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Be it the problem of rapid urbanisation or largescale concentration of people in cities; building sustainable transportation solutions or efficient supply and management of water; need f

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is culture that gave flesh and blood to the idea of India—

and what it left out

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Volume LIX, No 4

EDITOR Ruben Banerjee

MANAGING EDITOR Sunil Menon

EXECUTIVE EDITOR Satish Padmanabhan

CHIEF OF BUREAU Pranay Sharma

POLITICAL EDITOR Bhavna Vij-Aurora

BUSINESS EDITOR Arindam Mukherjee

SENIOR EDITOR Giridhar Jha

CHIEF ART DIRECTOR Deepak Sharma

WRITERS Lola Nayar, Qaiser Mohammad

Ali (Senior Associate Editors), G.C Shekhar

(Associate Editor), Jeevan Prakash Sharma

(Senior Assistant Editor), Prachi

Pinglay-Plumber, Ushinor Majumdar, Ajay Sukumaran,

Probir Pramanik (Assistant Editors), Naseer

Ganai (Senior Special Correspondent), Preetha

Nair, Neel Shah (Special Correspondents),

Salik Ahmad, Siddhartha Mishra (Senior

Correspondents), Arshia Dhar (Correspondent)

COPY DESK Rituparna Kakoty (Senior Associate

Editor), Anupam Bordoloi, Saikat Niyogi,

Satyadeep (Associate Editors), Martand Badoni

(Assistant Editor)

PHOTOGRAPHERS S Rakshit (Chief Photo

Coordinator), Jitender Gupta (Photo Editor),

Tribhuvan Tiwari (Deputy Photo Editor),

Sandipan Chatterjee, Apoorva Salkade

(Sr Photographers), Suresh Kumar Pandey

(Staff Photographer) J.S Adhikari (Sr Photo

Researcher), U Suresh Kumar (Digital Library)

DESIGN Saji C.S (Chief Designer), Ashish Rozario

(Design-consultant), Leela (Senior Designer),

Devi Prasad, Padam Gupta (Sr DTP Operators)

DIGITAL Neha Mahajan (Assistant Editor),

Soumitra Mishra (Digital Consultant), Jayanta

Oinam (Special Correspondent), Lachmi Deb

Roy, Thufail P.T., Ipsita Pati (Senior

Correspon-dents), Satata Karmakar (Correspondent),

Adil Rashid (Trainee Journalist), Suraj

Wadhwa (Chief Graphic Designer),

Rupesh Malviya (Video Editor)

EDITORIAL MANAGER & CHIEF LIBRARIAN

Alka Gupta

BUSINESS OFFICE

CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER Indranil Roy

PUBLISHER Sandip Kumar Ghosh

SR VICE PRESIDENT Meenakshi Akash

VICE PRESIDENTS Bindu Dhawan,

Shrutika Dewan

SR GENERAL MANAGER Kabir Khattar (Corp)

GENERAL MANAGERS Debabani Tagore,

Sasidharan Kollery, Shashank Dixit,

Shailender Vohra

ASSISTANT GENERAL MANAGER

Diwan Singh Bisht

CHIEF MANAGER Shekhar Kumar Pandey

MANAGERS Shekhar Suvarana, Sudha Sharma

CIRCULATION & SUBSCRIPTION Raj Kumar

Mitra, Anindya Banerjee, G Ramesh (South),

Vinod Kumar (North), Arun Kumar Jha (East)

DIGITAL Amit Mishra

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Printed and published by Indranil Roy on

behalf of Outlook Publishing (India) Pvt Ltd

Editor: Ruben Banerjee Printed at International

Print-O-Pac Ltd, C 4-C 11, Phase-II, Noida

and published from AB-10, S.J Enclave,

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Why Bihar and UP Bimar

July 7, 2017 l 50 www.outlookbusiness.com

All the noise around folk music and what

it will take to save it

Tapati Guha Thakurta

A past painted for the future

Art as the formative nation- building frontier.

SHAPES OF GRACE An Odishi dancer strikes a pose

Cover Design: Deepak Sharma; Artist: Aranyani Bhargav; Photograph: Avinash Pasricha

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VARANASI Jaideep

Mittra: This is with

refer-ence to your cover story

Down But Not Out (Jan 12),

which characterises the

politics of the veteran Laloo

Prasad Yadav with much

precision Such leaders are

the product of our typical

socio-economically

dis-parate society which is

communal and has a multi-

layered caste system at its

core This clash and struggle

of identities provides ample

space for leaders like Laloo

to capitalise on electoral

opportunities That said, it

wouldn’t be fair to make

Laloo an exception as there are several

such leaders in our country’s political

landscape History is witness, political

leaders who were almost paupers at

the time of the JP (Jaiprakash)

move-ment in 1977—the Emergency years—

have since gone on to amass a fortune

after getting into power with various

portfolios in the ministry Leaders like

Laloo Prasad Yadav, Mulayam Singh

Yadav , Ram Vilas, Paswan , the late

Charan Singh, to name a few, who once

were severe critics of the dynastic rule

of the Congress have emerged as cult

figures and built empires and dynasties

of their own Laloo’s legacy may enable

his party to get an edge over other

con-testing parties this time, but just how

long can the winning streak created by

one man continue?

