

is a process by which embryos are produced, not by nor-mal conception, the fertilization of fenor-male eggs by nor-male sperm, but by cell nuclear transfer, where the nucleus of

an egg is removed and replaced by that of another; after the application of an electric current, the egg with its new nucleus can develop into an embryo This is the first part

bioethics 95

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of the process of cloning a whole animal, or reproductive

cloning If a whole animal is to be reproduced, the newly

formed embryo is placed in the uterus of a surrogate

ani-mal and brought to term Thus Dolly the sheep was

cloned at the end of the twentieth century But the

pur-pose of therapeutic cloning would be frustrated if an

embryo were allowed to develop beyond its very first

stages For at the beginning of its life the cells of the

embryo are ‘totipotent’; that is, each may develop in any

direction, to become any of the 120 or so types of cell that

make up the body, or indeed may become part not of the

embryo itself, but of the placenta or umbilical cord The

purpose of the research is to discover how to direct these

cells (embryonic stem cells) to develop in specific ways, to

become, let us say, cells belonging to the spinal cord, or

the brain, or the skin The ultimate aim is to produce

banks of cells of particular types that may be used for cell

transplant rather than whole organ transplant This would

have enormous advantages, in that parts of the body,

including the brain, could receive transplants, and

dam-aged cells would renew themselves permanently All this

is far in the future; but the possible ethical objections to

such procedures, especially centred on the fact that

embryos would be created and then destroyed when their

use was over, are already among the issues to be argued by

bioethicists

In fact, at the core of much of their philosophical

con-cern is the status that should be accorded to the human

embryo In the UK human embryos may be used for

research up to fourteen days after their creation (whether

by fertilization etc or by nuclear transfer) The Human

Fertilization and Embryology Act (1990) enshrined that

principle in law At that time, embryos might be used only

for research into issues concerned with fertility, infertility,

and contraception Later, regulations were introduced

through Parliament which permitted their use in research

into therapeutic cloning, but the fourteen-day limit

remained The reason for this cut-off point was

physio-logical Until fourteen or fifteen days from the beginning of

its life, the embryo, however it was brought into being, has

no vestige of a central nervous system, and therefore can

have no conscious experiences of any kind It is impossible

to cause such an embryo pain Though its genetic identity

has been fixed, it cannot be regarded as an individual person;

indeed, it may yet divide and become twins or quadruplets

Using it for research is therefore more akin to using human

tissue than using a child or an adult experimentally

Such considerations fell, and still fall, to be considered

by bioethicists For despite the largely evidence-based

arguments of those who supported the 1990 law, there are

many people who dispute the moral acceptability of the

law, and would like to see it changed so that from the

moment it comes into existence an embryo is protected

from being used for research and then destroyed These

people uphold the principle of the sanctity of human life,

at all its stages

This principle is strongly supported by most members

of the Roman Catholic Church, and this partly explains

the difference, on bioethical issues, between different countries, within Europe and beyond There was a period when the Roman Catholic Church, following Thomas Aquinas (himself following Aristotle), held that a human foetus becomes a full human being, acquiring a soul, at about forty or ninety days from conception, depending on its gender However, in the nineteenth century the Church decided, rightly, that there could be no certainty about when the soul entered the body, and that therefore even the earliest embryo should be given the benefit of the doubt It was therefore deemed that immediately after conception the embryo had, or probably had, a soul, and was effectively a human person, so that to destroy it was murder

Against this there is the argument put forward by, among others, John Habgood, an eminent bioethicist, a biologist turned churchman who became archbishop of York, which holds that we must, as post-Darwinians, take

a developmental view of the human embryo, as we do of the human race itself There is no one moment when the human person springs into existence The further the col-lection of cells which forms the human embryo develops, the more we are properly inclined to accord it the status of

a person, and the higher the value we attach to its life and life-chances It was such arguments as these that prevailed

in the UK in 1990 But the arguments continue, and the issue still dominates bioethics in at least one of its branches

