The Economist January 12th 2019 3Contents continues overleaf1 Contents The world this week 6 A round-up of politicaland business news 27 Nicolás Maduro’s mess 28 Protecting scarlet macaw
Trang 1Red moon rising
Will China dominate science?
Trang 3The Economist January 12th 2019 3
Contents continues overleaf1
Contents
The world this week
6 A round-up of politicaland business news
27 Nicolás Maduro’s mess
28 Protecting scarlet macaws
30 Bello Brazil’s confused
foreign policy
Asia
31 Health care in Japan
32 The king of Malaysia
defeatist, page 46
On the cover
If China dominates science,
should the world worry?
Leader, page 9 It has become a
leading scientific power Can it
go on to become a great one?
Page 68
•The world’s least successful
president After a catastrophic
first term, Nicolás Maduro is
digging in for a second, page 27
•Putin threatens Belarus
As Vladimir Putin tightens his
bear-hug, the leader of Belarus
fights back, page 42 Two new
documentaries depict the
optimistic beginning and
eventual fraying of Mr Putin’s
long reign, page 73
•Pakistan: impoverished by its
army The penury of Pakistan’s
208m citizens is a disgrace—and
the army is to blame: leader,
page 11 Why Imran Khan will
struggle to make their life better:
Briefing, page 17
•How the mighty dollar falls
The fate of the greenback will
shape financial markets in 2019,
page 62 Against the dollar, other
currencies are at their cheapest
in 30 years: Graphic detail,
page 81
Trang 4PEFC certified
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Volume 430 Number 9125
Europe
42 Belarus and Russia
43 Orthodox schism
44 Pitching Fort Trump
44 Women and street signs
47 Labour’s balancing act
48 Can “no deal” be stopped?
50 Bagehot Speaker of the
House, head of the asylum
International
51 Missionaries from poor
countries target the
57 PG&E feels the heat
57 Carlos Ghosn in court
62 Buttonwood How the
mighty dollar falls
63 Studies in sexism
64 Jim jumps from theWorld Bank
64 Open banking in Europe
65 Wall Street v exchanges
66 Free exchange Down
towns
Science & technology
68 Can China become ascientific superpower?
Books & arts
73 Vladimir Putin on film
76 Who owns Kafka?
76 “Cat Person” returns
Trang 5čljĝĪĝĜĚıāęĨġĬęĤčĦĝČÿċĝĥĚĝĪĄĂćāāęĞȲīĜħĦħĬĨĪħĮġĜĝĬĠĝīęĥĝīĝĪĮġěĝīęīĚęĦģĚĪęĦěĠĝīĚĭĬĠęĮĝÿĒċīęĦĜęīīħěġęĬĝīįĠħěęĦĠĝĤĨıħĭāęĞȲīęĮęġĤęĚĤĝġĦīĝĤĝěĬĤħěęĬġħĦī ąħĬħĤħěęĬġħĦīěęĨġĬęĤħĦĝěħĥĞħĪĤħěęĬħĪĄħħĜęĦĜĚĝĮĝĪęğĝīĨĪħĮġĜĝĜĚıęĬĠġĪĜĨęĪĬıƣ! 'āęĨġĬęĤčĦĝ
Trang 66 The Economist January 12th 2019
1
The world this week Politics
America’s federal government
remained shut down, as
Demo-crats refused to fund Donald
Trump’s wall on the Mexican
border (which he had
previous-ly said Mexico would pay for)
In his first televised speech
from the Oval Office, the
president said that migrants
trying to cross the border
illegally represented a
“humanitarian and security
crisis” Democrats offered to
reopen the government by
funding everything bar the
Department of Homeland
Security Mr Trump walked out
of a meeting with them
John Bolton, Mr Trump’s
national security adviser,
assured allies that American
troops would not be leaving
Syriaquickly, all but
contra-dicting what Mr Trump had
said a few days earlier Mr
Bolton said that, before any
withdrawal, Islamic State had
to be fully defeated and Turkey
had to promise not to attack
Syrian Kurds Turkey’s
presi-dent, Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
rejected that idea, saying that
his plans for an offensive
against the Kurdish force,
which Turkey regards as a
terrorist group, were almost
complete
Family values
A Saudi teenager who had
barricaded herself into a hotel
room in Bangkok and
live-tweeted her ordeal was
de-clared a legitimate refugee by
the un Rahaf Mohammed
al-Qunun said she wanted
asylum in Australia She fears
that her family will kill her if
she is returned to Saudi
Arabia, because she has
re-nounced Islam She also fears
being forced into an unwanted
marriage
The Saudi government struck ablow for feminism, decreeingthat women whose husbands
divorcethem must be formed of this fact Courts willnotify them by text message
in-Félix Tshisekedi, an oppositioncandidate, was unexpectedlydeclared the winner of a presi-
dential election in the
Demo-cratic Republic of Congo.Pre-election polls had putanother opposition leader,Martin Fayulu, far ahead
Furious voters speculatedabout a possible stitch-up MrFayulu had vowed to investi-gate corruption within theoutgoing regime of PresidentJoseph Kabila
Protests spread across Sudan.
What began as an isolated rallyagainst high bread prices hasbecome a broad movementagainst the dictatorship ofOmar al-Bashir, who has runthe country since 1989 and isaccused of genocide in Darfur
At least 40 people have beenkilled in the protests
The constitutional court in
Madagascarconfirmed theelection of Andry Rajoelina aspresident after his opponentcomplained of electoral fraud
Mr Rajoelina took 55% of thevote in last month’s run-offagainst Marc Ravalomanana
Only doing its job Guatemala’sgovernmentordered the shutdown of theInternational Commissionagainst Impunity in Guatemala(cicig) and the expulsion of itsforeign workers within 24hours The foreign ministeraccused the un-backed body ofexceeding its authority andpoliticising its work But theconstitutional court suspend-
ed the order, setting the stagefor a confrontation cicig hasbeen investigating corruption,including allegations againstthe family of the president,Jimmy Morales
Only days before Nicolás duro was to be sworn in for asecond term as president of
Ma-Venezuela, a justice of thecountry’s supreme court fled
the country Christian Zerpacalled Mr Maduro’s regime a
“dictatorship” and said thecourt had become “an appen-dage of the executive branch”
This was an about-turn for MrZerpa, who in 2016 wrote thecourt’s opinion justifying theusurpation of the legislature’spowers by the government
Brazil’snew populist ment sent the national guard
govern-to the state of Ceará govern-to curb anoutbreak of violence Crimi-nals have staged attacks,including fire-bombings, onbanks, buses and petrolstations
A taste for travel North Korea’sdictator, KimJong Un, paid a visit to Beijingwhere he met the Chinesepresident, Xi Jinping It was his
fourth to China in ten months.
This latest trip has fuelledspeculation that he may bepreparing for another summitwith Donald Trump
Officials allowed a handful offoreign reporters to visit three
of the camps in the far western
region of Xinjiang where
human-rights groups sayhundreds of thousands ofMuslims, mostly ethnicUighurs, have been detainedand pressed to be less pious
The journalists heard residentssinging “If you’re happy andyou know it, clap your hands”
in English Xinjiang’s governorsaid the facilities had been
“extremely effective” in ing extremism
reduc-China’s anti-graft agency isinvestigating offences alleged-
ly committed by a former
vice-mayor of Beijing, Chen
Gang Mr Chen was responsiblefor urban planning in thebuild-up to the city’s Olympicgames in 2008
Ethnic Rakhine militants
attacked police posts in
Myan-mar’sRakhine state, bating tensions in the region inwhich pogroms by the armyand Rakhines againstRohingyas, a Muslim minority,led to an exodus of 800,000Rohingya refugees in 2017
exacer-The king of Malaysia, Sultan
Muhammad V of Kelantan,abdicated abruptly for undis-closed reasons The hereditarymonarchs who rule over nine
of Malaysia’s 13 states will meetsoon to pick one of their num-ber to serve a five-year term asking
Jolovan Wham, a Singaporean
activist, was found guilty oforganising a public assemblywithout a permit He hadconvened a seminar on civildisobedience
By any means necessary
In Britain a cross-party
amendment to the ment’s finance bill designed toreduce the chances of crashingout of the eu without a dealpassed by 303 to 296 votes, thefirst defeat on a budget mea-sure since 1978 Although themeasure cannot stop a no-dealBrexit, it would prevent thegovernment from varyingtaxes if there were no deal byMarch 29th And in a constitu-tionally suspect move, thespeaker of the House of Com-mons, John Bercow, permitted
govern-an amendment requiring thegovernment to outline a Plan Bwithin three days if, as expect-
ed, it loses a crucial vote on itsBrexit deal on January 15th Germany identified the alleged
hackerof the personal details
of 1,000 politicians, journalistsand celebrities: not Russia, but
a 20-year-old who lives withhis parents
Ukraine’sOrthodox churchbroke away from the patriarch-ate of Moscow This was seen
as a blow to Vladimir Putin,who prizes Russian primacyover its neighbours in mattersspiritual as well as temporal
Trang 7The Economist January 12th 2019 7
The world this week Business
Carlos Ghosnappeared in
public for the first time since
being taken into custody in
mid-November amid claims of
wrongdoing, which led to his
dismissal as Nissan’s
chair-man Mr Ghosn appeared at a
court in Tokyo where he denied
all the allegations, which
include a “breach of trust” at
Nissan and understating his
pay to the authorities He
described the claims as
“mer-itless” The court nevertheless
recommended that he remain
in custody
root-and-branch restructuring of its
operations in Europe, a
loss-making region for the
carmak-er Thousands of jobs are
expected to go Jaguar Land
Roverprepared its workers for
huge job losses in Britain
What a drag
Samsungsaid that it expects
its operating profit for the last
three months of 2018 to be
significantly lower than
ex-pected, its first decline in
quarterly profit in two years
The South Korean electronics
giant blamed weaker demand
in China, a factor that lay
be-hind Apple’s recent warning
about decreased revenues
The unemployment rate in
the euro area dipped to 7.9% in
November, the lowest it has
been since October 2008 The
youth unemployment rate
stood at 16.9%, but remained
much higher in Greece, Italy
and Spain
American employers added
312,000 jobs to the payrolls in
December, exceeding forecasts
and capping a year in which
the most jobs were created
since 2015, thanks in part to tax
cuts As the labour market
tightens, wages are rising as
employers vie for workers
Average hourly earnings were
up by 3.2% year on year
The good news on jobs sent
stockmarkets soaring
follow-ing a month of turbulence
Investors were also buoyed by
assurances from Jerome
Powell, the chairman of the
Federal Reserve, that the tral bank would take a “flex-ible” approach both to interest-rate rises and winding downthe assets it accrued throughquantitative easing, a soft-ening of the remarks he madeafter the Fed’s recent meeting
cen-Negotiators from America andChina wrapped up their firstround of talks since a truce wascalled in the two countries’
trade dispute The mood at thetalks was said to be positive,with China making moreconcessions to deal with Amer-ican complaints Both sides areworking towards beating adeadline of March 1st, afterwhich America threatens toraise its tariffs significantly ifthe issues aren’t resolved
Bristol-Myers Squibbagreed
to buy Celgene, a specialist in
drugs that tackle cancer Thetakeover, worth around $90bn,
is one of the biggest ever in thepharmaceuticals industry
The announcement that Jeff
Bezosand his wife are to vorce raised questions abouthis stake in Amazon Mr Bezosmarried MacKenzie in 1993, ayear before he founded thee-commerce company Heholds a 16.3% stake in Amazon,but if Mrs Bezos gets half ofthat she could carry consider-
di-able clout The two gest shareholders each havestakes of around 5%
next-big-Amazonbecame the world’smost valuable publicly listedcompany when its marketcapitalisation at the close oftrading ended up above Micro-soft’s Microsoft had only justregained the crown from Ap-ple, which has seen its shareprice tumble over worriesabout its growth prospects
Amazon is now worth around
$800bn, much less than the
$1trn valuation it hit (alongwith Apple) in the middle oflast year
SoftBankwas reported to haveslashed the amount it wasthinking of investing in
WeWork, which providesshared-office space in 96 citiesaround the world, from $16bn
to $2bn The Japanese techconglomerate is said to havebeen nervous about making
such a large commitment,which would have been thelargest ever in a tech startup,amid a slump in technologystocks WeWork, meanwhile,rebranded itself as the WeCompany
A combustible mix
The share price of Pacific Gas
& Electric, California’s biggestenergy provider, plunged amidspeculation that it might de-clare bankruptcy The com-pany is being investigated inrelation to the outbreak ofwildfires in 2017-18, the deadli-est in the state’s history pg&ewill have to fork out billions ofdollars in damages if its powerlines are found to have contrib-uted to the infernos, even if itobserved strict safety rules
Jim Yong Kim decided to stepdown as president of the
World Bank, three years beforethe end of his second term
Following the convention thatAmerica gets to select the head
of the World Bank (and peans get to choose the leader
Euro-of the imf), Mr Kim was nated for the job by BarackObama Mr Kim’s appointmentwas the first to be challenged
nomi-by candidates from developingcountries Such oppositionmay intensify with DonaldTrump in the White House
World’s biggest companies
Source: Datastream from Refinitiv
By market capitalisation January 8th 2019, $trn
0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 Amazon
Microsoft Alphabet Apple Berkshire Hathaway
Trang 9Leaders 9
Ahundred years ago a wave of student protests broke over
China’s great cities Desperate to reverse a century of decline,
the leaders of the May Fourth Movement wanted to jettison
Con-fucianism and import the dynamism of the West The creation of
a modern China would come about, they argued, by recruiting
“Mr Science” and “Mr Democracy”
Today the country that the May Fourth students helped shape
is more than ever consumed by the pursuit of national greatness
China’s landing of a spacecraft on the far side of the Moon on
Jan-uary 3rd, a first for any country, was a mark of its soaring
ambi-tion But today’s leaders reject the idea that Mr Science belongs in
the company of Mr Democracy On the contrary, President Xi
Jinping is counting on being able to harness leading-edge
re-search even as the Communist Party tightens its stranglehold on
politics Amid the growing rivalry between China and America,
many in the West fear that he will succeed
There is no doubting Mr Xi’s determination Modern science
depends on money, institutions and oodles of brainpower Partly
because its government can marshal all three, China is hurtling
up the rankings of scientific achievement, as our investigations
show (see Science section) It has spent many billions of dollars
on machines to detect dark matter and neutrinos, and on
insti-tutes galore that delve into everything from genomics and
quan-tum communications to renewable energy and
advanced materials An analysis of 17.2m papers
in 2013-18, by Nikkei, a Japanese publisher, and
Elsevier, a scientific publisher, found that more
came from China than from any other country
in 23 of the 30 busiest fields, such as sodium-ion
batteries and neuron-activation analysis The
quality of American research has remained
higher, but China has been catching up,
ac-counting for 11% of the most influential papers in 2014-16
Such is the pressure on Chinese scientists to make
break-throughs that some put ends before means Last year He Jiankui,
an academic from Shenzhen, edited the genomes of embryos
without proper regard for their post-partum welfare—or that of
any children they might go on to have Chinese
artificial-intelli-gence (ai) researchers are thought to train their algorithms on
data harvested from Chinese citizens with little oversight In
2007 China tested a space-weapon on one of its weather
satel-lites, littering orbits with lethal space debris
Intellectual-prop-erty theft is rampant
The looming prospect of a dominant, rule-breaking,
high-tech China alarms Western politicians, and not just because of
the new weaponry it will develop Authoritarian governments
have a history of using science to oppress their own people
Chi-na already deploys ai techniques like facial recognition to
mon-itor its population in real time The outside world might find a
China dabbling in genetic enhancement, autonomous ais or
geoengineering extremely frightening
These fears are justified A scientific superpower wrapped up
in a one-party dictatorship is indeed intimidating But the
ef-fects of China’s growing scientific clout do not all point one way
For a start, Chinese science is about much more than
weap-ons and oppression From better batteries and new treatmentsfor disease to fundamental discoveries about, say, dark matter,the world has much to gain from China’s efforts
Moreover, it is unclear whether Mr Xi is right If Chinese search really is to lead the field, then science may end up chang-ing China in ways he is not expecting
re-Mr Xi talks of science and technology as a national project.However, in most scientific research, chauvinism is a handicap.Expertise, good ideas and creativity do not respect national fron-tiers Research takes place in teams, which may involve dozens
of scientists Published papers get you only so far: conferencesand face-to-face encounters are essential to grasp the subtleties
of what everyone else is up to There is competition, to be sure;military and commercial research must remain secret But purescience thrives on collaboration and exchange
This gives Chinese scientists an incentive to observe tional rules—because that is what will win its researchers access
interna-to the best conferences, laborainterna-tories and journals, and becauseunethical science diminishes China’s soft power Mr He’s gene-editing may well be remembered not just for his ethical breach,but also for the furious condemnation he received from his Chi-nese colleagues and the threat of punishment from the authori-ties The satellite destruction in 2007 caused outrage in China It
has not been repeated
The tantalising question is how this bears on
Mr Democracy Nothing says the best scientistshave to believe in political freedom And yetcritical thinking, scepticism, empiricism andfrequent contact with foreign colleagues threat-
en authoritarians, who survive by controllingwhat people say and think Soviet Russia sought
to resolve that contradiction by giving its tists privileges, but isolating many of them in closed cities
scien-China will not be able to corral its rapidly growing scientificelite in that way Although many researchers will be satisfiedwith just their academic freedom, only a small number needseek broader self-expression to cause problems for the Commu-nist Party Think of Andrei Sakharov, who developed the Russianhydrogen bomb, and later became a chief Soviet dissident; orFang Lizhi, an astrophysicist who inspired the students leadingthe Tiananmen Square protests in 1989 When the official ver-sion of reality was tired and stilted, both stood out as seekers ofthe truth That gave them immense moral authority
Some in the West may feel threatened by China’s advances inscience, and therefore aim to keep its researchers at arm’s length.That would be wise for weapons science and commercial re-search, where elaborate mechanisms to preserve secrecy alreadyexist and could be strengthened But to extend an arm’s-lengthapproach to ordinary research would be self-defeating Collabo-ration is the best way of ensuring that Chinese science is respon-sible and transparent It might even foster the next Fang
Hard as it is to imagine, Mr Xi could end up facing a muchtougher choice: to be content with lagging behind, or to give hisscientists the freedom they need and risk the consequences Inthat sense, he is running the biggest experiment of all 7
Red moon rising
If China dominates science, should the world worry?