LUCKNOW M.C Joshi: Laloo

Prasad Yadav was elected as the first

president of RJD and remained so till

his final conviction in the fodder scam

case and life-time imprisonment

which forced him out of active politics

He ruled Bihar for three consecutive

terms leading his party to victory in

elections by his caste (Yadavs) and community (Muslim) equation and the alleged game of booth-manipulation

With regular incidents of crime luding kidnapping and murders, his rule was generally termed as ‘jun-gle-raj’ He joined the Congress-led UPA and became the railway minister

inc-His tenure was known for experiments like serving tea in kulhars in trains and for setting up a one-man commission

to virtually give a twist to the case of the burning alive of 59 karsevaks in the Sabarmati Express in Godhra

His party remained a regional entity with no presence outside Bihar He was not a kingmaker but himself the king of Bihar in his heydays However,

he can no more become king, and probably even kingmaker, irrespective

of whether he is present or absent If your question—will Laloo be the absentee Kingmaker of 2019?—relates

to the national elections, he was never kingmaker at the national level any-way By the way, Laloo got invited to the IIM talks, even film shoots, for his jokes, jibes and comic timing rather than his intellect

Loud and Shady

CHENNAI Kangayam R Narasimhan: Politicians in Tamil Nadu have no inter-est in solving the deep mys-tery surrounding

Jayalalitha’s death (Death

Be Not Silent, Jan 21) They

would want to keep the pot boiling to be able to main-tain Jaya’s votebank intact The inquiry commission appointed by the ruling elite has also tied itself in knots, trying to fathom the circumstances leading to Jaya’s death Medical experts, however, would unanimously agree that the quality of treatment received by the former CM in Chennai was excellent Justice Arumugaswamy will have to go

by doctors’ reports in the end

However, the medical treatment eived by Jaya inside her Poes Garden residence is a mystery to most people The CBI can alone probe the allegedly dire events that took place there bef-ore she was hospitalised Security guards, cooks, nurses and attendants present during those crucial days in the house must be closely investigated What’s also shady and mysterious is that her own blood relations were not allowed to see her during her 75-day stay at the hospital Besides, the CBI must also probe why CCTV cameras were switched off in her hospital ward

rec-as well rec-as in her residence

Great Indian Game

GOA M.N Bhartiya: This is about the article on the BJP, which is supposedly soul-searching after their defeat in three assembly polls and trying to win

the confidence of voters (A Tide To Be

Fixed, Dec 31) But soul-searching?

Really? We thought such people only

letters

Power In Absence

ON E-MAIL Sushant Vishnu

The scope of Laloo’s legacy can be seen in him being politically relavant even in prison

one-liner

January 21, 2019

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had hard soles But then, a soul is

largely foreign to politicians, and

his-tory is replete with innumerable caste,

communal and ethnic pogroms done at

the instigation of ruthless, soul-less

politicians The 1984 anti-Sikh riots

and the 2002 Gujarat pogrom are cases

in point In recent days, the

cold-blooded killing of rationalists like

Pansare and Dabholkar and the

out-spoken journalist Gauri Lankesh again

show the hatred fostered and

dissemi-nated by political forces

And failure in governance, as the

public is aware, is sought to be covered

up by a cynical programme of cosmetic

changes—mischievously renaming

cities and roads, rewinding history

books, building giant statues… But

Modi may not succeed in fooling all

people, though the 2019 polls are not

connected at all to the December

ass-embly polls That way, 2019 will be an

epic political slugfest—a tale of many

regional chieftains trying to sew up

various caste equations, while keeping

an eye out for their progenies Party

manifestos are a big joke too—they

promise to disburse alms to the

com-mon public using their own com-money,

degrading them in the process

Please, Comment!

DURGAPUR Jyotiranjan Biswal: I

want to request Outlook to reintroduce

the editorial column in my favourite

news weekly It does look positively

orphaned without one! Furthermore, I

urge you to award at least three

out-standing letters in every issue

Police The Police!