Questions raised by the new techniques do not depend

on wholly new moral principles But they involve apply-ing moral principles to sometimes wholly new possibil-ities; and this in turn involves taking a newly long-term view of possible consequences for society How would it

be if people could choose the sex of their babies, or, more startling, choose to alter their genetic make-up before birth? Could society tolerate a world in which the mixture

of genes a child was born with was no longer a matter of chance but could be ‘designed’ deliberately? What, if any,

is the fundamental moral objection to the cloning of human beings, supposing such a thing were ever to become safe enough to try? Such questions, which used to

be strictly a matter of science fiction, now seem nearer

to reality, and it is the fear of such a reality that causes bioethicists to be in increasing demand Their task is to help people to think clearly about how, in the light of our new knowledge, we value, or ought to value, life in all its form, and at all stages of development m.warn

John C Avise, The Genetic Gods (Cambridge, Mass., 1998) John Habgood, Being a Person (London, 1998).

Arlene Klotzko (ed.), The Cloning Sourcebook (Oxford, 2001) Onora O’Neill, Autonomy and Trust in Bioethics (Cambridge,

2002)

Steven Rose, Lifelines (Harmondsworth, 1998).

Gregory Stock, Redesigning Humans (London, 2002).

Mary Warnock, Making Babies (Oxford, 2002).

biological naturalism.The view that mental phenomena such as *consciousness and *intentionality are natural

bio-96 bioethics

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logical phenomena on a par with growth, digestion, or

photosynthesis Biological naturalism is defined by two

main theses: (1) all mental phenomena from pains, tickles,

and itches to the most abstruse thoughts are caused by

lower-level neurobiological processes in the brain; (2)

mental phenomena are higher-level features of the brain

Mental phenomena are thus ‘emergent’ in the sense

that they are causally explained by the behaviour of

lower-level elements which do not in themselves individually

have these features Thus, according to biological

natural-ism, the brain is conscious and consciousness is caused by

the behaviour of lower-level elements such as neurons

even though no single neuron is conscious Formally

speaking, relations of this sort are common and

unmysterious in nature For example, a whole system can

be in a liquid state, and the liquid behaviour can be caused

by the behaviour of the molecules even though no single

molecule is liquid Biological naturalism does not deny

that alternative forms of chemistry might be able to cause

consciousness but insists that since mental phenomena

are in fact caused by brain processes any other system that

caused mental phenomena would have to have causal

*anomalous monism; cloning; mind; mind–body

problem

John R Searle, Intentionality: An Essay in the Philosophy of Mind

(Cambridge, 1983)

—— Minds, Brains, and Science (Cambridge, Mass., 1984).

—— The Rediscovery of the Mind (Cambridge, Mass., 1992).

biology, philosophical problems of.The most

distinct-ive feature of biology, from a philosophical point of view,

is its characteristic use of functional or *teleological

explan-ations These are explanations in which some biological

trait is explained by showing how it is useful for the

organ-ism in question For example, the function of the polar

bear’s white fur is to camouflage it; the function of human

sweating is to lower body temperature; and so on The

philosophically interesting aspect of these explanations is

their apparent commitment to teleology: they seem to

explain items (the whiteness, the sweating) in terms of

their consequences (the camouflage, the cooling) By

con-trast, normal causal explanations run in the other

direc-tion, and account for consequences in terms of their

causes

Until fairly recently most philosophers of biology took

these explanations at face value, and argued that the parts

of integrated systems, like biological organisms, can

legit-imately be explained in terms of their contribution to the

well-being of the whole In particular, Carl Hempel

argued that such explanations were a subspecies of

cover-ing-law explanations This approach is now widely

rejected, however Most contemporary philosophers of

biology now hold that functional explanations in biology

are in fact disguised causal explanations, which explain

biological traits not by looking forward to future beneficial

results, but by looking backwards to the past evolutionary

his-tories in which such results led to the natural selection

of the traits in question Thus the functional explanation

of the polar bear’s whiteness does not refer to the future camouflaging of the bears, but to the fact that their past camouflaging led to the natural selection of their whiteness

The centrality of the Darwinian theory of *evolution by natural selection to biological thinking raises a number of further philosophical issues An initial question is whether the theory has any real predictive content, or whether the thesis of ‘the survival of the fittest’ simply collapses into the empty truism that ‘whatever survives, survives’ However, there are ways of formulating the theory so that