Leaders
Trang 1010 Leaders The Economist January 12th 2019
1
The government has partially shut down Again No other
advanced democracy has government shutdowns In
Ameri-ca they have become almost routine This is the third since
Do-nald Trump became president and by far the most damaging The
others were resolved quickly; this is already the second-longest
on record It is not happening because America is in turmoil: the
country is not at war, unemployment is as low as it has ever been
It is happening because that is what the president wants
What is playing out in Washington is the denouement of a
po-litical fight (see United States section) Mr Trump was elected on
a promise to build a wall on the southern border, though Mexico
was supposed to pay for it The new Democratic majority in the
House is reluctant to give the president a victory on his
best-known policy The Senate majority leader, who
might be able to end the stand-off, is awol
House Democrats have reason on their side
Even knowledgeable immigration hawks think
spending $5.7bn on a wall would be a waste of
money The number of people crossing the
southern border illegally is at a 45-year low
Vastly more people fly into the country legally
and then overstay their visas If illegal
immigra-tion is the problem, Mr Trump should be focusing on that
Yet it is also true that $5.7bn is peanuts in budgetary terms
The federal government spends that amount every12 hours And,
despite what Nancy Pelosi, the House Speaker, says, there is
nothing inherently “immoral” about a wall Quite a lot of wall
and fencing was built on the southern border long before Mr
Trump became president, and with Democratic support
If this were just a fight about policy, it is clear what a deal
would look like Congress would pass a bill giving citizenship to
those who arrived in the country illegally as children,
amount-ing to about 700,000 people, and fund the wall in exchange The
president gets something he wants; Democrats get something
they want; America gets back its government
But the fight is really about Mr Trump’s authority The dent was offered just such a trade a year ago by Senate Democrats
presi-He turned it down, saying he wanted cuts to legal immigration,too Had he accepted it, the wall would by now be under con-struction, but Mr Trump is not the master dealmaker he claims to
be In December he said he would be “proud to shut down thegovernment for border security” Having picked a fight, he mustwin it or see his power diminished for the rest of his term
If politics blocks the obvious deal, Congress could pass a billfunding the entire government or, along the lines of a Democrat-
ic idea, all of it barring Homeland Security, and then override thepresident’s veto But that would take a two-thirds majority inboth houses, and so will not happen soon
Hence things may get worse before the down ends Nearly 1m federal employees areworking without pay or have been sent home Atsome point their absence will make itself felt.Federal spending on food for the poor could alsorun dry, which will hit programmes that pay forschool lunches and milk for infants The irsmay be unable to pay tax refunds on time Na-tional parks and monuments will remain un-staffed, harming businesses that depend on tourism Eventually,the pressure on Republicans in the Senate to bypass the presi-dent and cut a deal could prove irresistible
shut-There is another possibility The president could cut out gress and award himself emergency powers, allowing him tospend money on the wall as “military construction”, even as hereopens the government That would set off a legal dispute overthe limits of his authority Sadly, the prospect of such a raw exer-cise of presidential power—to say nothing of a good old fightover the law—could appeal to all Mr Trump’s worst instincts.And yet to declare an emergency where one doesn’t exist, legal ornot, would open another chapter in Washington’s degradation ofgood government.7
Con-How America’s shutdown ends
An almighty fight over presidential authority is brewing
Politics in Washington
As the deadline for Britain’s departure from the European
Union approaches, with an exit deal still elusive, mps are
haring off in every direction Parliament has descended into
guerrilla warfare, as backbenchers attempt to wrestle the
initia-tive from the execuinitia-tive (see Britain section) Meanwhile the
gov-ernment organised a pretend traffic-jam of 89 lorries on the road
to Dover, as part of preparations for a “no deal” exit All it showed
was that Britain is hopelessly unprepared for what happens next
Amid the chaos, on January 10th the leader of the opposition,
Jeremy Corbyn, stepped forward to propose a way out of the
mess Yet his speech, delivered as we went to press, merely
dou-bled down on his policy of calculated equivocation Labour willvote against the government’s draft Brexit deal on January 15th,but has no plausible explanation of how it would get a better one,nor a convincing strategy to break the impasse in Parliament ifthe deal is defeated Its abdication of responsibility makes La-bour complicit in the crisis that is about to engulf Britain And itexposes the hollowness of Mr Corbyn’s promise that, as leader,
he would hand power back to the party’s members, whose ing calls for a second referendum he continues to ignore
grow-Labour’s Brexit policy amounts to cake followed by morecake Though the party sensibly rejects the option of leaving with
Still having its cakeLabour’s Brexit cop-out makes a mockery of its promise to empower party members
Britain’s opposition
Trang 11The Economist January 12th 2019 Leaders 11
1
2no deal, it insists that the withdrawal terms should provide the
“exact same benefits” as membership of the single market while
also allowing Britain to manage migration—something the eu
would never agree to In its refusal to acknowledge Brexit’s basic
trade-offs, Labour is at a stage in the argument that even the most
deluded Tory Brexiteers left behind months ago
Its tactics in Parliament are thoroughly obscure If the
gov-ernment’s deal is voted down, Labour will try to force a general
election But that is not in the party’s gift: success depends on the
support of Tory and Democratic Unionist mps, who do not want
Mr Corbyn anywhere near Downing Street The other way to
break the stalemate would be another referendum But Labour
says only that such a vote should be one “option on the table” Mr
Corbyn, a convinced Eurosceptic who campaigned only
half-heartedly to remain in 2016, has confused matters further by
ap-pearing to accept that any referendum should have an option to
remain, but also saying that “we can’t stop” Brexit
There is a certain political logic in this lack of clarity Four out
of ten Labour voters and six out of ten Labour constituencies
backed Brexit Many voters see a second referendum as a plot to
thwart the will of the people It may even be in Labour’s interests
to let the Tories drive Britain over the no-deal cliff Mr Corbyn,
whose main achievement during three decades in Parliament
was grabbing a selfie with Hugo Chávez, would not win an
elec-tion under normal circumstances The shock doctrine of no deal
might just make Britain susceptible to his disaster socialism
Yet Labour’s equivocation is at odds with the strongly pro-euviews of the half-million party members who elected him Eightout of ten of them voted to remain in 2016 Now seven out of tenwant a second referendum A party “policy forum” this weekheard calls from constituency associations around the countryfor Labour to back a second vote Even most members of Momen-tum, a hard-left activist group set up to support Mr Corbyn, wantthe party to endorse a referendum
Hearing without listening
Although all party leaders sometimes have to ignore their bers, for Mr Corbyn to go over the heads of the rank and file inthis instance reeks of hypocrisy When members re-elected himleader in 2016, Mr Corbyn said that Labour’s growing member-ship “has to be reflected much more in decision-making” Yet,over Brexit, Labour members who swallowed his promise of
mem-“people-powered politics” have been had Party managers havedone their best to keep controversial Brexit motions off the agen-
da at Labour’s conferences, in feats of stage management worthy
of Tony Blair, a predecessor he derides
More important Mr Corbyn’s refusal to listen is letting downthe country at large Britain’s democracy relies on an opposition
to provide an alternative For Labour to show that it is the ernment in waiting” that it claims, it would have to put forward abetter Brexit plan than the Tories This is a dismally low bar Butthe opposition has so far failed to clear it 7
“gov-It has for so long been a country of such unmet potential that
the scale of Pakistan’s dereliction towards its people is easily
forgotten Yet on every measure of progress, Pakistanis fare
atro-ciously More than 20m children are deprived of school Less
than 30% of women are employed Exports have grown at a fifth
of the rate in Bangladesh and India over the past 20 years And
now the ambitions of the new government under Imran Khan,
who at least acknowledges his country’s problems (see Briefing),
are thwarted by a balance-of-payments crisis If Mr Khan gets an
imf bail-out, it will be Pakistan’s 22nd The
per-sistence of poverty and maladministration, and
the instability they foster, is a disaster for the
world’s sixth-most-populous country Thanks
to its nuclear weapons and plentiful religious
zealots, it poses a danger for the world, too
Many, including Mr Khan, blame venal
poli-ticians for Pakistan’s problems Others argue
that Pakistan sits in a uniquely hostile part of
the world, between war-torn Afghanistan and implacable India
Both these woes are used to justify the power of the armed forces
Yet the army’s pre-eminence is precisely what lies at the heart of
Pakistan’s troubles The army lords it over civilian politicians
Last year it helped cast out the previous prime minister, Nawaz
Sharif, and engineer Mr Khan’s rise (as it once did Mr Sharif’s)
Since the founding of Pakistan in 1947, the army has not just
defended state ideology but defined it, in two destructive ways
The country exists to safeguard Islam, not a tolerant, prosperous
citizenry And the army, believing the country to be surrounded
by enemies, promotes a doctrine of persecution and paranoia.The effects are dire Religiosity has bred an extremism that attimes has looked like tearing Pakistan apart The state backedthose who took up arms in the name of Islam Although they ini-tially waged war on Pakistan’s perceived enemies, before longthey began to wreak havoc at home Some 60,000 Pakistanishave died at the hands of militants, most of whom come underthe Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (ttp) The army at last moved
against them following an appalling schoolmassacre in 2014 Yet even today it shelters viol-ent groups it finds useful Some leaders of theAfghan Taliban reside in Quetta The presumedinstigator of a series of attacks in Mumbai in
2008, which killed 174, remains a free man
Melding religion and state has other costs,including the harsh suppression of local identi-ties—hence long-running insurgencies in Ba-loch and Pushtun areas Religious minorities, such as the Ahma-dis, are cruelly persecuted As for the paranoia, the army is nomore the state’s glorious guardian than India is the implacablefoe Of the four wars between the two countries, all of whichPakistan lost, India launched only one, in 1971—to put an end tothe genocide Pakistan was unleashing in what became Bangla-desh Even if politicking before a coming general election ob-scures it, development interests India more than picking fights The paranoid doctrine helps the armed forces commandeer
Praetorian penuryThe impoverishment of Pakistan’s 208m citizens is a disgrace—and the army is to blame
Pakistan
Trang 1212 Leaders The Economist January 12th 2019
2resources More money goes to them than on development
Worse, it has bred a habit of geopolitical blackmail: help us
fi-nancially or we might add to your perils in a very dangerous part
of the world This is at the root of Pakistan’s addiction to aid,
de-spite its prickly nationalism The latest iteration of this is
Chi-na’s $60bn investment in roads, railways, power plants and
ports, known as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (cpec)
The fantasy that, without other transformations, prosperity can
be brought in from outside is underscored by cpec’s transport
links Without an opening to India, they will never fulfil their
po-tential But the army blocks any rapprochement
Mr Khan’s government can do much to improve things It
should increase its tax take by clamping down on evasion, give
independence to the monetary authority and unify the official
and black-market exchange rates Above all, it should seek to
boost competitiveness and integrate Pakistan’s economy with
the world’s All that can raise growth
Yet the challenge is so much greater By mid-century,
Paki-stan’s population will have increased by half Only sizzling rates
of economic growth can guarantee Pakistanis a decent life, andthat demands profound change in how the economy works, peo-ple are taught and welfare is conceived Failing so many, in con-trast, really will be felt beyond the country’s borders
Transformation depends on Pakistan doing away with thestate’s twin props of religion and paranoia—and with them thearmy’s power Mr Khan is not obviously the catalyst for radicalchange But he must recognise the problem He has made a start
by standing up to demagogues baying for the death of Asia Bibi, aChristian labourer falsely accused of blasphemy
However, wholesale reform is beyond the reach of any one dividual, including the prime minister Many politicians, busi-nesspeople, intellectuals, journalists and even whisky-swillinggenerals would far rather a more secular Pakistan They shouldspeak out Yes, for some there are risks, not least to their lives orliberty But for most—especially if they act together—the eliteshave nothing to lose but their hypocrisy 7
in-When apple cut its revenue estimate for the last quarter of
2018 because of unexpectedly slow sales of iPhones,
mar-kets convulsed The company’s share price, which had been
slid-ing for months, fell by a further 10% on January 3rd, the day after
the news came out Apple’s suppliers’ shares were also hit This
week Samsung, the world’s largest maker of smartphones by
vol-ume, which also sells components to other smartphone-makers,
said its sales were weaker than expected for the quarter, too
Analysts reckon that the number of smartphones sold in 2018
will be slightly lower than in 2017, the industry’s first ever annual
decline All this is terrible news for investors who had banked on
continued growth (see Business) But step back and look at the
bigger picture That smartphone sales have peaked, and seem to
be levelling off at around 1.4bn units a year, is
good news for humanity
People have voted with their wallets to make
the smartphone the most successful consumer
product in history: nearly 4bn of the 5.5bn
adults on the planet now have one And no
won-der They connect billions of people to the
inter-net’s plethora of information and services
Phones make markets more efficient,
compen-sate for poor infrastructure in developing countries and boost
growth Yes, they can be used for wasting time and spreading
dis-information But the good far outweighs the bad They might be
the most effective tool of development in existence
The slowdown does not reflect disenchantment; quite the
contrary It is the result of market saturation After a decade of
rapid adoption, there is much less scope to sell handsets to
first-time buyers as so few of them are left That hits Apple the hardest
because, despite a relatively small market share (13% of
smart-phone users), it captures almost all of the industry’s profits But
Apple’s pain is humanity’s gain The fact that the benefits of
these magical devices are now so widely distributed is
some-thing to be celebrated
What about the people who still lack a smartphone? Sales of1.4bn units a year implies 2.8bn users who replace their handsetsevery two years, or 4.2bn who replace them every three years.The reality is somewhere in between, and replacement cycles arelengthening as new models offer only marginal improvements.Many phones are used for longer than three years, often refur-bished or as hand-me-downs So even with flat sales, the longergaps between upgrades mean that overall penetration is still ris-ing People who already have phones benefit, too For all but themost obsessive gadget fans, the slowing treadmill of upgradescomes as a welcome relief
Does that mean innovation is slowing? No The latest phonescontain amazingly clever technology, such as 3d face-scanners
and cameras assisted by artificial intelligence.But as with mature technologies such as cars orwashing machines, extra bells and whistles nolonger make a deep impression
More important is that smartphones supportextra innovation in other areas Deploying appsand services on an immature platform whoseprospects are uncertain is risky; on a matureone it is not Smartphones thus provide a foun-dation for today’s innovations, like mobile payments and videostreaming, and for future ones, such as controlling “smart”home appliances or hailing robotaxis
As computers become smaller, still more personal and closer
to people’s bodies, many techies reckon that wearable devices,from smart watches to augmented-reality headsets, will be thenext big thing Even so, finding another product with the scope
of the smartphone is a tall order The smartphone retains its mise as the device that will make computing and communica-tions universal The recent slowing of smartphone sales is badnews for the industry, obviously But for the rest of humanity it is
pro-a welcome sign thpro-at pro-a trpro-ansformpro-ative technology hpro-as become pro-most universal 7
al-Bad news for Apple Good news for humanity
The maturing of the smartphone industry should be celebrated, not lamented
Trang 13First Republic Private Wealth Management includes First Republic Trust Company; First Republic Trust Company of Delaware LLC; First Republic Investment Management, Inc., an SEC Registered Investment Advisor; and First Republic Securities Company, LLC, Member FINRA/SIPC.
$TQMGTCIGUGTXKEGUQőGTGFD[(KTUV4GRWDNKE5GEWTKVKGU%QORCP[ %+PXGUVOGPVRGTHQTOCPEGOC[XCT[D[ENKGPV
Investment and Advisory Products and Services are Not FDIC Insured, Not Guaranteed and May Lose Value.
M ARC M C MORRIS, Co-Founder and Director, Carrick Capital Partners
M AR JORIE M C MORRIS, Founder and Director, The Helix School Foundation
“Our broker at First Republic knows us and understands us – and that is extremely valuable.”
(855) 886-4824 | ŔTUVTGRWDNKEEQO | New York Stock Exchange symbol: FRC
Trang 1414 The Economist January 12th 2019
Letters are welcome and should be addressed to the Editor at The Economist, The Adelphi Building, 1-11 John Adam Street, London WC 2 N 6 HT
Email: letters@economist.com More letters are available at:
Economist.com/letters
Letters
Nonsense on stilts?