HYDERABAD V.N Ramaswamy:

Now, 34 years after the incidents, a

retired police chief writes that more

than 2,733 innocent people of a ticular community were brutally mur-

par-dered in New Delhi alone (Still

Loading Police Reforms, Jan 21) Did

any newspaper of the time report these facts and figures objectivly? If yes, then how did the accused, some of them pol-itical leaders and even some police off-icers, manage to go scott free? Police reforms are urgently required indeed

The Rigged Air

NEW DELHI Vivek Agarwal: A grand gala has just finished and what a

buzz it created (Theory Of Chaos, Jan

21)! I hope it happens with the same regularity every year so that we can spend a good moment thinking about how far we have come since our anc-ient golden age in terms of science and technology Actually, the progress can’t

be scaled in a linear manner, since the claims and references dropped in the Indian Science Congress follow no chronology It’s as if we are living in times at once ancient and modern

Aviation in Rig Veda, sugar syrup as the adhesive for Ganesha’s plastic sur-gery, battery drawings found in ancient texts, test-tube babies and many other such illustrious examples keep the sci-entific arena charged up But, of course, a self-righteous brigade of peo-ple has to always spoil the fun with their limiting ideas of rationality Let’s give them a learning next time, accom-

pany the lectures with models At a personal level, if I may, I would like to see some of these scientific treasures

in practice Let’s build a plane, we can call the airline managing it ‘Rig Air’, and the batteries can be taken from the Agastya Samhita If we need finances, that is if the present government is unable to digest such lofty ideas, we can feed some cows that bacteria that turns into 24-carat gold in its body Smoke Screen

NEW DELHI Anshu Sharma: This

refers to Not A Place To Breathe, the

piece on ‘non lethal’ crowd-control weapons in Kashmir (Jan 21) First, it was the pellets that hurt and blinded many people, even kids, in the Valley, now it’s the tear gas that poses other kinds of health hazards From an ethical standpoint, can one argue to say that tear gas is better than pellets? Tough choice? Let’s just say that anything harmful thrown at the children, teenag-ers and youth of Kashmir will inevitable worsen the crisis and make more and more people from the mainland com-licit in such crimes since, after all, it is

in our name that the security forces are instructed to do these things

ON E-MAILVishvanath Dhotre: In a story about breathing problems due to tear-gassing in the Valley, you have ignored the hardships of our soldiers.SIDE STEP PM Modi and Amit Shah

Stop Shooting

PUNE Anil S.: This refers to your

cover story Shoot Madi (Jan 12) about

the aggressive ‘shoot at stumps’ egy of the Bangalore police for crime control in the IT city It’s not even close to being as bad as the chilling police encounter drive in Uttar Pradesh, where the cops have gone on

strat-a killing spree, but it is certstrat-ainly strat-a matter of concern We cannot be sup-portive of such measures as they give the cops the licence to violence against citizens, even if they are criminals There can, of course, be excep-tional situations where the police have to take the gun into their hands for self-defence, but making shootings a regular policy is not the way Do we know that in all the instances mentioned in your story, the criminals shot by the police were carrying weapons and threatening the cops with fire? No Then it’s impossible to say that each one of these encounters were justified Vigilante culture is already a menace that the country is dealing with The cops can’t be allowed to spill their better judgement into that domain

Movie culture valourises the vigilante cop, making him palatable for the audiences But our fantasies should remain in the realm of fiction

INBOXED

letters

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PRICE OF THE MOON

ALL stories start somewhere;

some as a phantasmagoric

conversation between a king and

a spirit This story—an enduring,

endearing after-school or bedside

magazine—started the month

bef ore India’s Independence

Chandamama, the monthly packed

with myths, mystery, magic, and

a moral Vikram and Betaal too

It was published in 10 Indian

languages and English, an abiding

companion before TV Sadly, the

Chandamama of B Nagi Reddy,

Chakrapani and K Kutumba Rao couldn’t survive the digital boom, though current owners Geodesic had new-age plans Well, the Mumbai-based software company got embroiled in a money laun-dering case, and the Bombay HC ordered the sale of the magazine’s

intellectual property rights Cha­

n da mama is worth over Rs 25

crore The sacks of illustrations and documents lying at a Mumbai warehouse? Priceless

THE SUBCONTINENTAL MENU

I N & A R O U N D

DONKEY’S MILK SOAP

HOW often do you bray about a

shower, lathering out the grime with a bar of soap? Hee-haw, here is your chance to do it with soap made

of donkey’s milk This premium cake

of wash, produced by Delhi-based startup Organiko, retails for Rs 499 apiece A little stiff, no? Got to be,

because donkey’s milk is the costliest dairy at Rs 2,000 a litre, and one ani-mal yields not more than a litre a day The milk is known to have medicinal properties—anti-ageing, anti-wrinkle and anti-bacterial infe ctions The firm sources its raw material from 25 beasts of burden at Dasna in Ghaz-iabad The soap is a hit in southern India, as people there are aware of the health benefits The north’s catching

up too, if sales at a fair in Chandigarh are any indication Up next: a face wash and a moisturiser

BIRYANI IS PRASAD

ck p eas, puliyogara, vada—the choice of offerings

or prasadam in Tamil Nadu temples are normally limited

to these There’s an exception though And it comes in the form of a biryani with 2,000kg of rice, mutton and chicken cooked overnight in 50 cauldrons over wood fires by

an untiring posse of men as prasad for the faithful visiting the Muniyandi Swami temple

in Vadakkampatti village near Madurai during its winter festival The biryani has been

on the temple’s breakfast menu for over 80 years Last year, 200 goats, 250 roosters and 1,800kg of rice went into the prasad—reflective of the Tamil appetite for biryani

as restaurants serving this all­time favourite recorded revenues of Rs 4,500 crore a year in the state Still, there’s more space at the table.