‘fit’ acquires a meaning which is independent of survival

A related charge is ‘adaptationism’: does not the theory

of evolution by natural selection simply invent evolution-ary ‘just so stories’ in order to portray all biological traits as having some selective benefit? In response, supporters of the theory will admit that some biological traits are acci-dents that serve no function, but will insist that there is genuine evidence to show that many other traits have been selected because of their effects, and that this process

of selection has been crucial to the evolution of species

At a more detailed level, there is controversy about which ‘units of selection’ are involved in Darwinian processes Should we think of natural selection as operat-ing primarily on groups, or individuals, or genes? Some progress with this knotty issue has been made by distin-guishing ‘replicators’, in the form of the genes which embody the lasting effects of selection, from ‘vehicles’, such as individuals and groups, whose survival is usually the prerequisite for gene survival

Work on the logic of natural selection has led to the development of sociobiology, which seeks to understand animal social behaviour as the genetically based product

of natural selection Critics of sociobiology object that much behaviour is non-genetic, especially in higher ani-mals and humans Some sociobiologists deny this claim Others respond that, even if environmental influences on behaviour are also important, it is still valuable to under-stand the evolutionary pressures on those genes which do affect behaviour

Biology, along with other special sciences like psychol-ogy, geolpsychol-ogy, meteorolpsychol-ogy, and so on, raises the issue of

*reductionism Most contemporary philosophers of biol-ogy are reductionists at least to the extent of denying ‘vital spirits’ or other emergent biological substances, and accepting the *supervenience of biological properties on physical properties Far fewer, however, are reductionists in the stricter sense of believing that all biological laws can be explained by physical laws Instead they hold that there are

sui generis biological laws, patterns which are common to

biological systems with different physical make-ups, and which therefore cannot be explained in terms of physical

*causality

D Hull and M Ruse (eds.), Philosophy of Biology (Oxford, 1998).

P Kitcher, Vaulting Ambition (Cambridge, Mass., 1985).

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A Rosenberg, The Structure of Biological Science (Cambridge,

1985)

E Sober, The Nature of Selection (Cambridge, Mass., 1984).

K Sterelny and P Griffiths, Sex and Death: An Introduction to

Phil-osophy of Biology (Chicago, 1999).

bivalence. Semantic principle to the effect that every

statement is either true or false Intuitionists refuse to

affirm this, since for them it would amount to affirming

that every statement can either be proved or disproved,

which no one believes Three familiar putative

counter-examples are: (1) *vagueness: perhaps ‘This is red’ is

nei-ther true nor false of a borderline case; (2) the *liar paradox

sentence: ‘This sentence is not true’; (3) *reference failure:

if there is no elephant present ‘That elephant has a lean

and hungry look’ is arguably neither true nor false

Defenders of bivalence tend to urge that putative

counter-examples are not genuine statements. r.m.s

*intuitionism

W Kneale and M Kneale, The Development of Logic (Oxford, 1962).

Black, Max (1909–88) Influential for contributions to

philosophy of language, philosophy of mathematics and

science, philosophy of art, conceptual analysis, and

inter-pretative studies of figures such as Wittgenstein and

Frege

Born in Baku, Azerbaijan, he was educated in England

and emigrated to the United States in 1940 In 1977 he

retired as professor at Cornell University but continued in

the programme on science, technology, and society

There are over 200 items in Black’s bibliography His

first book critically explores the formalist, logicist, and

intuitionist accounts of mathematics It remains a staple

Black was no system-builder His preoccupation was with

conceptual clarity and sound argument directed toward

well-delineated questions or puzzles concerning, inter

alia, meaning, rules, vagueness, choice, and metaphor.

Throughout his work he showed an uncommon

appreci-ation of common language and common sense r.b.m

Max Black, Language and Philosophy (Ithaca, NY, 1949).

—— Models and Metaphors (Ithaca, NY, 1962).

—— The Nature of Mathematics (London, 1933).