The speciousness of animal
rights is obvious when one
considers what animals do to
each other in nature (“Do they
have rights?”, December 22nd)
When a cheetah kills a gazelle,
are rights being violated? Is a
crime being committed? Is the
gazelle’s family entitled to
damages? Jurists who find
these questions perplexing are
more likely to find clarity in
basic moral philosophy than in
case law Especially helpful is
Immanuel Kant’s grounding of
duties and rights in our
accep-tance of a universal moral law,
our capacity to recognise the
rights of others and temper our
behaviour accordingly This
trait is uniquely human
The fact that animals can
feel pain or show glimmers of
human-like cognition or
behaviour does not confer
rights Laws protecting
ani-mals are perfectly justifiable,
not because they have rights,
but because we value their
welfare and are repulsed by
acts of cruelty against them
Upholding such laws does not
require the cascade of
non-sense that would ensue from
pretending that animals have
moral or legal standing
Thinkers of a certain bent
will find it irresistible to attack
the species barrier by
decon-structing human behaviour
into purely biological or
evolu-tionary factors At the rawest
levels of description, they may
have a point Still, the fact that
“animal law” seems to focus
exclusively on how people
treat them, rather than how
animals treat themselves, is a
tacit acknowledgment of a
moral distinction
henry stephenson
O’Fallon, Illinois
I was excited to see your article
on the advancement of animal
rights Your newspaper has
frequently called for a bolder
and more radical modern
liberalism, and this is an
obvi-ous issue in need of an update
Although animal welfare in
general remains complicated
(and I for one have no desire to
give rights to clams), species
such as great apes, dolphins
and whales have demonstratedconscious awareness andemotional experience beyondreasonable doubt Their basicright to life, without cruelty orextreme confinement, should
be a no-brainer for all liberalsseeking to advance happinessand freedom I would love to
see The Economist adopt this
radical, but entirely able, position
to Hutu officers organisingadult Hutus to slaughter theirTutsi neighbours Althoughmost of those who committedgenocidal acts in Rwanda wereindeed adults, there werenonetheless some children,including the very young, whowere involved as perpetrators
The participation of dren in acts of atrocity carrieswith it certain implications,particularly when it comes tohow countries deal with suchviolent crimes Regrettably,Rwanda is not the exception
chil-To provide just one recentexample, video propagandafrom Islamic State over thepast couple of years has shownchildren as executioners inSyria International efforts toprevent and respond to suchtragic events must not neglectchildren’s involvement
dr jastine barrett
Harpenden, Hertfordshire
God blessed the seventh day
Regarding the prospect of afour-day work week, anunderstanding of the past isindeed in order, but it is toosimple to say that “organisedlabour has led the charge forreduced working hours” (Freeexchange, December 22nd)
Christian clergy and lay leaders
on both sides of the Atlanticcollaborated with labour topush for shorter hours in the19th century Rabbi Bernard
Drachman of the Jewish bath Alliance campaigned for afive-day week in America asearly as 1910 In earlier times,Puritans passed legislation toensure workers had time forrecreation And laws dating to
Sab-958 in England and 1203 inScotland restricted labour onSaturday afternoons in order toprepare for the Sabbath
Those who wish to secure afour-day work week shouldnote that the weekend as weknow it has been broughtabout not only by organisedlabour, but also by organisedreligion
karl johnson
Ithaca, New York
Illustrator’s Fouc-aulp
The illustrated calendar in The
World in 2019depicts the wrongFoucault Léon Foucault,known for his pendulum andcelebrating his 200th birthday
in September 2019, died with afull head of hair and favouredthree-piece suits over turtle-necks Pictured in his stead,with trademark bald pate andspectacles, is Michel Foucault,
a French philosopher andliterary theorist Acolytes ofFoucauldian-discourse analy-sis will toast to the centennial
But it is not too late Indeed,given the events in Europe overthe past two years, an eu-wideemergency brake of some formwould probably be welcomedthroughout the eu Now weknow so much more aboutBrexit, that concession wouldcertainly clinch a vote forRemain in a re-run Come onAngela!
andrew robson
Chailey, East Sussex
I asked my daughter, whostudies classics, to give me aGreek word for a politicalsystem where the incompe-tent, the irresponsible, thecorrupt and the con artistsemerge in political parties andmanage to win elections Theterm she gave me was
“kakistocracy” I prefer hot’s more pedestrian and lesscacophonic term: “chumo-cracy” (December 22nd)
of incomprehensible jargon,and the recommendationswere delivered in clearly writ-ten prose, instead of a baffling45-slide PowerPoint deck.Nevertheless I’ll look for-ward this year to a progressreport on how things are goingwith outsourcing the rdo(reindeer delivery operations),changes to the ceca (chimney-enabled customer access)process, and the nonvt(naughty-or-nice verificationtransformation) project I amsure Bartleby’s imaginaryconsultancy firm will be happy
to help with these initiatives(for a juicy fee and LaplandAirways expenses, of course).nathaniel kent
London
Surely Bartleby’s “Yule sity” would be a member of theHolly League
Univer-charlie wilson
Oxford
Trang 15Executive focus
Trang 16About Us
international organisation with full legal personality, located in Singapore, is
a regional macroeconomic surveillance organization that aims to contribute
to securing the macroeconomic and financial stability in the ASEAN+3 region.
AMRO’s vision is to be an independent, credible and professional regional
organization acting as a trusted policy advisor to members in the ASEAN+3
region, which includes 10 member states of the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN), and China; Hong Kong, China; Japan; and Korea.
To fulfil its mandate, AMRO focuses on three core functions: conducting
macroeconomic surveillance, supporting the implementation of the Chiang
Mai Initiative Multilateralisation (CMIM), and providing technical assistance to
members.
AMRO is currently looking for the position of Director, to start work in AMRO
from May 2019.
DIRECTOR
The responsibility of the AMRO Director is to head this regional surveillance
organization to ensure efficient and timely surveillance of ASEAN+3 countries
during both peace and crisis time.
For full details of the Terms of Reference and Qualification Criteria, please
refer to:
AMRO career website: http://www.amro-asia.org/career/
or Charterhouse job portal:
https://www.charterhouse.com.sg/job/director/
Qualified candidates should send (a) CV, (b) brief description on the relevant
working experiences, and (c) earliest possible starting date of employment
at AMRO, to: AMRO_Director@charterhouse.com.sg by 6 February 2019.
We will acknowledge receipt of all the applications However, we regret that
only shortlisted candidates will be notified.
Executive focus
Trang 17The Economist January 12th 2019 17
1
fam-ilies pressed through the iron gates of a
factory that knocks out trainers in
Rawpindi towards the end of last year In the
al-leyway behind it the factory-owner was
dishing out biryani It was the Prophet
Mu-hammad’s birthday Children flocked
around great steaming pots, as employees
replaced those emptied with full ones In
all, the owner said, he would dole out a
tonne of rice and 800kg of beef The
mes-saging was hardly subliminal: this boss is
magnanimous, god-sent
For workers across the country feasts
such as this may be welcome But many say
they would prefer a pay rise A squeeze on
workers has been made worse by the
ef-fects of rising interest rates and a fall in the
Pakistani rupee in the past year of nearly
30% The economy, which a year ago was
growing at 5.8% annually, has slowed
sharply The cost of food, electricity and
clean water has shot up Factory workers in
Karachi, Pakistan’s biggest city and
indus-trial heartland, say that, earning only
22,000 rupees ($160) a month, they can
barely make ends meet Life was alwaysprecarious It has now grown more so
Afaq Hussain has worked in the samebackstreet shoe workshop hammering onsoles for 32 years Last year the cobbler andhis wife were struck down with dengue fe-ver In municipalities with tolerable ad-ministration, the disease is largely avoid-able—a question of draining the pools ofstagnant water in which the mosquitoesthat spread the disease may breed Karachidoes not have such administration MrHussain had to fork out 3,000 rupees fortreatment “People are scared all the time,”
he says “If they are sick, they think: whowill pay?”
Rarely the bosses Few employers vide more than the stingiest health care Bytheir own admission, they see malingererseverywhere Unions are weak, when theyexist at all Good jobs even for skilled la-bourers are hard to find One Karachi tex-tile boss, who employs more than 500 peo-ple, puts it bluntly “They get a job and theydon’t like to make trouble,” he says “Afterall, where else are they going to get work?”
pro-In this context, the bosses’ nalling on the Prophet’s birthday is cheap.Yet spare a thought for businesses, too.They make money only in the face of steepodds, or with help from friends in highplaces In Karachi a cotton-mill-owner em-ploying 250 workers, a big rice exporter, theowner of a shoe factory and the head of afamily-run chain of small chemist shops(drugstores) all said that rising costs ofelectricity and water were extreme head-aches The drugstore boss complains that,with no electricity from the grid for up to 16hours a day, the use of diesel generatorsdoubles his energy bills The mill-ownersays higher prices for power and water haveadded 2 rupees a metre to the cost of pro-ducing his cloth, wiping out his thin mar-gins The businessmen complain that theyare losing out to competitors not just inChina but in Bangladesh, India and Sri Lan-
virtue-sig-ka The shoe-factory boss has just laid offhalf of his 70 workers
Hard business
The damning fact is that, even when nomic growth ran at a better clip for fiveyears and a handful of new power stations
eco-at last amelioreco-ated the country’s chronicenergy shortages, the real value of exportsfailed to grow Today few businessmen areconfident that exports can pick up even fol-lowing the currency’s devaluation
Asking what the government is doing tohelp elicits hollow laughs In parched Kara-chi, there is anger that the government
Tales of self-harm
K A R A CH I A N D R A WA LP I N D I
Why Imran Khan will struggle to make life better for Pakistanis
Briefing Pakistan
Trang 1818 Briefing Pakistan The Economist January 12th 2019
2
1
cannot even keep water flowing With
wa-ter mains often sucked dry by politically
connected mafias, employers and
consum-ers are forced to pay through the nose for
water from tankers driven by those same
gangs As for bureaucracy and government
corruption, it seems to be getting worse
Port officials frequently demand bribes
from the drugstore boss for importing
beauty products The rice exporter lists 14
separate agencies that insist on receiving
bribes, ranging from civil defence to health
and safety
Imran to the crease
It is against this backdrop that Imran Khan
and the party he founded, Pakistan
Teh-reek-e-Insaf (pti), came to power after
elections in July The 66-year-old former
playboy and cricketing superstar, who was
once married to a British-Jewish socialite,
has had something of a remake as a devout
upholder of Islam That has drawn rural
conservatives to a movement that found its
early support among urban and often
secu-lar middle classes It sits oddly with those
familiar with Mr Khan’s hedonistic
procliv-ities, or his well-dressed crowd of
hangers-on—people who, as one political observer
who knows them puts it, “either want to
fuck him or fuck like him.”
Yet there is little doubting Mr Khan’s
personal honesty, or the pride he evinces in
the two cancer hospitals he has founded,
the first in 1994 His own living has long
been presumed to be underwritten by
benefactors Though hardly all homespun
frugality, Mr Khan is not deep-pocketed
like members of Pakistan’s usual political
clans Nor does he represent a
self-perpet-uating dynasty, as they do This is part of
his appeal For years he has railed against
nepotism and political corruption He won
national office at last thanks to his
anti-graft message finding a wide audience
among disenchanted Pakistanis
That and help, behind the scenes, from
the army’s top brass The army has always
played an outsized role in public life One
of its critics, Husain Haqqani, a former
Pakistani ambassador to America now atthe Hudson Institute in Washington, dc,writes in his recent book, “ReimaginingPakistan”, that not only does the army setitself up as the protector of the national in-terest, it also “defines national interest au-tonomously of elected civilians” and itdoes not “countenance any interpretation
of national interest other than the one it stitutionally advances.”
in-Key tenets of the state ideology the armyhas fostered are an Islamist religiosity; adoctrine of insecurity, tipping into para-noia, resting upon divining enemies cease-lessly at work to undermine Pakistan (nonemore so than nefarious India); and thearmy’s own praetorian role in the Pakistanistate The country’s nuclear doctrine—
Pakistan has possessed nuclear weaponssince 1998—flows from, and windsthrough, all three tenets So does a longpropensity, striking in a state with such aprickly nationalism, to play up its geopolit-ical importance in return for foreign aid
Mr Khan, for all that he paints himself
as a populist outsider, has become a vocalupholder of these tenets, and in return thearmy backed his rise First the generalswent after the prime minister since 2013,Nawaz Sharif, and his Pakistan MuslimLeague-Nawaz (pml-n) They deemed himinsufficiently biddable and last year en-couraged what was in effect a judicial coup
The generals then strong-armed the pressand television to back Mr Khan, while shut-ting off that oxygen for Mr Sharif
Nearer the election the generals helpedpliant politicians with large local follow-ings switch sides and bring their “votebanks” with them On election night theyhelped rig pti victories in a dozen or morecrucial seats The cowed media may men-tion none of this Some analysts even think
it an acceptable evil: at last a civilian ernment that does not rile the army can roll
gov-up its sleeves and get economic stuff done
That is certainly Mr Khan’s intention
He campaigned on a promise of what hecalls “Islamic welfare” There is little speci-ficity to the phrase But it is an appeal toPakistan’s downtrodden and a welcomerecognition of the price of poverty and so-cial injustice among several tens of mil-lions of Pakistanis at the bottom of the pile
By the un’s measure of human ment, Pakistan ranks the lowest in SouthAsia Pakistan accounts for one in every 13
develop-of the world’s unschooled, and most develop-ofthem are girls Some 21m Pakistanis have
no access to clean water
“Social protection” is a phrase on thelips of many of the new government’smembers In the planning ministry theparliamentary secretary, Kanwal Shauzab,
is a social scientist who did her fieldwork
in caste- and class-based discriminationagainst women in the southern part ofPunjab province, Pakistan’s most popu-lous She and Western-educated female ad-visers eagerly lay out what they intend toaccomplish in terms of human-develop-ment goals—reducing poverty, improvingeducation, providing sanitation and cleanwater The challenges are immense, andbegin with a palpable lack of zeal in theministry’s adjacent, somnolent offices
The buckle on the belt and road
Yet Mr Khan’s aspirations have careenedinto Pakistan’s immediate challenge: a full-blown balance-of-payments crisis Thecountry has an addiction to these, especial-
ly after budget-busting elections But thiscrisis has a particular feature, the influence
of China The previous government under
Mr Sharif came to office just as President XiJinping was laying out his grand plan to useChina’s surplus dollars and excess capacity
to create a web of globe-girdling ture, now known as the Belt and Road Ini-tiative (bri) The China-Pakistan Eco-nomic Corridor (cpec) is easily the biggestpart of the initiative
infrastruc-China has strategic as well as economicreasons to want to connect its landlockedhinterlands to the Indian Ocean Hugelyambitious plans were drawn up for powerplants, roads, industrial zones and the de-velopment of Gwadar, until recently a flea-pit on the Arabian Sea, into a modern port.Over $60bn in Chinese investment andloans was promised As the projects got un-der way, the tide of money pumped up do-mestic demand, inflated a property bubble,pushed up the value of the currency and led
to an unsustainable surge in imports Thecurrent-account deficit was 1% of gdp in
2015 By 2018 it had widened to over 5% ofgdp Foreign-exchange reserves have fall-
en sharply, previously brisk economicgrowth has slowed leaving Pakistan’s tocontinue trailing behind its neighbours(see chart) Inflation and interest rates arerising, too
Hyderabad Gwadar
Karachi
Quetta
Islamabad
Lahore AFGHANISTAN
TRIBAL AREAS
new roads
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
Solar Hydropower
Sub continent
Source: IMF *Estimate
GDP, 2000=100
50 100 150 200 250 300 350
Trang 2020 Briefing Pakistan The Economist January 12th 2019
damned if he was going cap-in-hand to the
imf, turning to Pakistan’s all-weather
friends, Saudi Arabia and China, instead
Saudi’s rulers opened the chequebook only
after an international furore over the
mur-der of Jamal Khashoggi made them eager to
improve their image They have promised
$6bn in loans and deferred payments for
oil The United Arab Emirates is offering
something similar As for China, on Mr
Khan’s first trip as prime minister to
Beij-ing in November, he had none of the firm
promises of financial aid that he had hoped
for And China dashed hopes for a
renegoti-ation of cpec deals—which are, after all,
commercial arrangements with
state-owned enterprises, not with the state
So Mr Khan has no choice but to turn to
the imf to bail out Pakistan, as it has done a
dozen times since 1988 Pakistan hopes for
up to $12bn In return the imf is asking for
action such as raising energy prices,
clamping down on tax evasion and
re-vamping the export sector The
govern-ment has not won a deal as swiftly as its
members had predicted Negotiators hope
for an agreement early this year
Pakistan can probably dig itself out of
its immediate hole, helped in part by recent
falls in the oil price—it is an energy
import-er The new finance minister, Asad Umar, a
former businessman, says that money
from Saudi Arabia and China solves his
cash-flow problems for the coming year
An imf deal would buy another couple of
years beyond that for a sweeping reform
programme Mr Umar claims it is less
about the final sums disbursed than about
securing a new “strategic” direction that
would make this bail-out Pakistan’s “last
imf programme”
Mr Umar gives the impression of trying
to fix a vast number of things at once But
three areas are a priority, he says The state
raises a pitiful sum from taxes: only 10.5%
of gdp Meanwhile, a thriving black market
in foreign exchange helps the siphoning of
ill-gotten wealth abroad So clamping
down on tax evasion is a must Much hope
is placed on technology coming to the
res-cue Mr Umar claims early success in using
data trawls to spot tax dodgers, identifying
them by spending patterns, for instance
The second area is helping Pakistan’s
beleaguered exporters But the task is huge:
in the past four decades Pakistani exports
have grown only one-fifth as fast as India’s
or Bangladesh’s Third, Mr Umar promises
to overhaul the state sector, taking
state-owned enterprises from the purview of
ministers and bureaucrats, for whom they
represent tempting targets for plunder and
misrule, and into a professionally run
holding company
Mr Umar’s aims are commendable Yet
one topic in need of urgent debate remains
out of bounds: cpec itself As Atif Mian, an
economist at Princeton University, argues,sustaining high imports, financed by ex-ternal borrowing, is magical thinking Suc-cess cannot be bought from outside with-out concentrating on domestic product-ivity growth and exports cpec causes thecurrency to become overvalued and Paki-stan to become less competitive globally It
is, Mr Mian says, Pakistan’s version of
“Dutch disease”
And the damage is significant even fore posing the question of servicing dol-lar-denominated Chinese debt To date,cpec has helped increase Pakistan’s exter-nal debt by half, to $97bn (32% of gdp),while debt-service costs outstrip the bud-get for development There are legitimatequestions too about the nature of the dealssigned with China No doubt Pakistanneeds Chinese coal-fired power plants Butthe electricity tariffs Chinese investors areguaranteed for years look exceptionallyhigh when solar power in sunny Pakistanoffers a cheaper long-run alternative