Illustrations by MANJUL

RETURN DARJEELING

WHEN the colonial masters

were playing dice with the

sub-continent, Darjeeling was hived off

as part of an agreement with the king

in Kathmandu The Treaty of Sugauli

of 1815 established the boundary

between the Hindu kingdom and

the British East India Company The

king ceded territories won in earlier

wars, such as Sikkim in the east and

Kumaon and Garhwal in the west

More than a century on, nationalistic

Gurkhas want the pact unpacked

Return Darjeeling and all those land

the British took from Nepal, they say

An NGO is already doing a signature

campaign, as a start What next?

Well, we know Gurkhas are among

the finest soldiers anywhere, but this

one will need diplomacy, more than

the surgical precision of a khukri

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THE EYE-CATCHING, MUTANT GOD

version of an animated one-eyed Minion

Or simply worship it as a miracle of god That’s

what locals at a village in West Bengal’s

Bard-haman district are doing to a newborn calf with

just one huge eye The humans took over after

its mother rejected it Such oddities aren’t

un-common in the animal kingdom but a cow calf

with an eye on its forehead spawns parallels

with god Shiva’s fire-kindling ‘third eye’

Vil-lagers believe it will bring luck and prosper ity

Problem is, the animal’s survival is at stake as it

doesn’t have a nose and gasps for breath.

HOW Saadat Hasan

Manto would have

reacted to his adoptive

coun-try’s censor board refusing

to clear a Made in India

biopic on him? Perhaps

he portended that Manto,

featuring Nawazuddin

Siddiqui as the

tor-tured writer, would

fall into the same

hostile

India-Pak-istan trap that

underpinned the

comorbidity of his later life

Hence his words: tan had become free Pakis-tan had become independ-ent soon after its inception but man was still a slave in these countries—slave of prejudice.” Legions

“Hindus-of Manto fans are trying to impress the Imran Khan government to

allow Manto’s

release

THEY are modern-day

techies but bullish

about a tradition that

dates back to when

enter-tainment was a clatter of

bull hooves These people,

mostly IT pros, decided

to take the bull by its

horns when Tamil Nadu

erupted in 2017 to demand

overturning a court order

banning jallikattu Success

was on their side And now,

a side show of the famous

jallikattu during Pongal

is proving a boon for endangered native breeds, Kangayam bulls especially

Patrons are breeding and training Kangayams—at seven seconds for 100 metres, faster than Usain Bolt—for rekla or bullock cart races in the Tiru-pur-Coimbatore region

The spoils? The winners take home two-wheelers, gold necklaces and cash

another country, especially a mission where he had been posted earlier But a former Sri Lankan ambassador to Wash­ ington, Jaliya Wickramasuriya, is being prosecuted in the US since last month Wickramasuriya is former Lankan president Mahinda Rajapaksa’s first cousin and it is under his govern­ ment that he was appointed Colo mbo’s envoy to the US He

is being tried for five counts of offences that range from wire fraud and money laundering to immigration offences.

Under the Vienna Convention, a serving diplomat enjoys immunity that prevents governments of other countries from trying him on any criminal charge But if diplomatic immunity

is withdrawn by his government he can be treated as any ordinary citizen and prosecuted by foreign governments.

Sri Lankan media reports said this was the first time that

a diplomat is being prosecuted by the country where he had served The charges against

Wic kramasuriya are two counts of wire fraud, two counts of money laundering and one count of visa fraud According to the reports, the charges stem from allegations that in early 2013 Wickramasuriya and others embezzled about US

$3,32,000 from the Sri Lankan government in connection with a property purchased in Washington that was intended to serve as the new Sri Lankan embassy.

The report said he was also charged with committing immigra­

tion fraud in connection with an immigration application he signed in the US in 2014

Wickramasuriya was in the US attending to his tea export business when he was appointed the consul general to the Sri Lankan mission in Los Angeles in 2005 Three years later,

he was appointed Sri Lankan ambassador to the US

After the fraud came to light the US authorities requested the Sri Lankan government to withdraw Wickramasuriya’s diplomatic immunity The Rajapaksa government ignored that and, instead, tried to transfer him to Canada as Lankan ambassador But the Canadian government refused to accept the appointment Subsequently, his diplomatic immunity was withdrawn by Colombo Later, Wickaramasuriya filed

an appeal in the Supreme Court asking for his immunity to

be reinstated Though the case is still pending, an attempt was made by Rajapaksa and his close aides to give back his immunity in the brief period that he became prime minister replacing Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Now that Ranil is back, it is unlikely that Wickramasuriya will get back his immunity in a hurry.

Shadow Of Immunity

The former Lankan envoy

to the US is charged with fraud, money laundering and embezzling public money there It’s a very rare dishonour

RACING BULLS WHICH BETTER BOLT

MANTO AND UNDYING PREJUDICE

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JAB WE MEET?