—— The Prevalence of Humbug (Ithaca, NY, 1983).

black box.A black box is a system whose internal

work-ings are unknown or irrelevant to current purposes The

computer model of the mind treats the mind as a system

that itself is composed of interacting systems, which

themselves may be composed of further interacting

sys-tems, and so on The bottom-level primitive processors,

the black boxes that cognitive science leaves unopened,

are understood behaviouristically: what they do (their

input–output function) is in the domain of cognitive

sci-ence, but how they do it is not (How they do it is in the

domain of electronics or neurophysiology, etc.) Via the

hierarchy of systems, cognitive science explains

intelli-gence, by reducing the capacities of an intelligent system

to the interactions among the capacities of unintelligent systems, grounded in the bottom-level black boxes But the model does not explain *intentionality in this way since the bottom-level black boxes are themselves

N Block, ‘The Computer Model of the Mind’, in D Osherson and

E Smith (eds.), An Invitation to Cognitive Science, iii: Thinking

(Cambridge, Mass., 1990)

Blackburn, Simon(1944– ) Professor at Cambridge, for-merly at Oxford and North Carolina, known for his defence of *quasi-realism about items whose reality has been much disputed—e.g values, causes, numbers As to values, he argues that the impact of the perceived world

on the mind, together with the beliefs formed thereby, generate habits, emotions, sentiments, and attitudes which come to be projected on to the world and to be regarded as real properties of that world; so commitments

of approval or disapproval become judgements with truth-values And rightly so, for values supervene on nat-ural properties Thus, such judgements are neither mere expressions of subjective sentiments nor truths which obtain independently of human attitudes And we should

be neither anti-realist nor realist about values; the right stance is quasi-realism Blackburn has also published a

suc-cessful popular introduction to philosophy, Think (1999).

o.r.j

*language, history of the philosophy of; language, problems of the philosophy of; realism and anti-realism; philosophy of language

Simon Blackburn, Spreading the Word (Oxford, 1984).

—— Essays in Quasi-Realism (Oxford, 1993).

—— Ruling Passions (Oxford, 1999).

black philosophytoday takes two principal forms In one form, it is a hermeneutic enterprise, offering explications, interpretations, and exploitations of the traditional wis-dom of African societies through the concepts and termi-nology of contemporary Western philosophy The topics typically include the general nature of being, the numin-ous, the nature of human society and the place of human beings in it, causality and agency, and action An offshoot

of this instead exploits insights and nuances available in

African languages to enrich philosophical analyses of

con-cepts dealt with in Western philosophy In its other form, black philosophy employs the analytical tools of contem-porary philosophizing in order to characterize the social history and problems of peoples of African descent to the extent that these are either peculiar to their experience or peculiarly exacerbated in their experience

The first form is enmeshed in a vigorous debate about the proper classification of the material, and in conse-quence its possible usefulness One camp proposes to treat

it as no more than ethnographic material, invaluable in clarifying self-concepts of Africans This camp, notwith-standing the practice of elders gathering in conversation, regards the material a priori as lacking in individual

98 biology, philosophical problems of

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contributions or modifications and critical debate,

prin-cipally because it was originally unscripted; for this camp

proposes scripted authorship and critical debate as sine qua

non tests for the rubric of philosophy It describes the

hermeneutic account as ethnophilosophy.