be-As for the loans China has made in turn for Chinese-built roads and the like,the interest rates Pakistan is charged areusually competitive and no one else wouldlend Pakistan the money But without opentenders for contracts, the concern, as MrMian puts it, is that Chinese companiescharge $100 for equipment but installpoorer kit that is worth, say, $80, a trickthat sharply raises the cost of capital
re-There are hints that the establishment
is having second thoughts about cpec Itmight explain why the army, behind thescenes—and now perhaps Mr Khan him-self—are working hard to mend fenceswith America Yet openly criticising cpecwas taboo under the previous governmentand remains so Mr Mian describes a “blan-ket ban” on any objective assessment Mis-givings about cpec are almost entirely ab-sent in the press In private Pakistanijournalists explain why To question cpec
is to conspire against the national est—which the army holds the monopoly
inter-of defining The sanction for media outfitsthat cross the army is closure
Sensitivity over cpec is understandablefor another reason China is Pakistan’sclosest diplomatic and military friend.China helped it become a nuclear state andacts as a counterweight to India, the oldfoe, as well as America, with which Paki-stan has troubled relations Both sides in-sist that the “Sino-Pak” relationship is, inthe words of an old phrase, “higher than theHimalayas, deeper than the ocean, stron-ger than steel and sweeter than honey” Butany questions about it would be embar-rassing The generals, with fingers in manypies, are surely keen to hide how hand-somely they are making out from cpec.The cpec taboo undermines the Pan-glossian argument that, now a civilian gov-ernment is at last aligned with the armedforces in Pakistan, much can be accom-plished As Mr Haqqani points out, an ob-session with national security makes ithard to propose economic solutions to eco-nomic problems
Restraint of trade
The economic boom to make that ment worthwhile can transpire only withvibrant trade ties with Pakistan’s neigh-bours, India above all Yet obstructing suchties is the country’s national-security pri-ority, in the generals’ eyes There are otherways in which the case is undermined Forall Mr Khan’s integrity, the pti and its allieshave plenty of sleazy politicians and busi-nessmen on the make
invest-A more subtle undermining concernsthe case of Mr Mian, the economist fromPrinceton On coming to office, Mr Khanappointed him to his economic advisorycouncil But then Islamist parties whichthe army had once fostered insisted on hisdismissal on the grounds that he is an Ah-madi The Ahmadis are a sect who revereboth the Prophet Muhammad and a 19th-century messiah They are often persecut-
ed Indeed, the constitution stipulates thatthey are not really Muslims (which they saythat they are), and mandates discrimina-tion against them Mr Khan gave in to pres-sure and sought the resignation of MrMian, a world-class economist who onlywants to improve the lot of ordinary Paki-stanis Thus, once again, does Pakistan
Plenty of guns, not much butter
Missing map? Sadly, India censors maps that show the current effective border, insisting instead that only its full territorial claims be shown It is more intolerant on this issue than either China or Pakistan Indian readers will therefore be deprived
of the map on the second page of this story Unlike their government, we think our Indian readers can face political reality Those who want to see an accurate depiction of the various territorial claims can do so using our interactive map at
Economist.com/asianborders
Trang 21The Economist January 12th 2019 21
1
that the best time to release bad news is
late on Friday afternoons Hacks and their
editors have one foot out of the door;
no-body wants to put their weekend plans on
hold to start a new story America has
re-cently discovered that a similar rule holds
true for government shutdowns: if it
hap-pens just before Christmas, when federal
workers are already on holiday and nobody
is paying much attention to the news, then
the waste and pain will not seep into the
headlines for a couple of weeks
Now that quiet period has passed
Rub-bish is piling up in national parks; farmers
cannot get their loans processed;
food-stamp programmes are running out of
funds; tax refunds may be delayed; and
hundreds of thousands of federal workers
remain either stuck at home or forced to
work without pay To reopen the
govern-ment President Donald Trump demands
$5.7bn for his border wall Nancy Pelosi,
who presides over the most polarised
House of Representatives in recent
memo-ry, does not want to give it to him
If this shutdown, the third in the pastyear, stretches into next week it will be-come the longest in American history Howdid the world’s most powerful governmentbecome so dysfunctional? The roots of thisshutdown lie in two places: an attorney-general’s memo written in 1980, and MrTrump’s 2016 campaign
Before 1980, federal agencies often erated during funding gaps (meaning be-fore Congress had appropriated the re-quired money) They tried to stay lean, toavoid going too far into the red, but rea-
op-soned that Congress did not intend to closethem; it merely had not yet got around toformally providing their funding
In 1980, however, Benjamin Civiletti,then the attorney-general, opined that theonly way that agencies could avoid violat-ing the Antideficiency Act—which forbidsthe government from spending money thathas not been appropriated—is to cease op-erating until Congress funds them (theAct’s authority stems from a constitutionalprohibition against the governmentspending public money unless the people,via their representatives, have authorised
it to do so) The only exceptions concerned
“the safety of human life or the protection
of property”, which exempts active-dutymilitary, who are still working and gettingpaid, and federal airport-security workers,who are working but not getting paid
Mr Civiletti’s determination madefunding gaps less frequent They were nolonger technical and ignorable glitches;they became, in effect, temporary closureorders, which made them costly and em-barrassing But it also turned governmentfunding into a hostage-taking mechanism
In late 1995, the Republican-controlledHouse, led by Newt Gingrich, produced aspending bill with deep cuts to social-wel-fare programmes that were anathema tothen-president Bill Clinton Mr Clinton re-fused to sign it, and the government shutdown—first for six days, and then for 21.The shutdown ended when Congress and
24 MeToo and conservatism
25 The city of back-handers
26 Lexington: John Kasich
Also in this section
Trang 2222 United States The Economist January 12th 2019
deal with modest spending cuts and tax
hikes In effect, Republicans caved
Although Mr Gingrich received most of
the blame for the shutdown (and Mr
Clin-ton was easily re-elected), it arguably
pushed the president’s agenda rightward
Still, the opprobrium resulting from the
government ceasing to function for nearly
a month was sufficient for Mr Gingrich
never to try it again
Another generation of Republican
in-surgents tried in 2013, when they insisted,
as a condition of passing a budget, that the
Affordable Care Act, Barack Obama’s
signa-ture achievement, be delayed or defunded
That shutdown, which lasted 16 days, also
ended with Republicans surrendering
without getting what they demanded But
neither did they pay a political cost; the
next year they took control of the Senate
Like these two previous shutdowns,
this one is Republican-led Unlike the past
two, however, it stems from the president
trying to impose his will on Congress,
rath-er than the invrath-erse Absent Mr Trump’s
in-sistence on $5.7bn for his wall, a spending
bill could easily pass both houses of
Con-gress “This is not a hard shutdown,” says
Michael Steel, who was a spokesman for
John Boehner, the House speaker during
the 2013 shutdown “Put any number of
bi-partisan senators in a room with a cocktail
napkin and they could figure this out.”
Instead of senators huddled around a
cocktail napkin, America was treated to Mr
Trump and Democratic congressional
leaders making their cases on prime-time
tv Mr Trump called the border “a pipeline
for vast quantities of illegal drugs”, though
most come through ports of entry and a
wall would not stop them The number of
migrants apprehended at the border roselate last year, but from record lows Overallnumbers are far below where they were adecade ago If there is a crisis, it is in Ameri-ca’s creepingly slow-moving asylum sys-tem Yet that is a far less compelling argu-ment than Mr Trump’s assertion thatforeigners are sneaking across the border
to behead American citizens, and that theonly way to stop them is to build a big wall
Chuck Schumer, the Democratic leader inthe senate, reiterated his party’s offer: con-tinue negotiating over border security andpass bills to reopen the other shutteredparts of the government
Most Senate Republicans would
happi-ly accept this deal Some who are up for election in two years, such as Cory Gardner
re-of Colorado and Susan Collins re-of Maine,have begun pushing for a resolution with-out a wall Even John Cornyn of Texas, themajority whip until recently, backed thesort of hybrid solution—physical barriers,along with technology, drones and morepersonnel—that Democrats could support
But far more Republican senators face election in solidly Republican states nextyear, and they fear a primary challengefrom the right more than losing to a Demo-crat Hence Mitch McConnell, the Senatemajority leader, vowed not to bring for-ward a bill that the president does not sup-port, despite having called shutdowns “afailed policy” in 2014, when he also urgedthe then-Democratic Senate to set “nation-
re-al priorities [rather than] simply waiting onthe White House to do it.”
For his part, Mr Trump feels he holds awinning hand Immigration hawkishnesshelped propel him to victory in 2016 and re-mains crucial to satisfying his base
Though a recent Reuters poll showed thatmost Americans blame him for the shut-down (perhaps because he accepted blame
in a televised interview), earlier pollingdata suggest that may fade by 2020 Duringthe two previous extended shutdowns, ap-proval ratings for the incumbent presi-dents both fell, but they rebounded rela-tively quickly Yet that pattern may nothold if this shutdown lasts months
Members of both parties fear that MrTrump will reach not for Mr Schumer’s sol-ution but a more drastic one: invokingemergency powers to circumvent Congressand build a wall using previously autho-rised military funds That would set a pre-cedent that terrifies conservative senators:
what is to stop a future Democratic dent from doing the same thing to dealwith climate change or guns?
presi-It would also precipitate a genuine stitutional crisis and a fierce court battle
con-Perversely, that could suit Mr Trump well
He may not get his wall, but he would get tokeep fighting for it, and he would still haveuseful enemies—judges, Democrats—toblame for it having not been built yet.7
Source: VoteView.com
Afford-able Care Act, better known as
Obama-care, has been a party piñata for the
Repub-licans They keep bashing it from all sides,trying to tear it apart But one of its provi-sions was embraced and even bolstered bythe Trump administration: as of January 1sthospitals are obliged to post online thestandard charges for all of their services The idea is, in theory, laudable Patients,who are otherwise mostly blind as to whattheir care will cost until the bill arrives,would shop around for lower prices Thebiggest winners at first would be theroughly 10% of Americans who do not have
Hospital prices are now public That is unlikely to push them down
Health economics
Shopping for a Caesarean
$10,000 baby
Source: International Federation of Health Plans
Average price of birth delivery
Private sector, 2015 or latest, $’000
United States Switzerland Australia France Britain Spain
1
Trang 23The Economist January 12th 2019 United States 23
1
health insurance and the 43% covered by
cheap plans that require them to pay
sub-stantial amounts towards medical bills
be-fore their insurance kicks in (known as
high-deductible plans) As patients flock to
competitors who charge less, hospitals
would cut prices to win them
back—bring-ing America’s exorbitant prices closer to
those in other rich countries (see chart)
In reality, none of this is likely to
hap-pen The price lists that are being
pub-lished are of little practical use for patients
Each private insurer negotiates discounted
rates with each hospital, in contracts that
usually neither side is allowed to make
public An analysis of payments for
un-complicated births in California in 2011, for
example, found that discounted prices
paid by insurers were, on average, 37% of
hospitals’ list prices
Uninsured patients, who are most
like-ly to pay the list prices, face a
headscratch-er: working out which of the thousands of
items on the price lists, with descriptions
like “echo tee guid tcat icar/vessel
structural intvn”, might apply for their
treatment Even if they manage to nail
down the big-ticket items, they will still be
missing a major portion of the final bill,
be-cause the rates charged by physicians,
radi-ologists and other specialists are not
in-cluded in hospitals’ lists To dispel
confusion hospitals are posting, alongside
their price lists, disclaimers and videos
ex-plaining that they are useless
The predicament of patients trying to
get an idea of what something like a big
op-eration might cost them is laid bare by a
study conducted in 2016, in which
re-searchers called 120 hospitals posing as a
grand-daughter looking for information
on the cash price of hip replacement for her
grandmother Only eight of the hospitals
were able to provide a full price, inclusive
of physician charges; 53 were unable to
provide any estimate
Nearby hospitals often have widely
dif-ferent list prices, even for things as
stan-dard as an x-ray or an aspirin tablet Might
some hospitals lower prices when they see
what their competitors are charging? That,
too, seems unlikely Most states already
re-quire hospitals to publish some of their
prices When prices become public, they
may go up, not down, says Renee Hsia of
the University of California in San
Francis-co Antitrust textbooks teach that
transpa-rency can push up prices because firms
know that discounting might trigger an
immediate price war rather than boost
their market share
America’s health care market poses
par-ticular challenges Hospitals set prices
us-ing various multipliers and formulas that
are often outdated and not linked to costs
or quality—a process that the late Uwe
Reinhardt, an economist at Princeton
Uni-versity, once described as “chaos behind a
veil of secrecy” Studies of people in deductible plans show that when they haveaccess to prices they reduce their use of ser-vices but do not pay less for them Patientsusually go for tests to wherever their doc-tors refer them
high-The fallacy of pinning hopes on policiessuch as the new price-transparency rule isthat patients in America are viewed as con-sumers who can easily shop around, ratherthan people who are unwell and under du-ress, says Dr Hsia But knowing in advancehow much their care will cost would be astep forward.7
pon-der the fate of Tyler Barriss On January30th a federal judge will sentence the Cali-fornian to at least 20 years in prison fordozens of hoax 911 emergency calls, includ-ing one which resulted in the police inWichita, Kansas fatally shooting an inno-cent and unarmed young father But while
Mr Barriss’s mischief-making is over, atleast for a spell, police swat (special weap-ons and tactics) teams, which make use ofmilitary hardware and techniques, can ex-pect plenty more “swatting” calls, as bogusreports of violence have become known
Due to the lack of a uniform reporting
cate-gory, no nationwide tally exists But KevinKolbye, a former fbi swatting expert who isnow assistant police chief of Arlington,Texas, reckons annual swatting incidentshave climbed from roughly 400 in 2011 tomore than 1,000 today
Part of this increase can be chalked up tosmartphone apps and online services thatmask a caller’s location and identity, di-minishing the risk of the swatter beingcaught Another factor is the popularity ofstreaming videogame play to an online au-dience A swatter who targets a rival gamerduring a streaming session can watch thevictim’s reaction as his room is stormed bycops in tactical gear, weapons drawn Thevoyeuristic frisson thus obtained seems tohave outclassed the thrill of generating anews report of a swat raid on a celebrity’shome, an approach that was more common
in years past (Stars subjected to a swattinginclude Justin Bieber, Russell Brand, TomCruise, Miley Cyrus, Clint Eastwood andParis Hilton.)
Most swatters, then, are seeking kicks
or the settling of a score Some, however,are pursuing profit Drug dealers some-times swat rivals, hoping their unexpectedbrush with the law will end up reducingcompetition, says Robert Pusins, who untilrecently worked for the sheriff’s office inBroward County, Florida
The risk of violence seems to rise in theswatting of victims who have not commit-ted a crime In the confusion of a raid, alaw-abiding citizen is more likely to reckonthat his home must be under attack bythugs Thus unnerved, he is more likely tobrandish and use a weapon, which maydraw police fire, Mr Kolbye says During theresponse to a fake bomb threat in 2015, the
Trang 2424 United States The Economist January 12th 2019
shot four times by a resident who,
investi-gators said, was not charged because he
be-lieved the intrusion was criminal (A
ballis-tic vest saved the officer’s life.)
Of late, swatters seem to have become
better at making their 911 calls appear to
come from near the supposed scene of the
crime, says Carrie Braun, spokeswoman for
the sheriff’s office in Orange County,
Cali-fornia But even fishy reports of violence
must be treated as real—“we will always
re-spond,” she says All this hits taxpayers
hard The bill for a swat raid complete with
bomb squad and paramedics can run into
six figures, according to the Michigan
As-sociation of Police
More than a few swatters end up
brag-ging online, an unwise move To make
prosecuting them easier, Congresswoman
Katherine Clark, a Massachusetts
Demo-crat, is pushing a bill in Congress that
would make swatting a federal crime In
2016, not long after she had introduced the
initial version of the legislation, police
with rifles appeared outside her house near
Boston A caller had said that a shooter was
more than older women who voted for
Donald Trump They have gone from barely
worrying about false accusations of sexual
assault, with only 8% agreeing in
Novem-ber 2017 that these were worse than
unre-ported assaults, to 42% saying so,
accord-ing to two polls conducted for The
Economist by YouGov, a pollster They are
now the most likely group to agree that a
man who harassed a woman 20 years ago
should keep his job, and that a woman who
complains about harassment causes more
problems than she solves
Two things stand out First, even
though Americans on average, and
Repub-licans in particular, have become more
negative about #MeToo over the past year,
the change among this particular group is
spectacular (chart) Second, a generational
gap now yawns between Republican
wom-en who are over 65 and those under 30, the
cohort least hostile to #MeToo within the
Republican Party
One obvious difference between the
two groups is that many of the over-65s
have grown-up sons In 2018 some of them
fell off their pedestals as hundreds of men
were publicly named and shamed over ual misconduct allegations Many morefeared that “some lady” from the pastcould, with one accusation, destroy themand their family This lady became person-ified in Christine Blasey Ford, when in Sep-tember 2018 she accused Brett Kavanaugh
sex-of sexual assault, threatening to derail hisnomination to the Supreme Court All thishelped fuel a backlash against #MeToo, andnot just among men Many Twitter threads
on #HimToo, the hashtag about false sations, were posted by worried mothers
accu-“We saw the split among Republicanwomen widen around the Kavanaugh hear-ings A lot of the rhetoric illustrated thegenerational gap,” remembers Jennifer Pie-rotti Lim, from Republican Women for Pro-gress, a campaign group “There’s a feelingamongst that generation that a little lightsexual assault is no big deal For women ofour generation that’s hard to understand.”
Carrie Lukas of the Independent en’s Forum, a conservative advocacy group,recognises that the movement has done inencouraging people to speak out againstprominent men who “people have knownwere problems”, but wonders whether ithas gone too far “I don’t think the mantra
Wom-‘believe all women’ is sufficient,” she says
“Men need to be able to make mistakes, andhave conversations with women and not bewalking on eggshells.”