When Prime Minister Narendra Modi and chief minister Nitish Kumar hit the campaign trail in the run-up to the 2019 general elections in Bihar, they will be setting a record of sorts The two leaders have never shared the dais at any election rally in the past Though the BJP and JD(U) had been allies for long and their coalition government was

in power from 2005 to 2013, and from July 2017 until now, Nitish has never sought Modi pull power during polls In fact, it is generally believed that Nitish had argued that Modi’s presence would irk his Muslim voters Several state BJP leaders wanted Modi to campaign because of his popularity But Nitish is said to have always put his foot down That’s why Modi went to Jharkhand to campaign for the party but skipped Bihar.

WRONG ’UN

Experience causes confusion and this appeared to be the case with Sharad Yadav at the recent opposition rally hosted

by Mamata Banerjee The tuagenarian leader, who floated the Loktantrik Janata Dal after breaking away from the JD(U), kept talking about

sep-“daylight robbery of Bofors”

while attacking the Modi ernment Yadav obviously wanted to refer to Rafale He corrected himself after Trinamool leader Derek O’Brien whispered into his ears To be on the safer side, Mamata later explained that the veteran leader has seen so many political wars, some-times old things can come up

gov-by mistake

ELECTION TRACK

With election season upon the

country, many have

discov-ered their latent political

ambitions and making a

bee-line for tickets to contest the

Lok Sabha polls The popular

choice is the BJP despite the

Congress’s latest upsurge IN

the queue is said to be retired

Railway Board chairman

Ashwani Lohani, who is in

touch with BJP leaders It is

widely believed that he will

get an extension to nurse the

ailing public transporter to

health But Lohani may bite

the political bullet if offered a

ticket from home state

Uttarakhand Well, his social

media posts about his desire

to do something useful for his

state are anything but clues

Image of the Week

deep throat

SUPER BLOOD WOLF MOON We don’t know who gave this gory, howling name but our moon during the eclipse

on January 20 was a sight to behold, like when it silhouettes a weather vane in a Spanish village

GETTY IMAGES

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by Probir Pramanik in Calcutta

WINTER haze hung over the

iconic Brigade parade ground

in the heart of Calcutta A

cut-out of Trinamool Congress

(TMC) supremo and Bengal

chief minister Mamata Banerjee

tow-ered over a sea of supporters And the

bold letters in Bengali on the cutout

proclaimed the collective wish of a

bevy of political leaders gathered for

the ground-breaking event: “Chalo

pal-tai, ebar amra Dilli chai (Let’s bring in

change, we want Delhi this time).”

On January 19, Mamata achieved what

many thought was impossible till a few

weeks ago—barring Odhisha chief minis­

ter Naveen Patnaik’s Biju Janata Dal

(BJD), she brought together virtually

every major opposition party on one

platform to launch what could be one of

the biggest political conglomerations in

India in rece nt times The major takea­

way from the gathering

was that the TMC boss

managed to cobble toge­

ther a cohesive and viable

alternative to the BJP with

a single agenda to oust the

Narendra Modi­Amit

Shah duo It was a rare

show of unity among a

group of parties which

would otherwise be bick­

ering; the common refrain

was about burying political

and ideological differences

and together taking on the Modi­Shah duopoly Speaker after speaker high­

lighted the “pain” caused to the common people by demonetisation and Goods and Services Tax (GST) They spoke about the Modi government’s poor record in job creation and a growing agrarian distress

And they made references to the Rafale deal, peppering their speeches with questions on Modi’s integrity

But the event was as much the story of Mamata’s own personal ambitions as it was about the Opposition’s show of unity

For years now, the maverick politician has not made any attempt to hide her prime ministerial ambitions At the rally too, she played the role of emcee with a professional and personal touch, receiv­

ing each of the guests, walking them to the dais and introducing them before inviting them to address the gathering She was the master of ceremonies, the show­

stealer With Bengal firmly in her grasp, her followers have all the more reasons to

see the general elections as the last leg of her journey

to “Dilli” Bengal has 42 Lok Sabha seats and how many her party manages

to win will determine her bargaining powers, in case the coalition manages to overthrow the BJP­led NDA At present, Tri na­

mool has 34 MPs and is expecting to win at least 40

This could leave Mamata with the largest group of

lawmakers barring the Congress If it manages to get to or improve its 2014 tally

of 44, that is

Over the past few weeks, the number of leaders endorsing the 63­year­old former Congress leader as the potential prime minister too has gone up, including Karnataka chief minister H.D Kumara­swamy and BJP leader Shatrughan Sinha What went unnoticed in the rally is the presence of Pu Lalduhawma of the Zoram Nationalist Party (ZNP) of Mizoram, who also gave the thumps up to Mamata as the