A second camp postulates that the tradition is an

evolv-ing result of the collaboration of individual elders whose

discussions and debates are submerged, by the nature of

the case, in the tenets of the oral tradition It is noted that,

even in the case of the literate early Pythagoreans, critical

debate does not appear to have been permitted, and it

remains a highly speculative thing to impute a specific

view to any of them Indeed, all their accepted views seem

to have been ascribed to Pythagoras himself, even well

after his death, irrespective of their actual source

In fact, the idea of philosophy, like that of any discipline,

is quite variable, and there is hardly ever a single

overrid-ing paradigm sufficiently protean to fit philosophy or any

other discipline at every stage in its history For example,

much of what is admired today as ancient Greek

philoso-phy does not satisfy contemporary notions of philosophiloso-phy,

and some did not satisfy even Aristotle’s! It would be

equally pointless to try to bring the diversity of today’s

philosophical practices under a single paradigm

A broader view can discern philosophy at different

points in its evolutionary tree, and can penetrate the

den-sity of the idiom of African philosophy and recognize the

philosophical aspects of its preoccupation and content,

and thereby avoid the superficiality of an inflexible

equa-tion of idiom with myth It thus becomes clear, for example,

that of two West African peoples, the Diola proposed

corporeally expressed force as a cosmological principle,

denied it a temporal beginning, and made it inexhaustible,

indestructible, and all-encompassing General quantitative

variations in it were taken to express its creative energy,

and the actualizations of these variations constitute the

diversity of natural forms Different orders of being come

about through a progressive lessening in its

expressive-ness By contrast, the celebrated Dogon people postulated

an extremely dense body for their cosmological principle,

and, by appeal to concepts of prefiguration and specific

motions, sought to explain principal and determinative

categories of nature, the four elemental natural masses of

air, fire, water, and earth, as well as consciousness and

human society, etc Data like the above enjoy a cultural

and historical centrality, but their hermeneutic

explica-tion and its tools are transcultural and transhistorical In its

variety of versions, the above kind of black philosophy (or

African philosophy) is today supported by a rapidly

grow-ing literature

The other form of black philosophy is an independent

movement and not a direct development from African

philosophy It is the more vigorous, the more fully

estab-lished, and the clearer in its aims and methods It is centred

in the United States Avoiding metaphysical issues, it

con-centrates on the development of normative concepts of

the identity and emancipation beyond sheer liberty of the

black peoples of the Americas and on strategies for their

application towards social reconstruction of American societies Issues of race and moral attitudes and actions become dominant in it The discussion of race, however,

is, only now overcoming a remarkable denial of the reality

of race which merely confused the factitious with the ficti-tious This form of black philosophy uses techniques of

analytical philosophy to re-cluster and redefine concepts relating to issues of social identity, social and economic emancipation and justice, and relations between cultures

It uses the re-clustered and redefined concepts to direct the critique of phenomena relating to them It calls to its aid the categories and syntheses of the European contin-ental tradition in philosophy in the endeavour to develop and illuminate strategies for the existential grounding

of historical readings and the elimination of reifying processes and bad faith in the continuance of racist displays

It has reinvigorated its topics by making the black experience salient as a modifier of the intuitions, ideals, common sense, and persuasiveness of argumentation in the social and normative domain In this way, it has shed considerable light on its topics, especially those of social discrimination, affirmative action, and the underclass Its intention, however, is not the mere clarification of con-cepts, but the promotion of emancipation beyond liberty

w.e.a

*negritude

Gordon R Lewis (ed.), Existence in Black: An Anthology of Black Existential Philosophy (New York, 1997).

Henry O Oruka, ‘Sage Philosophy’, in R H Coetzee and A P J

Roux (eds.), The African Philosophy Reader (London, 1998).

Kwasi Wiredu, ‘How not to Compare African Thought with

Western Thought’, in R Wright (ed.), African Philosophy: An Introduction (Washington, DC, 1979).

George Yancy (ed.), ‘Lewis R Gordon’, in African-American Philosophers (New York, 1998).

bladders of philosophy

Reason, an Ignis fatuus, in the Mind, Which leaving light of Nature, sense behind;

Pathless and dang’rous wandring ways it takes, Through errors Fenny—Boggs, and Thorny Brakes; Whilst the misguided follower, climbs with pain, Mountains of Whimseys, heap’d in his own Brain:

Stumbling from thought to thought, falls headlong down, Into doubts boundless Sea, where like to drown, Books bear him up awhile, and make him try,

To swim with Bladders of Philosophy

( John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester,

‘Satyr on Mankind’, lines 12 –21) Rochester derides the tendency of philosophers and others to elevate ‘Reason, which Fifty times for one does err’ over ‘certain instinct’ He declares *reason a

‘cheat’, because it first ‘frames deep Mysteries, then finds them out’ The doubts it stirs up make ‘Cloysterd Coxcombs’ follow formulas, not appetites, and drove Diogenes to abandon the world for a tub As Rochester implies, when the reasoning mind is made indubitable

bladders of philosophy 99

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