Yet the biggest split on #MeToo, as withany question pollsters ask about gender isnot between genders or generations but be-tween political affiliations, says JulianaHorowitz from the Pew Research Centre
Democrats have barely changed their views
on #MeToo over the past year, even as publicans have grown more sceptical Nosplit separates the generation of Nancy Pe-losi and Elizabeth Warren from younger fe-male Democrats In fact boomer Clinton-voting women have increased their sup-
Re-port for #MeToo over the past year
The partisan gender gap has alreadywidened In 2016 Hillary Clinton won 54%
of women voters; in the 2018 mid-terms59% of women voted for Democrats Re-publicans appear unconcerned: a recentpoll found that 71% of likely primary votersexpressed no concern that only 13 of theparty’s 200 House members are women(the lowest number in 25 years) and 60%said nothing had to be done to recruit morefemale candidates
One explanation of this partisan gap isthat it reflects a difference of opinion overwhat true feminism is Some conservativewomen resist what they see as specialtreatment for women as vaguely patronis-ing There is another explanation, too MsPierotti Lim of Republican Women for Pro-gress remembers campaigning in Wiscon-sin and Michigan in 2016 and being aston-ished by the number of older women whowere afraid to even talk to her and who lettheir (Republican-voting) husbands fill intheir ballots.7
Republican women over 65 have
become the most anti-#MeToo group
#MeToo and conservatism
Sister sledging
Her too
Hey ladies
Source: YouGov *1,500 Americans surveyed
United States, “men who sexually harassed women
20 years ago should keep their jobs today”
% of adults agreeing*, by age
30-64 Over 65 Female
Male
voters
Clinton voters Sep 2018
Under 30
30-64 Over 65
Under 30
Trang 25The Economist January 12th 2019 United States 25
and a scowl In his breast pocket he
folds a handkerchief, colourful and silky
For the past half century, since 1969,
Ed-ward Burke has run his fief, the 14th Ed-ward, a
gritty district in south Chicago, as an
old-school political boss No other councillor—
alderman, say Chicagoans—has amassed
such clout Since 1983, save a couple of
years, he chaired the city’s powerful
fi-nance committee A canny, financially
lit-erate figure, he also oversaw a
compensa-tion scheme for public workers, doling out
$100m a year with little oversight
Mr Burke was a fixture even as mayors
came and went The ex-cop played piano,
wrote local histories and profited
hand-somely by running a legal office that
helped corporate clients appeal against
their city tax bills (Donald Trump, for a
time, was a client) He was a noted figure,
lauded for adopting a child from a deprived
neighbourhood Yet if you asked about
Chi-cago’s machine—the system of patronage
jobs, political donations by businesses
seeking permits, corporate tax deals cut
over lunches in clubs—his was the first
name that sprang to everyone’s lips
Now, most likely, Mr Burke is done The
fbi lodged a 37-page criminal complaint
against him on January 2nd He denies all
wrongdoing But for much of 2017 the feds
bugged his phone, recording about 40 calls
a day They also trailed him That
excep-tionally long period suggests they showed
a judge strong cause for suspicion Agents
raided his office late last year They accuse
him of attempted extortion, saying he
withheld a permit for a restaurant owner to
renovate, while demanding a pay-off He
could face 20 years in prison
He is the biggest fish caught in recent
city history The fbi alleges that he pressed
the restaurant chain—reportedly Burger
King—to hire his private office to handle all
its tax affairs in Illinois The firm resisted,
but it did agree to serve up a whopper of a
$10,000 political donation One executive
spoke of “reading between the lines”,
grasping that he needed to pay to avoid
trouble from powerful Mr Burke The cash
reportedly went to Toni Preckwinkle, the
front-runner (until now) in the mayoral
race, to be held next month She says the
campaign rejected it, so did nothing
wrong And she is returning a big pot of
money Mr Burke raised separately for her
For years Chicago’s political elite lauded
Mr Burke and took his donations, despitehis dubious past He co-led a racist cam-paign to stymie reforms by the city’s firstblack mayor, Harold Washington, in the1980s Previous federal investigations into
“ghosts” who padded city payrolls hadnabbed people close to Mr Burke
Now he is alone Rahm Emanuel, themayor, has stripped him of his committeepost and promises an audit of his work MsPreckwinkle, who runs the DemocraticParty in Cook County, has booted him from
a party post Other aldermen declare selves shocked, shocked “We are not allcrooks,” said one, plaintively, this week
them-Burke’s little platoon
Politics in Illinois encourages conflicts ofinterest that would be criminal elsewhere
“The real crime is what is legal,” goes acommon Chicago refrain Mr Burke couldwork as a public official, setting policies forcompanies, while also touting for businesswith the same clients to submit appealsagainst the city A predecessor on the fi-nance committee did the same MichaelMadigan, speaker of the statehouse, haslong done something similar
Criminality among the city’s 50 men is also astonishingly common DickSimpson of the University of Illinois, inChicago, estimates that there have been
alder-200 councillors since 1969, when Mr Burkefirst got elected Of them, 33 have been im-prisoned for bribery, extortion, fraud or
more One notorious catch, Edward “FastEddie” Vrdolyak, is an ex-boss of the Demo-cratic Party in Chicago Recently other offi-cials, including an ex-boss of Chicago’sschools who pocketed $2m in kickbacks,have been imprisoned
“We are the most corrupt metropolitanregion in America,” says Mr Simpson.Studs Terkel, a shrewd author, once de-clared Chicago is really the “most theatri-cally corrupt” city in America Nothing isdone by halves The Justice Departmentsays it recorded 1,642 federal public corrup-tion convictions in Illinois’s northern judi-cial district between 1976 and 2013, morethan in any other district nationally AustinBerg, co-author of a newly published book
on Chicago politics, says the autocraticpower of the mayor and aldermen is thecore problem A city commission called thesystem an “anachronism” already in 1954 Will anything change after Mr Burke’sfall? A survey in 2016 found over 90% ofChicago business leaders saw cronyism inthe city government Small firms, especial-
ly, consider that a drag Mr Emanuel ises a clean-up in his final weeks One may-oral candidate, Bill Daley (himself from anotorious clan of Chicago mayors) said thisweek that he wants most of the aldermanposts scrapped
prom-Chicago could adopt practices of betterrun places Annual “menu money”, inwhich each alderman gets roughly $1m todispense in his ward, should end The cityneeds a smaller city council; more transpa-rency; a powerful inspector general; a char-ter and a set of ethics to ban politiciansfrom enriching themselves with side busi-nesses City departments should take overzoning powers from aldermen Gerryman-dering of city districts should end Will any
of this come soon? Not likely Chicagoansbrag theirs is the “city of big shoulders” It isalso a city of back-handers.7
CH I C A G O
Chicago’s opaque political system is set up to produce corruption
Chicago corruption
On the make by the lake
Edward Burke: councillor, pianist, suspect
Trang 2626 United States The Economist January 12th 2019
Ohio had just chaired his last cabinet meeting and was
impa-tient to leave the office which he has occupied for the past eight
years and will vacate permanently this week Several hours later,
after an extended discussion of his state, America, why he lost in
2016 to Donald Trump, the damage done by his presidency, politics
on the right, golf, faith and Mr Kasich’s electric car (“It’s like
driv-ing a space rocket!”), Lexdriv-ington bade him farewell at a party for his
security detail on the other side of Columbus He had reached it via
the governor’s office, car, house and garage, with pauses to chat
with Mr Kasich’s wife and teenage twin daughters (“C’mere girls, I
brought you a Brit ”) along the way
The governor, who is Mr Trump’s biggest Republican critic,
does not stand on ceremony He kicks up a conversational
fire-storm, racing from topic to topic, showing the same fervent
inter-est in a controversial dam project as in his home suburb’s
connec-tion to the Underground Railroad and the future of the West
Unlike many politicians, he is also able to surprise Bullish and
irascible, he is most interested in his own views, trusts his gut
where the evidence fails him, and sweeps counter-arguments
aside: ignore the polls, evangelical Christians are not the solid
Trump constituency many say, he insists, “and I happen to know
this” Yet he periodically backs up, as if suddenly irritated by his
own certainty “Forget that—what do you think?” “Do you think
any of us really knows what we’re doing?”
A more original politician than he appeared to be in 2016, when
his upbeat Reaganite message found few takers, Mr Kasich’s
go-verning record reveals the same mix of intensity,
single-minded-ness and sporadic eccentricity Inheriting a state in economic
cri-sis, including an $8bn budget shortfall, he slashed spending,
privatised services and accepted protest as proof of concept Doing
the right thing, no matter the political cost, is one of his mantras
That usually means the conservative thing Fairly solidly pro-life
and pro-gun, Mr Kasich is not the squishy centrist he is sometimes
portrayed as—except when he is When it comes to helping the
poor, incarcerated and addicted, he has long argued that the end
justifies the means His decision to expand Medicaid despite
op-position from Republicans illustrated that Since the election, he
has also been thumbing it to Republican orthodoxy more often
He signed off on modest gun and abortion controls and paigned on health care alongside his Democratic counterpart fromColorado, John Hickenlooper Ideological fixity on the right, hesays, mainly reflects a lack of new ideas “That’s where my partyfell short Maybe there is something in the conservative dna thatmakes it easier to be against something than for it.” He believes MrTrump’s success was based on filling the void It follows that heconsiders Republicans to be open to a course correction now “Peo-ple are going to get serious about what they want to see in thecountry,” he says “So do I think someone like me could stand upand change the whole debate? I do.” Mr Kasich has suggested hewill run against Mr Trump in 2020, ideally as a Republican, or else
cam-as an independent, if there is enough money and other ment available to suggest he can win
encourage-As things stand, there won’t be His rather self-serving tion of why he lost in 2016 is a clue to that Mr Kasich says he wasdrowned out by the media’s obsession with Mr Trump But journal-ists gave him more time than most Republicans Even after hismainstream rivals were eliminated, he raised little money, andonly won his own state As Mr Kasich acknowledges, a resentfulRepublican primary audience was not in the mood for his talk ofbipartisan problem-solving But it also spurned his ideas It turnedout many Republicans had long preferred Mr Trump’s talk of bor-der walls and protectionism to Mr Kasich’s support for immigra-tion and trade The surveys he disdains suggest they still do Kasichvoters tended to be Republicans hostile to Mr Trump, and are thosemost likely to have quit the party since his election Mr Kasich isstill popular in Ohio, but more with Democrats than Republicans.After his previous break from politics—following an 18-year spell
explana-in Congress—he worked for Fox News and Lehman Brothers He isabout as likely to return to one as the other His party has left him.His record in Ohio, which had 89 cents in its rainy day fund in
2011 and now has $2.69bn, points to the cost of that It is no dence that the most successful Republican governors tend to bemoderates, or that they are generally found in states, such as Mas-sachusetts, Maryland and Texas, where Republicans need inde-pendent or Democratic voters to win statewide As the RepublicanParty becomes increasingly inhospitable to such figures national-
coinci-ly, it is not obvious how it can retain them at the state level Either
it will have to reverse course from Trumpian nationalism, whichmay take longer—perhaps including a couple of crushing presi-dential election defeats—than Mr Kasich predicts Or else theDemocrats may seize the opportunity they have been given to ex-pand their coalition It is not hard to imagine Mr Kasich in thesame party as Mr Hickenlooper “He thinks about things prettymuch the same way I do,” Mr Kasich says
A moderate by any other name
A third possibility is that Democrats continue marching to theleft—creating an opportunity for a third-party candidate to surgethrough the middle It seems unlikely; Democratic extremism isoften exaggerated and independent candidates face big financialand other barriers Mr Kasich seems nonetheless most intrigued
by this prospect, and in the event of a presidential face-off tween, say, Mr Trump and Senator Bernie Sanders, it would bewrong to rule it out But he might in that case consider a word ofadvice He is an innovator who in 2016 came across as rather astick-in-the-mud To assemble a new centrist coalition, Mr Kasichshould unleash the political cross-dressing maverick that he is.7
be-John Kasich: conservative orphan
Lexington
Ohio’s departing governor is a credit to his party and Donald Trump’s biggest critic
Trang 27The Economist January 12th 2019 27
1
pres-idents are supposed to be sworn in
be-fore the national assembly, the country’s
legislature But the ceremony that will
be-gin Nicolás Maduro’s second six-year term,
planned for January 10th, is to take place at
the supreme court That is because the
op-position-controlled assembly regards Mr
Maduro’s election last May as a farce and
his second term as illegitimate The
nomi-nally independent court, by contrast,
re-mains an obedient servant of the regime
The change of venue is a characteristic
manoeuvre by Mr Maduro, who is keeping
power by increasingly dictatorial means
That is his one talent After a
cata-strophic first term, Mr Maduro is arguably
the world’s least successful president (see
charts on next page) But the seeds of
disas-ter were planted by his predecessor, Hugo
Chávez, who died in 2013 An eloquent
pop-ulist, Chávez thought that the best way to
help the poor was to ramp up government
spending while throttling markets He
seized private businesses, imposed price
controls, borrowed lavishly and sacked
competent managers at pdvsa, the
state-owned oil firm that is Venezuela’s mainsource of hard currency, for not supportinghim politically
Chávez was lucky Oil prices were highduring most of his 14 years in office Thatkept goods on the shelves and budget defi-cits under control When he died, the econ-omy was headed for a steep decline, butthat was not yet apparent Mr Maduro casthimself as the “son” of Chávez, who still in-spired devotion among poor Venezuelansand gullible leftists abroad He won a dis-puted presidential election against Hen-rique Capriles, a centre-left state governor
In 2014 oil prices began to slide
Mr Maduro doggedly adhered to
cha-vismoeven as conditions turned against it
To continue paying Venezuela’s tional creditors he slashed imports, lead-ing to shortages and hunger He printedmoney to finance massive budget deficits
interna-Both measures stoked inflation, which wasprobably more than one million per centlast year He kept the official exchange rate
of the bolívar artificially high, ostensibly tomake essential imports affordable In fact,the regime denied honest importers access
to cheap dollars, giving them instead toloyalists, some of whom became billion-aires The black-market (ie, true) value ofthe bolívar collapsed gdp has dropped bynearly half since Mr Maduro took office
He responded to the crisis either withhalf-measures, such as inadequate devalu-ations of the official bolívar, or policies thatmade things worse, such as new price con-trols As reserves of foreign exchangeplummeted, in 2017 he partially defaulted
on bonds issued by pdvsa and the ment The government has avoided full de-fault only by mortgaging oil, gas and goldfields, mainly to Chinese and Russianstate-controlled firms
govern-Last August Mr Maduro removed fivezeros from the currency and relaunched it
as the “sovereign bolívar” But without anyaction by the government to rein in deficits
or alleviate shortages, it has lost 95% of itsvalue against the dollar Banks are alreadyrefusing to accept two-bolívar notes, thelowest denomination, although they arebrand new
Even if oil prices bounce back,
Venezue-la is unlikely to benefit much That is cause the government has looted pdvsa.Under Chávez, in addition to paying forpopular social programmes it providedpetrol to Venezuelans nearly free and oil tofriendly governments, such as Cuba’s, oneasy terms Investment and explorationsuffered pdvsa’s decline sped up under MrMaduro, who has appointed as its presi-dent a major-general with no experience inthe oil industry Scavengers, including em-
28 Protecting scarlet macaws
30 Bello: Brazil’s confused foreign policy
Also in this section
Trang 2828 The Americas The Economist January 12th 2019
2
1
ployees made desperate by the collapse in
their incomes, have begun to pilfer
ma-chinery Now in partial default on its
bonds, Venezuela produces less oil than it
did in the 1950s Output per citizen is where
it was in the 1920s
The consequence is misery Electricity
and water supplies are faltering because of
corruption, underinvestment and
absen-teeism by workers who cannot live on their
salaries Violence has soared and health
care has all but collapsed A tenth of the
population, 3m people, have emigrated,
largely to neighbouring countries such as
Colombia At least 2.5m have left since
2014 (A minority apply for asylum.)
Depending on what happens to oil
in-come and remittances, 5m more could
leave, according to a study by the Brookings
Institution, a think-tank in Washington
“My daughter is just 15 and she’s already
hinting she wants to go,” says Carlos
Val-buena, an office worker in Caracas “What
do I tell her?” he wonders
The answer hinges on how long Mr
Ma-duro will remain in power That, in turn,
depends on how long the regime can
re-main united under pressure from its foes
and from the stresses it has placed on itself
On January 4th the Lima group, which
in-cludes the biggest Latin American
coun-tries and Canada, said it would stop
recog-nising Mr Maduro as president in his
second term and urged him to cede power
to the national assembly That gesture was
weakened by the refusal of Mexico, under
its new left-wing president, Andrés
Ma-nuel López Obrador, to sign the statement
Peru has now joined the United States
and the European Union in barring
mem-bers of the regime from visiting and
con-ducting financial transactions Other
members of the Lima group may follow
More painful are American sanctions that
stop firms from dealing in newly issued
debt That is making it difficult for
Vene-zuela to reach agreements with creditors
The Lima group’s endorsement of the
national assembly is a fillip to the divided
and ineffectual opposition The alliance is
in good-enough shape that on January 5th
it carried out a redistribution of top jobs inthe legislature under a pact reached afterthe parliamentary election in 2015, Vene-zuela’s last fair election Juan Guaidó, afounder of Voluntad Popular (PopularWill), one of the most confrontational op-position parties, became the assembly’spresident The party’s leader, Leopoldo Ló-pez, is under house arrest and its nationalco-ordinator, Freddy Guevara, has takenrefuge in the Chilean embassy since 2017
In his acceptance speech, Mr Guaidódamned Mr Maduro’s presidency as illegit-imate and called on the army to help “re-store the constitutional order” Mr Guaidówill be “the head of the struggle for change
in Venezuela”, predicts Luis Vicente León, apollster and political analyst in Caracas
But the main threat to Mr Maduro
comes from “inside chavismo”, says Mr
León Until now, loot from oil production,smuggling and drug-trafficking, which thegovernment tolerates, has held the regimetogether A network of Cuban spies alerts
Mr Maduro to plots against him But cash isbecoming scarce and plots may be prolifer-ating In August some people apparentlytried to kill Mr Maduro with explosive-lad-
en drones as he addressed a gathering ofnational guardsmen The government hastortured dozens of soldiers accused of plot-ting against it, according to Human RightsWatch, an ngo
Defections from chavismo may pose a
bigger danger Subject to sanctions, somemembers of the regime may fear beingtrapped in Venezuela when power shiftssuddenly They may be tempted to strike adeal with the opposition, probably mediat-
ed by an outside group, leading to somesort of transitional government Mr Leónsays that tension between those prepared
to negotiate and those who refuse couldlead to the government’s “implosion”
The regime has already suffered severalhigh-profile defections, especially bymembers of the judiciary The latest came
on January 6th, when Christian Zerpa, ajudge on the supreme court, appeared inMiami to denounce Mr Maduro His rule
“has no other name than a dictatorship”,declared the once-loyal justice That is anembarrassment, but not a serious threat It
is from his friends, rather than from hisservants on the supreme court, that Mr Ma-duro has most to fear 7
The economic cost of Maduro…
Sources: DolarToday; IMF; Energy Intelligence Group *Replaced by sovereign bolívar †Purchasing-power parity, current prices
Bolívar per $, black- market
exchange rate, inverted log scale
0 5 10 15 20
Bolívar*
Sovereign bolívar
0 1 2 3
…and the human one
Sources: UN Inter-agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation; UNHCR
Annual asylum applications from Venezuelans
’000
Under-five mortality per 1,000 live births
Nicolás Maduro assumes office
0 30 60 90 120
0 10 20 30
Latin America Venezuela
Hondu-ras is not notably infested with toes, but swarms with cocaine traffickers.They use the sparsely populated region as atrans-shipment point for drugs headed forthe United States (The area gets its namefrom the Miskito people, descendants of amix of shipwrecked slaves, English seafar-ers and indigenous people.)