PM It’s rare for a party from the Northeast

to approve a regional leader to lead the country, much less a leader from Bengal.Major challenges still remain for Mamata For one, she may not be acc­eptable to all as the PM DMK’s M.K Stalin had famously named Congress president Rahul Gandhi as the Opp­osition’s potential choice The Brigade parade ground rally also skipped the issue as Samajwadi Party’s Akhilesh Yadav insisted that the matter be left for after the elections Most importantly, the Congress is unlikely to give up PM hopes, not after spectacular comebacks

in three major states recently And the fact that the Congress will be taking on the Trinamool in Bengal, apart from the BJP, makes it murkier

Also, political coalitions are always a messy affair Especially with ideologically diverse parties Mamata may have brought the Opposition together, keeping the flock united would be the bigger challenge The alliance still could be the Opposition’s answer to the BJP’s election winning machine Or it could fall apart under the weight of its own contradic­tions But the bullet has been fired and Mamata will be remembered as the one who pulled the trigger O

The event was as much the story of Mamata’s personal ambitions as

it was about the show

of Oppositon unity

How many seats the Trinamool manages to win out of 42 in Bengal will determine her bargaining powers.

RISE AND SHINE Mamata Banerjee speaks at the Opposition unity rally in Calcutta

Didi’s March To Dilli

Mamata Banerjee eyes bigger pie through opposition unity

POLL POSITION

SANDIPAN CHATTERJEE

Trang 12

Digitisation has touched every

aspect of human life It is also

altering how organisations look

at business sectors, markets,

service their customers and ideate new

businesses Traditionally, governments

have been slow to modernise, but today

they view digitisation as a panacea that

can save time and expenses, while

enhancing their extend and effectiveness

The three-fold transformation of

consumers, government and industry are

far reaching economic consequences The

number of technologies coming into the

fore, be it internet of things (IoT), Artificial

Intelligence (AI), Robotics and so on, are

touching every sector, reimagining how

goods and services are delivered,

impacting lives they reach and heralding

what is now being termed as Industry 4.0

Hitachi, one of the leading Japanese

companies with a global footprint, has

been engaged in innovating new age

technologies It has been using some of

the most advanced technologies in a wide

range of products/services, ranging from

information and telecommunication

systems, digital solutions and services,

infrastructure systems, industrial

systems like water, oil and gas supply and

management, to transportation and urban

development solutions Together with

localisation, Hitachi aims to contribute to

further fueling India’s digital economy

As the sixth largest and fastest

developing economy in the world, to drive

the advantages of a digital sphere to the

bottom of the pyramid, India faces

numerous difficulties, the most pertinent

being to make the economic growth

inclusive Digitisation is radical, as it can

bring in the much needed inclusiveness

Frontier Technologies

for Greater Good

and a true social transformation for a nation as vast and complex as India

Prime Minister Narendra Modi acknowledges India’s unique challenges but is now focusing all the synergies towards the opportunities a radical digitisation can bring to create the much needed inclusiveness and a true social transformation

Many initiatives were launched to take the ital dream to a billion citizens– ‘Digital India’,

dig-‘Make in India’, ‘Skill India’ to name a few This vision aims at empowering the citizens through the adaptation of e-Governance, a way to infuse technology in governance to drive the last mile delivery of services.

Hitachi in India has envisioned this direction in collaboration with the stakeholders, bringing its rich global industrial heritage and juxtaposing it with its strength in Information Technology (IT) and Operational Technology (OT) It has its ethos embedded in its businesses that are aimed at touching the lives of millions It is only possible when you innovate and Hitachi’s inherent Social Innovation Business, weaves in a multi-disciplinary approach to problems to build innovative solutions that drive businesses and governance to aid the society at large

It has partnered with the government of India in its initiatives like ‘Digital India’

and ‘Make in India’, leveraging its superior technology innovations and global expertise to address India’s unique challenges

Hitachi has been a leader in OT for industries such as manufacturing, power/

energy and transportation for over 100 years The company has also been a leader

in IT for over 50 years—bringing IT applications, analytics, content, cloud, and infrastructure solutions to market that have transformed the way enterprises do business Combining its broad expertise

in OT with its proven IT, Hitachi gives the customers a powerful, collaborative partner in data

Its extensive presence across industries, enables it to provide a ‘single eye view of macro solutions’, a core competency that the company has earned over the years It laid its solid foundation in India over 80

years back, as it supplied turbines for the Bhakra Nangal project Over the years, Hitachi group has diversified and expanded its presence with 28 group companies in India, across sectors like infrastructure, railways, energy, construction machinery, healthcare, IT, automotive systems, along with payment systems

Be it the problem of rapid urbanisation

or largescale concentration of people in cities; building sustainable transportation solutions or efficient supply and management of water; need for stronger security solutions or advanced machinery

to aid smarter manufacturing to fuel India’s 'Make in India' aspiration, Hitachi’s Social Innovation business has driven solutions for the Indian government, private players, businesses and the citizens themselves, incorporating its vision of ‘Collaborative Creation’ Hitachi Group is coming together to work faster, smarter and towards a sustainable tomorrow for India, contributing

Hitachi

Trang 13

and Asia Pacific’s economies In 2017, while 4 % of India’s GDP was derived from digital products and services created directly through the use of digital technologies, such as mobility, cloud, IoT and AI, within the next four years, it is estimated that nearly 60% of India’s GDP will have a strong connection to the digital technologies such as AI and that will accelerate digital transformation led growth even further.