mosqui-The region holds another treasure eted by rich foreigners To spot it, just look
cov-up Splodges of red, blue and gold amidstthe trees in Mabita, a Miskito hamlet four
hours’ drive from the coast, are guaras—
large, loud parrots known to speakers as scarlet macaws The ancientMayans thought they flew between Earthand the heavens and honoured them withstatues They are Honduras’s national bird.Once common across Central America,they are extinct in El Salvador and rare else-where in the region The 500 or so on theMosquito Coast are the last big population,says Marlene Arias of the Forest Conserva-
Trang 29humans.economist.com @EconomistEvents #EconBusinessCase
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Trang 3030 The Americas The Economist January 12th 2019
2
fre-quently associated with diplomacy
than with military feats,” notes Rubens
Ricupero, a former minister, in his
mon-umental history of his country’s dealings
with the world This legacy is above all
the achievement of the Baron of Rio
Branco, the foreign minister from 1902 to
1912, who through peaceful negotiation
settled the country’s borders with all ten
of its neighbours (in some cases
expand-ing its territory)
The values Rio Branco espoused—
peace, moderation, trust in international
law, non-intervention and what would
now be called the pursuit of soft power—
became integral to Brazil’s idea of itself,
Mr Ricupero argues And Itamaraty, as
the foreign ministry is known (from the
palace in Rio de Janeiro it formerly
occu-pied), came to be seen as the Rolls-Royce
of Brazilian government, its prestige
based on meritocracy and knowledge
So the appointment of Ernesto Araújo
as foreign minister in the new
govern-ment of Jair Bolsonaro has come as a
shock to the Brazilian intelligentsia Mr
Araújo is a career diplomat, but a fairly
junior one Aged 51, he only recently
achieved ambassadorial rank His
mis-sion, he said, is “to liberate Brazilian
foreign policy” and Itamaraty “through
truth” But this truth “cannot be taught by
analytical deduction”, he added Rather,
it is religious in nature “God is back and
the nation is back,” he has written
Mr Araújo’s foreign policy will
con-front what he denounces as “globalism”,
a sneering term for openness to the
world Diplomats should read the New
York Timesless and Brazilian authors
more, he said
Mr Bolsonaro wants to pull Brazil out
of the Paris climate accord His
govern-ment has aligned itself with
populist-nationalists in other countries—above allDonald Trump, but also the leaders of Italy,Hungary and Poland Mr Bolsonaro hasseemed to entertain the idea of invitingthe United States to set up a military base
Like Mr Trump, he has declared himself afoe of China He visited Taiwan during lastyear’s election campaign
Certainly, Itamaraty has sometimescombined sophistication with do-nothingcomplacency And in their critique offoreign policy under governments led bythe Workers’ Party (pt) from 2003 to 2016,
Mr Bolsonaro’s people have a point The ptabandoned some of Rio Branco’s values Itspriority of “south-south” links was often aveil for anti-Americanism It failed tostand up for democracy in Latin America,preferring to ally itself with left-wingdictatorships in Venezuela and Cuba
But Mr Araújo risks making the samemistake—of basing policy on ephemeralideological affinity, rather than on under-lying national interest His assault on
“globalism” also exposes a contradiction atthe heart of Mr Bolsonaro’s project Thenew president’s powerful economy min-
ister, Paulo Guedes, promises liberalreforms, including privatisation andopening Brazil to trade and competition.The best way to do that is not to ally itselfslavishly with the protectionist-in-chief
in the White House Mr Bolsonaro’sstance on climate change has alreadydented the chances of the EuropeanUnion concluding a long-delayed tradeagreement with Mercosur (to whichBrazil belongs)
Mr Bolsonaro heads a ramshacklealliance of populist-nationalists (notablytwo of his sons), religious zealots, busi-ness lobbies and the security forces MrAraújo owes his job to the first twogroups The armed forces—represented
by seven retired generals in the cabinet—espouse a different kind of nationalism,grounded in hard-headed geopolitics.They are interested in co-operation withthe United States against organisedcrime, but will resist automatic align-ment with Mr Trump Then there is MrGuedes, who has seized control of tradepolicy from Itamaraty The economicteam has no interest in quarrelling eitherwith China, a big investor with whichBrazil has a trade surplus, or with Arabcountries (by moving Brazil’s embassy inIsrael to Jerusalem, as Mr Bolsonaro haspromised)
Faced with these more organisedrivals, some think Mr Araújo may not lastlong Yet even if he does not, he has madehis mark For the first time since the early1970s during the cold war, Brazilians havebeen offered an extreme right-wingforeign policy, notes Matias Spektor, aninternational-relations specialist atFundação Getulio Vargas, a university.Even if modulated, bits of it are likely to
be applied by Mr Bolsonaro It is a longway from Rio Branco, and is unlikely to
do much for Brazil’s soft power
The contradictions of Brazil’s new foreign policy
tion Institute, a Honduran government
agency They are under threat
Poachers, many from nearby Jamaica,
climb the pine trees where the guaras nest
and pinch the chicks before they learn to
fly Fanciers in China, Australia and the
Middle East buy them online for up to
$6,000 In 2014 not one newborn guara
reached adulthood in its native habitat
Four years earlier, LoraKim Joyner of
One Earth Conservation, an American
par-rot-conservation group, had enlisted the
residents of Mabita, which consists of a
score of wooden huts, to patrol the forest
At first little happened That changed in
2015 when the group started paying ers 200 lempiras ($8) a day They begancamping in the forest to chase poachersaway Last year 103 nests were left undis-turbed in the area, says Ms Joyner About
villag-150 baby guaras survived
Once scarcely seen, now they are where, says Anaide Pántin López, a resi-dent of Mabita who manages the patrollers
every-This has disadvantages The birds devourthe wild mangoes and guavas that the vil-lagers once enjoyed, says Ms Pántin, cra-dling a piglet on her porch “In fruit season,
the humans don’t taste anything,” shegrumbles
But there are compensations The
mon-ey from patrolling has seeded a cash omy in Mabita The inhabitants have used
econ-it to build a small stone church Five othervillages in the area have joined the scheme,which is financed by the United States Fishand Wildlife Service And the folk of theMosquito Coast seem to get as much plea-
sure from watching guaras as those who
pay to have them stolen from their habitat
“It is so beautiful to see them flying in the
Trang 31The Economist January 12th 2019 31
1
the Tokyo satellite town of Kunitachi lies
Yasuyuki Ibaraki, eyes closed and
breath-ing laboured Yukio Miyazaki, his doctor,
who visits fortnightly from a local clinic,
suspects that he does not have much time
left: he has brain damage from a cerebral
infarction, a tumour in his digestive
sys-tem and is unable to swallow or talk Reiko,
his wife, feeds him through a tube to his
stomach and clears phlegm from his
throat “He is from a close-knit family and
is a quiet man, so I think it is better for him
to be here rather than in a hospital,” she
says, over green tea and grapes
Life expectancy in Japan is the highest
in the world, at 84 This is good news for its
people, but means that an ever-higher
share of the population is elderly Fully
28% of Japanese are older than 65,
com-pared with 15% of Americans and 21% of
Germans More old people, in turn, means
higher health-care costs Last year the
gov-ernment budgeted ¥15trn ($138bn, or 15% of
its total expenditure) for health care and
nursing, excluding the charges it levies for
the public health-insurance scheme Withpublic debt at 250% of gdp, and debt ser-vice consuming a further 24% of spending,the government is looking desperately forways to cut costs It reckons caring for peo-ple at home is one of its best options
All Japanese pay a monthly premium tothe public insurance scheme, eitherthrough their employer or the local mu-nicipality In return they are entitled totreatment and drugs from public and priv-ate doctors and hospitals, although theymust also pay a portion of the cost of treat-ment (a co-payment, in American par-lance), subject to a cap In 2000 Japan intro-duced an additional public insurancescheme for long-term care for those over
65, into which people must pay from theage of 40 It works the same way The pre-miums and co-payments cover around60% of the cost of the services provided;the government pays for the rest And it isthe old who cost the most The governmentreckons that the average annual cost ofhealth care for someone over 75 is
¥942,000, compared with just ¥221,000 foreveryone else
By the standards of ageing nations, pan has managed to curb medical costsfairly well, says Naoki Ikegami of St Luke’sInternational University in Tokyo The gov-ernment sets fees for services to keep costsdown (although that encourages providers
Ja-to perform unnecessary procedures Ja-tomake more money: Japan has more ctscanners relative to its population than anyother country) It has also promoted theuse of generic drugs, which are cheaper
Life-giving, budget-busting
Nonetheless, the country has crept up tosixth place in the oecd’s ranking of theshare of gdp spent on health care, behindFrance and America, but ahead of Italy andSouth Korea—two other ageing countries(see chart on next page) It is not just thatthe number of old people is increasing;spending per person is rising, too, as peo-ple live longer with diseases like Alz-heimer’s and diabetes
Japan has promoted home care formany years, but it is pushing it harder now.The policy is especially beneficial given
32 The king of Malaysia abdicates
33 Affirmative action for all in India
33 Refugees in the outback
Also in this section
34 Banyan: Democracy in Taiwan
Trang 3232 Asia The Economist January 12th 2019
three times longer than in the Netherlands,
for instance The health ministry reckons
that 1m people will receive care at home in
2025—one-and-a-half times the current
to-tal The number of special nursing units
ex-clusively for home visits has risen from
7,473 in 2014 to 10,418 in 2018
Last year a government panel suggested
raising the amount doctors are paid for
home visits and making consultations
conducted via video-conferencing services
eligible, too It also proposed new rules to
encourage care at home Hospitals should
be obliged to talk to social services when
they discharge a patient, for example
Some municipalities are already
offer-ing good care in the community
Ono-michi, a small provincial city that is even
older than the country as a whole, is one Its
medical facilities have 15-minute “care
conferences” with doctors, nurses, family
members and even dentists, to discuss
how they will go about looking after
peo-ple “It used to be hard for hospitals to tell a
patient to return home as there was no
sys-tem for that; that has changed,” says
Hi-sashi Katayama, a doctor
Community care for specific diseases is
improving, too Take dementia, which
cur-rently affects 5m Japanese (4% of the
popu-lation), and will afflict 6-7% by 2030
Rath-er than provide only institutional care and
medicine, some towns, such as Matsudo,
north-east of Tokyo, have set up cafés to
of-fer advice and companionship to patients
and their carers Day centres that give
re-spite to families tending to elderly relatives
are common Much more could be done:
only 13% of Japanese die at home, although
most say they want to
But more widespread home care will
not be enough to make Japan’s health care
affordable The government of Shinzo Abe
wants to revamp the social-security
sys-tem, which it reckons will help reduce
health-care costs Raising the retirement
age, for example, will keep people active,
healthier and paying tax for longer The
government also wants to try to reduce the
incidence of diseases that affect older ple, but have their origins in behaviour at ayounger age “We have tended to focus onthe old, but we need to look at the younger
peo-to prevent disease,” says Kazumi kawa of the economy ministry He is partic-ularly focused on giving people more in-formation on what causes diabetes, which
Nishi-is on the rNishi-ise in Japan, or exercNishi-ises that canstem the progression of dementia
People are likely to have to pay more forhealth care, too Co-payments for many ofthose over 75 are only 10%, compared with30% for everyone else The government
should start by doubling that to 20%, saysShigefumi Kawamoto, managing director
of Kenporen, the national federation ofhealth-insurance societies “Some elderlypeople don’t have resources, but many do,”
he avers The government could excludesome items from coverage, he says, such asover-the-counter drugs
Meanwhile, back in Kunitachi, Dr zaki talks to Reiko about her husband’scondition She is worried that her husband
Miya-is getting worse, she says, and Miya-is anxiousbetween visits The doctor promises to
and unexplained On January 6thSultan Muhammad V, Malaysia’s king,stepped down from the throne It was thefirst time a Malaysian king had abdicat-
ed He had only reigned for two years
The king presides over one of theworld’s most peculiar monarchies, estab-lished at independence in 1957 Malaysia
is a federation made up of 13 states Thetitular head of the government in nine ofthem is a sultan (democratically appoint-
ed chief ministers actually run theshow) The nine sultans choose one oftheir own to serve a five-year term asking whenever the job becomes vacant
In practice, the nine states take it inturns The king’s job is largely ceremoni-
al, although he can delay legislation andrefuse a prime minister’s request todissolve parliament
No reason was given for the tion, but many suspect the king’s love lifehad raised too many eyebrows In 2008,when still crown prince of Kelantan, themost conservative and devoutly Islamicstate in the country, he had divorced hiswife, a Muslim princess from neigh-bouring Thailand In 2016 he became thefirst king to ascend to the throne un-married Then, in November, he took atwo-month leave of absence followingmedical treatment During that periodthe 49-year-old snuck off to Russia andmarried Oksana Voevodina, a 25-year-oldformer Miss Moscow
abdica-The wedding poses an “existentialquestion” for the monarchy, says FrancisHutchinson of iseas-Yusof Ishak In-stitute, a think-tank in Singapore Sul-tans are supposed to be defenders of theculture and religion of the country’sethnic-Malay majority Older and ruralMalays in particular hold sultans in highesteem and see them as a cultural an-
chor One view holds that in a state out a sultan, society becomes nihilistic.Modern royals are thus expected to be-have with a certain decorum—althoughmany of their forebears married glamor-ous young foreigners At any rate, KingMuhammad’s conduct must have jarredwith some The other sultans are thought
with-to have issued an ultimatum, forcinghim to quit
The election of a new monarch,scheduled for January 24th, may cause afurther hiccup The next in line under thesystem of rotation is the sultan of Pa-hang, who served as king once before, 40years ago He is elderly and in ill health,however His family is reported to becontemplating getting him to abdicate,
to allow his son to become sultan andthen king in short order Typical: youwait 60 years for an abdication, and thentwo come along at once
Monarchical merry-go-round
The king of Malaysia
New head of state wanted Only sultans need apply
His kingdom for a queen
Trang 33The Economist January 12th 2019 Asia 33
1
Af-ghans and the Africans Since 2016, odd Yazidis have washed up in WaggaWagga, a regional centre south-west ofSydney Its primary school has had to hireinterpreters to communicate with families(fully a fifth of its students are refugees).The local college teems with parents learn-ing English and new trades Doctors havehad to brush up on illnesses rarely found inthe area Few locals seem fussed about thechanges And to those fresh out of warzones, “Wagga” is an idyll “My children aresafe,” says Ismail Darwesh, a Yazidi whofled Islamic State’s attempt to wipe out hispeople, a religious minority in Iraq and Syr-
400-ia “Everything you want you can get here.”The refugees have been sent to WaggaWagga under a scheme which brings bene-ficiaries from foreign camps to rural Aus-tralia (most settle in urban areas) The hope
is that they can offset the population cline that threatens many outback settle-ments with extinction, as birth rates falland youngsters head for cities WaggaWagga’s Multicultural Council says thepopulation is only growing thanks to thenew arrivals Immigrants are helping tostem shrinkage in another 150 localities.The scheme helps big cities, too, by eas-ing the pressure on roads, schools and hos-pitals there Thousands of Iraqis and Syri-ans descended on Sydney’s westernsuburbs after extra visas were dished out tothem in 2016 and 2017 Many have struggled
de-to find work, and conservatives grumbleabout ghettoisation A recent report fromthe Centre for Policy Development, a think-tank, found that just 17% of “humanitarianentrants” have jobs after 18 months in Aus-tralia Yet remote towns are crying out for
Canberra
Wagga Wagga
Sydney
Walla Walla Pyramid Hill
Melbourne Nhill
New South Wales
Victoria
Tasmania
A U S T R A L I A
Bass Strait
P A C I F I C
O C E A N
250 km
confusingly call it, has been a defining
feature of modern India The constitution
allows the government to make “special
provision for the advancement of any
so-cially and educationally backward classes
of citizens” Since it came into force in 1950,
“reservations” (quotas) have often been
de-manded and doled out By setting aside
government jobs and places at universities
for members of communities that had
been oppressed for hundreds if not
thou-sands of years, the thinking ran, the
coun-try would soon rid itself of the iniquities of
caste, and with it the need for reservations
Instead, Indians have been mired in a
zero-sum competition for official favour
ever since The first beneficiaries were
“scheduled castes and tribes”, in particular
untouchables (now known as Dalits)—
those at the bottom of the social order
In-evitably, the considerably less
disadvan-taged “other backward classes” (obcs) soon
began to clamour for quotas of their own
Political parties sprang up to demand new
or bigger reservations for different castes
It was only in 1992 that the Supreme Court
appeared to put a stop to the scramble by
ruling that no more than 50% of jobs or
university spaces could be reserved under
caste-based quotas But on January 7th,
with general elections due in just three
months, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party
(bjp) came up with a new way to expand
reservations: to set aside a further 10% of
jobs and university places for relatively
im-poverished Indians, of whatever caste or
religion A motion to change the
constitu-tion to that end cleared both houses of
par-liament in just two days, a record, with
al-most no dissent
The scheme’s details remain hazy, but
reports suggest that any family earning less
than 800,000 rupees ($11,375) a year would
be eligible That is a generous sum in a
country where the average income per
per-son was $1,976 in 2017 Indeed, 800,000
ru-pees is the level of income that defines the
“creamy layer”—families wealthy enough
that the courts have barred them from any
sort of reservation, whatever their caste or
tribe All but the richest, in other words,
will now be eligible for a reservation
The bjp used to oppose excessive
reser-vations, since it derived much of its
sup-port from higher castes who felt that their
opportunities were being diminished by
their lower-caste neighbours, some of
whom were no needier than they were In
2006 much of India erupted into protestsagainst reservations More recently, in-stead of calling for the abolition or reduc-tion of reservations, relatively prosperouscastes have agitated for inclusion in thequotas The bjp’s new policy looks like asop to such important “vote banks” as thePatidars of Gujarat or the Rajputs of Raja-sthan, who are too well-to-do, by and large,
to be considered backward, but poorenough to resent that
These groups are also numerousenough to be central to the efforts of Naren-dra Modi, the prime minister, to win a sec-ond term And they are agitated about lack
of opportunity The Centre for Monitoringthe Indian Economy, a think-tank in Mum-bai, reckons that the number of people inwork fell during the past fiscal year, even asthe working-age population swelled
To be fair, the bjp is not alone in its ery The state of Tamil Nadu reserves fully69% of university places and governmentjobs for disadvantaged castes—an appar-ent breach of the Supreme Court’s rulingthat has been the subject of long litigation
brib-Other states have created reservations forwomen, the disabled, religious minorities,former soldiers and so on Congress, themain opposition party, proposed some-thing similar to the new scheme years ago
The leader of another opposition party saysthat now that the 50% ceiling has beenbreached, the reservation devoted to obcs,for whom his party claims to speak, should
be doubled to 54%, in proportion with theirshare of the population
The irony is that quotas will not helpmuch In November the national railwaysreceived 19m applications for 63,000 lowlyposts That meant plenty of disappoint-ment to be shared among every caste 7
D E LH I
Almost all Indians will soon qualify for
affirmative action
Anti-meritocracy in India
Quotas for all
Marching for mooching
Trang 3434 Asia The Economist January 12th 2019
2
words newly emblazoned across
the floor of the grandest old building in
Taipei The slogan is part of an exhibit
about the history of the structure, which
was built to house the offices of the
colonial governor sent from Japan It
later served as the seat of administrators
dispatched from Beijing and then of the
dictators who ruled Taiwan after its split
from China in 1949 For the past 22 years,
however, it has hosted Taiwan’s
demo-cratically elected presidents The ground
floor is open to the public every weekday
morning—no booking required
Such openness is one of the many
ways in which power does indeed rest
with the people in Taiwan On a recent
visit Banyan faced tighter security
get-ting into his hotel than into the offices of
members of parliament He was also
slightly befuddled to be told by Audrey
Tang, the minister in charge of digital
outreach, that she practised a policy of
“radical transparency” and that
tran-scripts of all her meetings, including any
interviews, are published online ten
working days after the event (she leaves
the room when the cabinet starts talking
about national security)
Then there is the law on referendums,
which was amended in 2017 to make it
easier to get them on the ballot Even
though there are competitive elections, a
free and diverse press and an ingrained
culture of mass protest about everything
from nuclear power to public pensions,
the ruling Democratic Progressive Party
(dpp) decided that it was not easy enough
for ordinary people to make their voices
heard Now any question for which
activists can muster the signatures of
1.5% of the electorate earns a spot on the
ballot At nationwide local elections in
November, nine made the cut The
gov-ernment must act on the results, providedthe turnout is high enough—which it was
By any standard, let alone that of mostcountries in the region, democracy inTaiwan is thriving Yet, by the admission ofTsai Ing-wen, the president, it faces apotentially fatal threat: “China’s attempts
to use the openness and freedom of ourdemocratic system to interfere in Taiwan’sinternal politics and social development”
Her government, which did very badly inthe elections, accused China of meddling
in them by spreading disinformation,steering money to the opposition andinducing Taiwanese media to provideslanted coverage China’s president, XiJinping, seemed implicitly to acknowledgesuch a campaign earlier this month when
he gleefully declared that China had won
“a great victory in frustrating the Taiwanindependence movement”—an apparentreference to the electoral defeat of MsTsai’s dpp, which would like to abandonthe idea that Taiwan and China will even-tually be unified and instead officiallydeclare Taiwan a separate country
Ms Tang talks excitedly about
counter-ing Chinese disinformation by gettcounter-ingthe government to respond faster toonline falsehoods She wants officialdenials to appear within four hours MsTsai says she has instructed the securityservices to prepare countermeasures.That is all well and good, but it is reallyanother way of saying that the govern-ment does not know what it can do BigTaiwanese firms have invested heavily inChina It is the easiest thing in the worldfor the Chinese government to signal tothem that, if they want their investments
to prosper, they should donate money tocertain politicians back home, or evenpurchase a media outlet that propagatesviews considered distasteful by theChinese leadership, to institute friendli-
er coverage
There are plenty of ways for China toinfluence humbler voters, too It cut offthe flow of package tourists to signal itsdisapproval after Ms Tsai was elected in
2016, hurting small businesses Analystsexpect a flood of tourists to Kaohsiung,the third-biggest city and a dpp strong-hold, after it unexpectedly chose a mayorfrom the opposition Kuomintang, whichadvocates warmer relations with China.And since a tenth of working-age Tai-wanese live in China, and 29% of exports
go there, voters are reluctant to nise their looming neighbour
antago-There is a horrible irony in the factthat Taiwan has succeeded in instituting
a model democracy in which all bigdecisions are up to voters except the onethat seems most important: whetherTaiwan should be a country at all Indeed,the referendum law makes that explicit,
by allowing votes on any subject exceptcross-strait relations Taiwan may havetransferred power to its people, in short,but China has already begun to yank itaway from them
Even as Taiwan perfects its democracy, China is sabotaging it
people to fill vacancies on farms, in
abat-toirs and to look after the elderly The cost
of living is lower than in Sydney or
Mel-bourne and, for farmers like Mr Darwesh, a
quiet life is appealing anyway
To stay afloat, some outback towns have
taken to recruiting migrants for
them-selves A piggery in Pyramid Hill, in
north-ern Victoria, started sponsoring workers
from the Philippines a decade ago They
now make up a fifth of its 500-odd
popula-tion, keeping not just the business afloat,
but also the local school Another town in
the same state, Nhill, lured 160 Burmese
refugees from Melbourne with jobs at afood company, adding perhaps A$40m($28m) to its economy A group of residents
in Walla Walla, a dot in New South Wales, isnow scouting for refugees from Sydney
“We have jobs, we have housing and wehave education,” says Andrew Kotzur, whoruns the local steelworks “We just needmore people to sustain them.”
Asylum-seekers and farm labourersmake up a tiny portion of the immigrantspouring into Australia The conservativecoalition government is keen to rusticateothers, too Scott Morrison, the prime min-
ister, has suggested that some of Australia’s500,000 foreign students could be sent toregional universities The population min-ister, Alan Tudge, added that visa restric-tions and incentives could be used to pushskilled migrants out of Melbourne and Syd-ney Almost all the best-qualified arrivalssettle in those two cities, but luring themout will not be easy It is partly owing to mi-gration that Sydney and Melbourne arethriving Foreign accountants and it geekschoose them for well-paid work andswanky suburbs Rob them of both, and farfewer would come to Oz at all 7
Trang 35The Economist January 12th 2019 35
1
used to pulse with life as workers got off
their shifts These days the complex that
churns out roughly half of all Apple
smart-phones is quieter A staff dormitory just
be-yond its gates is empty, its entrance sealed
with barbed wire A barbecue restaurant, a
noodle shop and, fittingly, a mobile-phone
outlet have all closed At a karaoke bar
where workers would croon into the wee
hours on rest days, the owner was recently
seen packing up his speakers
The giant complex on the edge of the
central city of Zhengzhou is run by
Fox-conn, Apple’s Taiwanese manufacturing
partner It remains one of the world’s
busi-est factories But it is well off its peak, when
as many as 350,000 people kept production
humming around the clock Workers say
they are down to eight hours a day, five days
a week That means they are not doing the
overtime that accounts for much of their
pay “It feels like they’re forcing us to quit,”
says a six-year veteran
Cao Yingying, a woman at a nearby
re-cruitment centre, says they stopped hiring
for Foxconn in late October because of
Ap-ple’s disappointing sales They still haveother electronics factories as clients, butthey are all suffering “Washing machines,fridges, vacuum cleaners Everyone nowhas these, and they last longer,” she says
“So factories have fewer orders.”
A slowing economy is putting pressure
on jobs in China (though Apple’s woes mayinvolve other factors, too—see Businesssection) The official unemployment rate isstable at around 5%, but as always this fig-ure is a poor guide Surveys in the manufac-turing and service sectors show that com-panies have been cutting staff since at leastSeptember Wage growth is tepid comparedwith the sizzling norm of a few years ago InNovember profits at industrial firms fellfor the first time in nearly three years
When China’s leaders met in December
to map out economic policy for 2019, they
said their priority would be to stabilise ployment They are anxious about socialstability in a year studded with sensitiveanniversaries Among them will be the30th of the Tiananmen protests, which in-volved economic grievances as well as po-litical ones Suppression of labour unresthas become even harsher in recentmonths In one case, police detained morethan 30 students and activists who hadtried to help workers organise a union at afirm in the southern city of Shenzhen
em-Worries about jobs are, so far, focused
on the export sector Trade matters less toChinese growth than it once did, but it still,directly and indirectly, supports as many
as 180m jobs, nearly one-quarter of formalemployment, the government estimates.The trade spat with America has plungedfirms into uncertainty Exporters cut theirdemand for new hires in the third quarter
by 53% compared with a year earlier, say searchers at Renmin University in Beijing
re-In December export orders fell at theirsharpest rate in more than three years
A second area of concern is the tech sector As investors turn cautious, jobsare coming under threat The starkest ex-ample is Ofo, a bike-sharing company pre-viously feted as an innovator Today it isbattling to survive Search engines, onlinetravel agencies and e-commerce websiteshave all reportedly trimmed staff Thiscould be bad news for this year’s recordnumber of university graduates (students
high-in Zhengzhou are pictured at a job fair lastyear) Wang Xing, head of Meituan Dian-
36 HIV on the rise
37 Chaguan: Something old, something new
Also in this section
Trang 3636 China The Economist January 12th 2019
food-deliv-ery app, captured the gloom last month
with this line on his micro-blog: “2019
might be the worst year of the past decade,
but it might also be the best year of the
coming decade.”
Industries undergoing cyclical slumps
are a final area of concern With the
stock-market down 30% in the past year,
finan-cial firms, espefinan-cially brokerages, have cut
staff A property slowdown has led several
big developers to freeze hiring
How would China cope with a big rise in
unemployment? In 2008 when the global
financial crisis struck, millions of
mi-grants left coastal factories and returned to
the countryside They did not have to wait
long for prospects to improve Half a year
later the government revved up growth
with a massive stimulus programme
A similar exodus is less likely this time
The economy is profoundly different, in
ways that should cushion workers from the
slowdown Services, from restaurants to
couriers, now account for more of the
economy than manufacturers, and they are
more labour-intensive But service jobs are
even less secure than those in factories
Workers in China’s vast gig economy—
driving cars for hire, delivering food or
trucking packages between cities—rarely
get overtime pay or unemployment
insur-ance, says Geoffrey Crothall of China
La-bour Bulletin, an ngo Older people
strug-gle On a street in Zhengzhou, a man in his
late 40s glumly surveys a board plastered
with job ads “They want young lads for thecourier jobs Faster on their bikes, faster ontheir smartphones,” he says
China’s economic situation differs fromthe financial tsunami of 2008 in anothercrucial way This time the troubles havebuilt up gradually, giving the governmenttime to ready its defences It has alreadystarted to help beleaguered companies InDecember the State Council announcedthat firms which refrain from firing staffcan get 50% refunds on unemployment-in-surance payments Officials have hintedthat they will offer subsidies for those buy-ing home appliances, a boost for manufac-turers And after initially taking a hard line
in its trade dispute with America, Chinahas softened somewhat That helped pavethe way to talks between the two countriesthis week in Beijing that augur well for adeal, however fragile
The government is also boosting itsown recruitment At a labour centre innorthern Zhengzhou, once used for hiringFoxconn workers, the biggest ad is for jobs
in Hami, a city in Xinjiang, the ern region where officials have incarcerat-
north-west-ed vast numbers of ethnic-Uighur Muslimsfor “re-education” Hami is looking for aux-iliary police “Join us to realise yourdreams”, says the poster, with a picture ofofficers brandishing machine guns Appli-cants, who must be between 18 and 35, arepromised monthly salaries of at least 6,100yuan ($890), roughly the wages at Foxconn
central city of Hefei, used to believe
that only people who injected drugs could
contract hiv But then a man he had sex
with revealed that he had tested
hiv-posi-tive Mr Wang visited a local ngo and took a
pinprick test to determine whether he, too,
was infected Happily, he was not But the
experience was terrifying “It never
oc-curred to me that someone around me
could actually get hiv,” he says
Many others are less fortunate In
No-vember China’s Centre for Disease Control
said that 850,000 people were known to be
hiv-positive, 12% more than a year earlier
and almost three times the number in 2010
An official study found that new cases of
hiv among students aged between 15 and
24 rose by more than one-third every year
in 2011-15, mostly as a result of gay sex
The virus may not be spreading as fast
as these figures suggest The rapid increase
is largely the result of better detection
Over the past decade the number of healthfacilities offering hiv tests has quadru-pled In 2016 China launched a five-yearplan to combat hiv and aids It increasedfunding to ngos providing free self-testingkits to high-risk groups, such as gay menand sex workers It also gave ngos money
to provide hiv-positive people with freemedicine In 2015 nearly 70% of those diag-nosed with hiv were receiving antiretrovi-ral drugs In 2017 just over 80% were
Most people in China are infectedthrough heterosexual activity Sex betweenmen has also become a big contributor, re-sulting in about one-quarter of transmis-sions (see chart) The proportion of sexual-
ly active gay men infected with hiv is now
much higher than that of female sex ers Social media have made it easier for gaymen to find casual partners The countryhas the world’s largest gay social-network-ing app, Blued On January 6th the servicesaid it was suspending registrations forone week after a Chinese magazine report-
work-ed that boys under 18 had contractwork-ed hivthrough encounters facilitated by the app(Blued says it will step up enforcement ofmeasures to prevent minors from joining) But social media can also spread aware-ness of hiv Blued has added a red ribbonicon to its platform, clicking on which of-fers information about hiv services ngosalso use WeChat, a messaging app, to urgepeople, gay and straight, to get tested Suchtactics may be helping: 200m tests wereperformed in 2017, up 38% from 2015.Encouraging people to come forward isstill difficult, however The governmentreckons that 400,000 people may have thevirus but not know it, ie, less than 70% ofcases appear to have been detected unaidsbelieves that less than half of gay men car-rying hiv in China are aware of it Discrim-ination may be deterring some from beingscreened A survey of 2,000 people withhiv found that 12% had been refused medi-cal treatment and 15% had been deniedwork, presumably because of prejudice Officials’ efforts to make free testingavailable outside the public health systemsuggest they are aware of the problem.Those tested at state hospitals typicallyhave to pay 60-100 yuan ($9-15) ZhengHuang, who manages an hiv-related ngo
in Shanghai, says gay people like to use itstesting services not only because they arefree, but because most of the staff are gay hiv prevalence is low in China com-pared with the West The proportion ofpeople believed to have the virus is only0.09% In Britain it is 0.15% and in America0.34% But the leading role of sex as a mode
of transmission is common both to Chinaand the West Preventing infection ratesfrom climbing in China will require shat-tering taboos and teaching young peopleabout how to have safe sex 7
hiv infections are being spotted more quickly in China
AIDS
Testing times
Teachers, take note
China, HIV transmission modes, % of total
Source: Chinese Centre for Disease Control and Prevention
*1985-2005 average
0 20 40 60 80
Heterosexual intercourse
Sex between men
Intravenous drug use Other
Trang 37The Economist January 12th 2019 China 37
universi-ty student, feels a need to belong Unlike many of his peers, Mr
Chen has found a spiritual home: China of the Wei and Jin
dynas-ties, about 1,800 years ago So deep is this bond that on special
oc-casions he wears flowing, wide-sleeved robes inspired by
third-century dress One moment of connection stood out, when he
wore robes to a museum in Shaoxing, the eastern city where he
studies There he found a sculpture depicting sages from the Wei
and Jin era His own clothes were “exactly like theirs”, he recalls
happily He saluted the statues and told them: “Dear ancestors, I’ve
heard so much about you It is my good fortune to see you today.”
The teenager developed his passion at high school in Pingliang,
perched in the hills of Gansu, an inland province Though a rather
small, sleepy spot, Pingliang is home to a Han culture association
Such clubs are spreading fast They celebrate the Han ethnic group
to which more than nine out of ten people in China belong
Enthusiasts claim that a million Chinese, mostly youngsters,
regularly wear Hanfu, or robes inspired by traditional Han dress.