This is a major opportunity for companies like Hitachi, who can amalgamate their global expertise and heritage with complex Indian problems to innovate with products and services

“India is inevitably heading for a social revolution A revolution brought in by the transformation in the way people access technology and the advanced digital capabilities possessed by companies With this social shift, the society has moved beyond from an information to a distinctive culture, built on awareness and technology

The 7 Cs i.e Common, Connected, Convenient, Congestion-Free, Charged, Clean, Cutting-Edge, introduced by our Prime Minister, works as fundamental for

us and drives us to create the necessary novel solutions including efficient infrastructure, transportation, energy, water, and many others Keeping citizens at the centre, we must adapt to the dynamic confluence culture that is a natural result of convergence Hitachi will continue to partner and draw upon its wealth of technologies and expertise to provide a diversified range of information technology solutions in various industrial sectors, empowering the citizens of India, transforming the landscape of Indian economy and aligning with India’s growth,"

says Bharat Kaushal, Managing Director

of Hitachi India

India’s appetite and intent for technology evolution has been applauded globally as well The World Economic Forum comes out with a Global Competitiveness Report every year According to this year’s report,

“The global economy is not prepared for the Fourth Industrial Revolution: 103 of the 140 economies measured in this year’s index score 50 or lower out of 100 for innovation capability, meaning that for many of these, innovation is a drag on overall competitiveness.” However, there

is good news for India The report proves Indian government’s focus is on e-Governance, alongside other reforms like GST and schemes like Digital India,

Make in India and Skill India

India ranks 58th in 2018's Global Competitiveness Index This indicates a rise of five places in the ranking from its

2017 position and is the largest gain among all G20 economies India is a leader among the South Asian economies

consistently to an ever evolving digital

economy

“Lumada” aims to be the core of social

innovation by being a medium for

Hitachi’s customers, helping them be a

part of this digital transformation

Hitachi has been a part of e-Governance

initiatives with multiple governments in

the country While some of them have

used its IT solutions, others use its

technology for various functions These

large data heavy projects include

digitisation of land records; single-window

handling of grievances and maintenance

of essential services; easing tax payments

and other dues to the government; along

with internet based citizen delivery of

services

Digital transformation is expected to

add an estimated $154 billion to Indian

GDP and increase the growth rate by 1%

annually, according to a research by a

technology company and International

Data Corporation The report further goes

on to predict a dramatic acceleration in the

pace of digital transformation across India

This holistic transformation of a country as vast as India has been made possible with companies like Hitachi partnering with multi-stake holders in bringing together the state-of-the-art technology solutions, combined with the implementing agencies driving the last mile delivery of services

To learn more visit - http://social-innovation.hitachi/in/

Itsmarket size (3rd) Innovation(31) - The quality

of its research establishments (8th)

India’s greatest competitive advantages include:

Business dynamism (58)- including the number of disruptive businesses (11th)

Trang 14

14 OUTLOOK 4 February 2019

by Lola Nayar

TUCKED away in a

recently-tab-led parliamentary panel report

is a rather telling submission by

Rajn ish Kumar, chairman of the

State Bank of India (SBI) “…In

the current scenario, when the gas

price is so high and when there are

constraints in the supply of domestic

gas, it seems that as if we are groping

in the dark There is no other

solu-tion We have to write off this

invest-ment,” Kuma r told the parliamentary

standing committee on energy which

drafted the report on ‘stressed/

non-performing assets in gas-based

power plants’ The investment runs

into thousands of crores of rupees

and the potential write-off could hit

hard Indi a’s public sector banks,

already groaning under a mountain

of bad loans

An acute shortage of domestic natural

gas has left India struggling to meet even

half of the installed 25 gigawatt power

generation capacity Gas-fired power

plants make economic sense if they are

operated using domestic natural gas and

much of the investment spurt started

around 2008, following

announcements of major

gas discoveries by

compa-nies like Reliance

Industries, ONGC and

Gujarat State Petroleum

Corporation (GSPC)

They promised to more

than double the

produc-tion of green fuel in the

country Barring a short

period of surge due to

Reliance’s output from the

Krishna-Godavari basin,

natural gas production in the country has failed to rise meaningfully, negating expe-ctations of having assured green fuel supplies at economic rates on long-term basis For instance, gas production by private/joint ventures during April-November 2018 was 3736.31 million metric standard cubic meter each day, which is 13.63 per cent lower than the production for the same period the previ-ous year