The unplanned emergence of any social movement in China
pre-sents Communist bosses with a choice: scramble to the front of the
parade and claim to lead it, or ban it For now, the parade
contin-ues State media hail Hanfu as a welcome complement to calls
from President Xi Jinping to revive traditional culture and values
In April 2018 the Central Committee of the Communist Youth
League, a recruitment channel for party members, declared a first
“Traditional Chinese Garment Day” The league urged young
Chi-nese to don ancient finery to demonstrate “cultural confidence” to
the world There was a caveat, however The league’s
commemora-tive day honours what it calls Huafu, or “Chinese dress” That
en-compasses not only Han traditions but those of China’s 55 official
ethnic minorities, from such places as Tibet, Inner Mongolia or
the restive Muslim region of Xinjiang The league’s caution reflects
wariness about overt Han chauvinism, which threatens official
narratives about a unified, multi-ethnic China
In truth, clumsy Communist propaganda extolling national
unity arguably helped create a hunger for Han traditions At big
party events, ethnic-minority delegates typically attend in
bright-ly coloured folk costumes trimmed with silks, furs or jangling
sil-ver jewellery, even as Han delegates appear in Western suits andties This both patronises minorities and renders the Han an in-visible nationality—representatives of a sort of generic modernity
As Mr Chen shares his story, the slight, bespectacled teenager iswearing robes of lilac and white, embroidered with blue clouds, anoutfit he says is Jin-dynasty day-wear All around are thousands of
fellow enthusiasts attending a Hanfu cultural festival held
annual-ly in Xitang, a quaint, canal-side town near Shanghai
Hanfuwearers vary in their devotion to historical accuracy MrChen has brought along a classmate whose look combines a black-and-white military uniform, 21st-century sneakers and an air offaint embarrassment “I think this is Han dynasty,” the classmatemumbles, when asked The colours are more Ming, says Mr Chen,gently correcting his friend’s dates by about 1,100 years
Enthusiasm counts for more than precision On this sunny tival weekend a local Starbucks boasts baristas in toga-like robes, awarrior in chain-mail queuing for coffee, and outside, a Taoistpriest in a tunic and cloak outfit he calls “a bit of messed-up fu-sion” Luling Manman, an author invited to the festival as an expert
fes-on ancient etiquette, defines Hanfu as “all forms of clothes we Han
people have worn over the course of 5,000 years” Others take anarrower view, describing a tradition cut cruelly short when thelast ethnic-Han dynasty, the Ming, was overthrown in 1644 InEuropean terms, that is like wrangling over a school of fashion thatsupposedly began in Neolithic times and flowered in the MiddleAges, and may or may not have ended during the English civil war
Since the Hanfu movement emerged in the early 2000s, some
members have framed it as a way to restore Han customs pressed by ethnic Manchu warriors who conquered China fromthe north and ruled as emperors of the Qing dynasty from 1644 un-til 1911 Han nationalists scorn such “Chinese” traditions as tight-
sup-fitting qipao dresses or high-collared jackets precisely because
they are derived from Manchu, Qing-era fashions
The visible Hans
At the Xitang festival, it should be said, brooding nationalists areoutnumbered by youngsters having uncool, goofy fun Blushingstudents giggle their way through a lesson in ancient dancing Ear-nest, robe-wearing young men take photographs of each otherplaying the flute or practising archery Children take part in a fash-ion show, swishing perilously along a catwalk in too-long finery.The festival organiser is Vincent Fang Wenshan, a Taiwaneselyricist behind some of the most famous Mandarin pop songs ofrecent times A dapper 49-year-old in black embroidered robes, MrFang urges younger enthusiasts to eschew Han chauvinism and to
be open to modernised Hanfu He sighs that some purists will not
tolerate any dress not found in ancient wall paintings, and draws awistful comparison with Japan, where traditional customs andmodern culture co-exist easily Wearing a kimono on a Japanesebus causes no astonishment, notes Mr Fang, lamenting that a gap
of several centuries separates Han traditional culture from the
modern world He would like to see Hanfu fans bridge that gap.
Historians might quibble with some of Mr Fang’s details Plenty
of Han traditions actually survived under the Qing The country’ssharpest break with tradition came during the first decades ofCommunist rule, when leftist zealotry made it safest to wear blue
and green Mao suits But that is to take the Hanfu movement too
literally, perhaps Look past the invented costumes and the dodgyhistory, and something simpler and more poignant appears: a
Something old, something new
Chaguan
Why young Chinese are sporting 1,800-year-old fashions
Trang 3838 The Economist January 12th 2019
1
ev-ery hour Soon the police station in
northern Khartoum, Sudan’s capital, was
so full that detainees were flowing onto the
lawn Atif, an activist picked up around
noon on December 31st, says he saw at least
1,000 arrested that day Many were beaten;
others had their hair shaved off Lawyers
and doctors were singled out for insults
Atif is one of tens of thousands of
Suda-nese who have taken to the streets in recent
weeks What began as a riot over the price
of bread in the eastern city of Atbara on
De-cember 19th has billowed across the
coun-try By some estimates, at least 40 people
have been killed by security forces during
nearly 400 protests The government says
it has detained at least 800 people (the real
figure is surely far higher) Yet this has
done little to muffle what is now a
nation-wide uprising against the rule of Omar
al-Bashir and his 30-year-old kleptocracy
The seeds of the current crisis were
sown in late 2017, when the government
announced plans to end wheat subsidies
The aim was to plug a budget deficit
fore-cast to hit almost 5% of gdp this year When
the price of bread doubled a year ago,
trig-gering protests, the government tried to verse course and reintroduced some of thesubsidy But the economy—already strug-gling following the secession of South Su-dan, which took away 75% of Sudan’s oil re-serves, in 2011—has nosedived It shrank byabout 2.3% in 2018 Unable to pay its bills,the government has printed money Infla-tion, at around 70%, is now the secondhighest in the world after Venezuela
re-Ordinary Sudanese face shortages ofbread, fuel and basic medicine “You stand
in line at the bank waiting for cash that willbarely buy you anything,” says Abuzar Os-man, a 28-year-old photographer who wasarrested last month “We now spend ourlives standing in queues.”
Calls for regime change are widespread
District offices of Mr Bashir’s National
Con-gress Party (ncp) have been burned On uary 6th protesters marched on the presi-dential palace to deliver a petition for MrBashir to resign The president, who came
Jan-to power in a coup in 1989 and later wonsome dodgy elections, plans to stand foranother term in 2020 At least eight partieshave withdrawn from the ruling coalition.Can he last? Mr Bashir is no stranger tounrest His regime has fought rebels andcommitted genocide against civilians inthe south and in the Darfur region It hassurvived many protests before Yet the lat-est ones seem to have rattled the regime
Mr Bashir has promised to stop cuttingsubsidies and to increase state spending by39%, partly on higher salaries for publicemployees He has called the protesters
“traitors, sell-outs, agents and saboteurs”.The government has accused rebels fromDarfur of conspiring with Israel to destabil-ise the country Since late December morethan 50 Darfuri students have been round-
ed up and detained in unknown locations.His tactic of blaming Darfuri rebels hashad little success Protesters from the re-gime’s traditional strongholds in Khar-toum and the north have chanted “We areall Darfur” while marching And eventhough the police have shot and arrestedpeople, the demonstrations have shownlittle sign of abating If anything they seem
to be getting better organised The protestmovement is now largely led by the Suda-nese Professionals Association, a coalition
of trade unions including those ing doctors, lawyers and journalists
represent-Some have likened the protests to
Su-Sudan
“We are all Darfur”
K H A RTO U M
Sudan’s genocidal regime is under siege
Middle East & Africa
39 Congo’s election shock
Trang 39The Economist January 12th 2019 Middle East & Africa 39
2
1
dan’s previous uprisings against military
dictatorships, in 1964 and 1985 Then, too,
middle-class folks helped turn isolated
ri-ots into a broad movement for political
change Both of Mr Bashir’s predecessors
stepped aside once it was clear the army
was backing the protesters But Mr Bashir
may prove harder to dislodge “The army
has been his for 29 years,” notes Alex de
Waal of Tufts University He has a knack for
playing factions against each other Senior
officers may also fear prosecution for war
crimes in Darfur should Mr Bashir go And
he has a formidable spy agency which, for
now, remains loyal
Even so, he is running out of options Inrecent years Sudan has moved away fromIran, an old ally, and grown closer to SaudiArabia and the United Arab Emirates Theirfinancial largesse helped to mask Sudan’seconomic malaise But neither appears in-clined to bail out the regime, perhaps be-cause Mr Bashir is an unfaithful ally (Hehas made overtures to their regional rivals,Turkey and Qatar.) Broke and alone, Mr Ba-shir faces protesters who keep returning tothe streets, despite tear gas and bullets
“The people’s rage is infinite,” says BrahimSnoopy, a film-maker “We don’t knowwhat will happen next.” 7
woman, tears streaming down her
cheeks “We have waited years for this
moment!” Two young girls behind her
gyrated their hips and sang, “Bye-oh
Kabila,” again and again
In the early hours of January 10th,
days after the result was scheduled to be
released, the Democratic Republic of
Congo heard that it had a new
presi-dent—Félix Tshisekedi, the son of a
charismatic opposition leader who died
two years ago Moments after the news
was announced, Mr Tshisekedi walked
out of his office and prayed in front of a
photograph of his father His shrieking
supporters jostled around him He is
popular in the capital, Kinshasa
The declaration marks the end of the
ruling party’s long stay in power and
means that President Joseph Kabila and
his preferred successor must admit
defeat Mr Kabila, who had refused to
step down when his term expired in 2016,
has ruled Congo badly for nearly 18 years
The vast country has never seen a
transi-tion of power via the ballot box All its
former leaders either fled or were killed
The fact that the election went ahead at
all—and that an opposition candidate
was declared the winner—is astonishing
But many voters think they have been
cheated nonetheless Mr Tshisekedi was
not the man tipped to win A respected
Catholic ngo that had deployed 40,000
observers to monitor the election on
December 30th said on January 3rd that
its tallies showed a clear winner
Al-though it did not publicly name him, it
told Western diplomats that Martin
Fayulu, a former oil executive, had won
He also came top, by a wide margin, in a
pre-election opinion poll
The electoral commission’s count was
rather different It said that Mr kedi had won with 7.05m votes Mr Fay-ulu was behind him on 6.37m The un-popular ruling-party candidate,Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary, receivedjust 4.36m “These results have nothing
Tshise-to do with the truth at the ballot box,” MrFayulu said in an interview with RadioFrance International “It’s a real electoralcoup, it’s incomprehensible.”
Critics say that Mr Kabila was ate to keep Mr Fayulu away from thethrone because he was backed by two ofthe president’s biggest adversaries(Mọse Katumbi, a businessman, andJean-Pierre Bemba, a former warlord,who were both barred from standing) MrFayulu appeared to represent real
desper-change He had campaigned on a mise to reduce corruption and enforcethe rule of law—an obvious threat tothose who have looted this giant, miner-al-rich country for decades
pro-Mr Tshisekedi, by contrast, is thoughtless likely to shake things up, or to askawkward questions about Mr Kabila’sbusiness empire and the dazzling wealth
of his cronies “The Kabila camp wasnever afraid of Félix,” says Kris Berwouts,the author of “Congo’s violent peace”
“They consider him a weak personality.”
Mr Tshisekedi, for his part, said, “I paytribute to President Joseph Kabila andtoday we should no longer see him as anadversary, but rather, a partner in demo-cratic change.”
The election result will surely becontested France has queried it How-ever, the declaration of an oppositioncandidate as winner may give regionalbodies such as the African Union enough
of an excuse to call it free and fair Congobadly needs a change But this was notwhat most voters had in mind
The Kinshasa surprise
Congo’s election
K I N S H A S ACongo unexpectedly announces that an opposition leader has won the election
on January 7th a small group of juniorarmy officers seized the national radio sta-tion in Gabon, an oil-rich country in cen-tral Africa, and declared a coup They saidthey were motivated by the “pitiful sight”
of Ali Bongo Ondimba, Gabon’s 59-year-oldpresident, delivering a televised addressfrom Morocco, where he has been conva-lescing since November after suffering astroke The attempt to unseat him wasshort-lived: by midday, most of the coup-plotters had been rounded up and the gov-ernment was back in control
The drama in Gabon is a throwback tomore turbulent times Coups have becomerarer across Africa—a sign that basic demo-cratic norms are more widespread thanthey were But checks and balances onpresidential power are often still weak, somany African leaders have been able tocling to office far longer than is possible inmore competitive polities Five have died
in office since 2010—all of natural causes.Seven of the current crop have been in pow-
er for over two decades Mr Bongo, whoseprevious jobs include minister of defenceand funk singer, has been in power for onlyten years, but his family has run Gabonsince 1967; he inherited the top job whenhis father died
Mr Bongo is not the only African dent who rules from his sickbed Muham-madu Buhari, Nigeria’s septuagenarianpresident, spent much of 2017 abroad re-covering from an undisclosed illness Lastmonth he was forced to deny that he haddied and been replaced by a body double
presi-He is standing for re-election in February
Coups are getting rarer in Africa, and its presidents’ average age is rising
African presidents
Till death do us part
The old keep hold
Sources: Jonathan M Powell; press reports
Africa Presidents’ age Average, years
Coups
By decade
45 50 55 60 65 70
0 10 20 30 40
90s
Failed Successful
Trang 4040 Middle East & Africa The Economist January 12th 2019
of Abdelaziz Bouteflika, their 81-year-old
autocrat He is rarely seen in public, but
may run for a fifth term this year
In the past such frail leaders would have
made easy pickings for a young upstart
plotting a coup But the most recent
suc-cessful coup in Africa, in which the
Zimba-bwean army deposed 93-year-old Robert
Mugabe in 2017, marks the exception rather
than the rule From 1980 to 2000 there were
38 successful coups in Africa Since then
there have only been 15 This is partly
be-cause presidents have grown more adept at
coup-proofing their regimes Many place
relatives in key roles, keep the army weak
and play factions off against each other
The spread of democracy in Africa has
also helped stave off putsches The African
Union (au) has adopted a policy of “zero
tolerance” towards coups, though it
some-times turns a blind eye if given a
semi-plausible excuse to do so In Zimbabwe, for
example, the generals detaining Mr
Mu-gabe insisted that they were protecting
rather than overthrowing him The au did
not point out that this was an obvious fib
Mr Mugabe was not popular
In other cases, though, the au’s policy
has undoubtedly deterred some coups, andhelped to foil others In Burkina Faso, forinstance, it played a big role in forcing sol-diers to hand power back to civilians afterthey deposed the president in 2015
The decline in coups is a good thing Butpolitical competition for the top spot is stillconstrained Most African countries havepresidential term limits But since 2000ten countries’ leaders have simply changedtheir constitutions to stay in power Omaral-Bashir, Sudan’s ruler since 1989, recentlysaid he would follow suit, even as his gov-ernment tear-gassed protesters
As a result, the average age of Africa’spresidents has risen steadily, from 52 in
1980 to 66 today This is not just because tocrats are living longer In noisy democra-cies, too, political parties are often domin-ated by older figures who are reluctant toleave the limelight Mr Buhari’s main chal-lenger in elections next month is also over
au-70, and has run for president four times fore Tunisia democratically replaced a 69-year-old president with an 88-year-old in
be-2014 The continent’s greying leaders are in
no hurry to leave, a sentiment expressedfunkily by Mr Bongo in his 1977 song “I
Amer-ica is being ripped off “We have spent
$7trn—trillion with a T—$7trn in the
Mid-dle East,” he told a crowd last year,
exagger-ating slightly “You know what we have for
it? Nothing Nothing.” To right this
per-ceived wrong, Mr Trump has long favoured
seizing Iraq’s oil But after he hinted at the
idea with the Iraqi prime minister (who
de-murred), his aides admonished him “We
can’t do this and you shouldn’t talk about
it,” said H.R McMaster, the national
securi-ty adviser at the time, according to reports
Still, Mr Trump may be getting what he
wants from Iraq in other ways
When America reimposed sanctions on
Iran last year it gave some countries extra
time to stop buying Iranian oil before they
would lose access to the American market
Most were given 90-day exemptions In
November Iraq, which shares a long border
with Iran, was given half that time to cut off
electricity and gas imports As it negotiated
for extensions, American companies made
a push for Iraqi contracts In December,
Rick Perry, the energy secretary, led
Ameri-ca’s largest trade delegation to Iraq in over a
decade “It was a quid pro quo,” says an man “You give us priority and we’ll giveyou an exemption.”
oil-The strategy seems to be working eral Electric, an American company, hasmuscled in on a big contract to upgradeIraq’s decrepit electricity grid, which hadbeen earmarked for Siemens, a Germanfirm American companies have alsosigned deals to supply Iraq with grains andpoultry, important Iranian exports Chev-ron and Exxon, American oil giants, haveavoided the inconvenience of a biddingprocess by negotiating directly with Iraq’soil ministry for large concessions A previ-ous Iraqi government put off a decision onExxon’s bid to help boost Iraq’s oil exportcapacity and build a desalination plant
Gen-Now it is said to be a priority
Iraq is more stable, secure and rich than
it has been since America’s invasion in
2003 Having helped to roll back the dists of Islamic State (is), Mr Trump thinksAmerica is owed something for the coun-try’s success Beyond that he is not terriblyengaged with Iraq When he flew there inDecember, Mr Trump wished his troops
jiha-happy Christmas, boasted about givingthem a pay rise, then left—without seeingIraq’s leaders A meeting with Adel Abdul-Mahdi, the new Iraqi prime minister, fellthrough after Mr Trump insisted that hecome to America’s base in the desert west
of Baghdad
Mr Trump’s withdrawal from Syria hassome Iraqis thinking that they could benext to see American troops go On January9th Mike Pompeo, America’s secretary ofstate, tried to reassure them In a meetingwith Mr Abdul-Mahdi (at the prime minis-ter’s office) he discussed continuing Amer-ica’s co-operation with the Iraqi securityforces He also emphasised “Iraq’s energyindependence”, according to a statement.Officials in Iraq interpret such talk as an ef-fort to get it to stop buying gas from Iran—and to start hiring American companies todevelop Iraq’s gasfields
If America’s intention is to prise Iraqaway from Iran, it will have a difficult time.The neighbours get along, for the mostpart, and trade a lot Iraq depends on Iranfor food and power When Iran cut electric-ity to Iraq last summer, for want of pay-ment, southern Iraq over-heated and prot-ests brought down the government.American firms would not be able to re-place the supply from Iran in the shortterm Iranian forces are also helping tokeep Iraq secure from is, which is resurfac-ing in some areas
Bickering between Iraq’s big politicalblocs—the Iran-leaning Fatah and anti-Iranian Saairoun—reflects tussling be-tween America and Iran over the composi-tion of Mr Abdul-Mahdi’s cabinet Thepositions of defence, interior and justiceminister remain vacant A return to insta-bility would imperil America’s contracts.But Mr Trump is happy enough for now InDecember he gave Iraq 90 more days to
Washington is trying to get more out of its relationship with Iraq
America and Iraq
Crude deals over oil
What’s in it for Donald?