“There is plenty of blame to pass around, including that investors should not have gone ahead with the projects without a firm power purchase agreement, or the exploration and production companies for promising but not delivering the promised gas, or the ministry of petro-leum and natural gas for holding out hope

of a surge in domestic gas production, etc

But the bottom line is that the country has a large number of gas-based power plants which are not being used,” says Rajiv Ranjan Mishra, chairman of the Association of Power Producers

To bridge the gas shortfall, both public and private sector players are contracting

to procure imported gas and supply re-gassifed liquefied natural gas (R-LNG)

India has four operational LNG import

terminals at Dahej, Hazira, Dabhol and Kochi with a total import capacity of 27.5 million metric tonnes (MMT), while the current level of imports is over 19 MMT Depending on the source of gas, power gener-ated using natural gas can cost as low as Rs 3 per unit, while imported R-LNG-powered electricity price can range anywhere from

Rs 5 to Rs 15 per unit,

depe nding on the gas price Being a traded commodity, the price fluctuates from month to month Mishra points out that while gas is plentifully available for imp-

o rt, but it is not at a price which the power companies are willing to pay

“The fundamental problem with based power plants is that they are not operating Unless they get the right tariff based on the input (gas) price, they are going to turn NPAs,” says S.L Rao, an ener gy expert who was the first chair-man of the Central Electricity Reg-ulatory Commission

gas-Former power secretary Anil Razdan points out that it is important to look at the project report to find out what is the assumed price of gas, the plant load fac-tor or capacity utilisation, and the selling price of power

Many of these gas-based power plants came up when India was facing a short-age of power In that scenario, even if they had gone to the spot market for procuring gas for their stranded assets, their plants would still have been viable Today, with the grid in place and ability

to get cheaper power from other places

to meet peak demand, the more sive gas-based power has few takers Sunjoy Joshi of the Obsever Research Foundation says gas-based power has a place in the grid, especially if India is going to pursue its dream of harnessing

expen-40 per cent of the requirement from renewa ble energy sources The choice before the government is to have energy markets to respond to supply and dema nd

as in many countries pursuing clean

gy policies Else, investments in gas-based power plants will go waste O

India is struggling

to meet even half of its installed power generation capacity of

25 gigawatts.

SBI chairman Rajnish Kumar told a parliamentary panel that banks may have to write off huge loans.

Running On

Low Fuel

India’s power plants are lying idle

because of domestic gas shortage

POWERLESS A gas-based power plant of GAIL

IN THE RED

Trang 15

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Trang 16

16 OUTLOOK 4 February 2019

FARM SALVE

by Sandeep Sahu in bhubaneswar

IT is not often that top economists

take notice of a scheme launched

in Odisha Therefore, the fact

that Krushak Assistance for

Live-lihood and Income Augmentation

(KALIA) won universal

approba-tion from people who make or

influ-ence policies is noteworthy Pol

icy-makers and agricultural experts like

Finance Commission chairman N.K

Singh, Commission for Agricultural

Costs and Prices chairman Vijay Pal

Sharma and leading agro- economist

Ashok Gulati have hailed the scheme

launched by the Naveen Patnaik

gov-ernment in Odisha on Dec ember 31,

2018 as a more effective way of

add-ressing farm distress than the

popu-list loan-waiver option

The “best conceived scheme for the

dis tressed agriculture sector”, said Singh,

while Gulati suggested that “KALIA can

be the lighthouse to guide the nation on

the kind of agriculture policy we need in

future for India’s farmers”

Even more heartening for the state

government is that it has received an

overwhelming response from the

peo-ple—its intended beneficiaries A

meeting of the agriculture department

held on January 19 found that over 66

lakh people—way above the 30 lakh

targeted—have applied for inclusion in

the scheme

One reason for this unprecedented

response is the fact that unlike others of

its kind, KALIA targets not just farmers

but includes everyone in the

agricul-tural eco-system, including

sharecrop-pers and labourers, who constitute a

majority, and even the elderly who are

unable to cultivate their land

The ambitious scheme promises

Rs 5, 000 for each farmer, irrespective

of his holding, spread over five seasons

till 2021-22;  livelihood assistance of Rs

12, 500 to each landless family to help

generate income in areas like animal

rearing, pisciculture, honey and

mush-room cultivation; interest-free crop

loans and Rs 2 lakh insurance cover for

each farmer As evident, KALIA has

provisions for the entire farm sector,

rather than just landed farmers, who

benefit from loan write-offs

As Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar

has noted, KALIA is a much more

com-prehensive and inclusive scheme than

the Ryuthu Bandhu scheme launched

by Telangana CM K Chandrasekhara Rao,  which paid such handsome elec-toral dividends to the TRS

Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik beli eves KALIA will be a real ‘gam-echanger’ Launching a five-day farm-ers’ convention in Bhubaneswar on January 15, he said, “KALIA is an ideal scheme not only for Odisha but for the entire nation It will open new doors of development.”

Krishan Kumar, the nodal officer for its implementation, lists the benefits:

“First, the coverage is very high KALIA will cover 90-92 per cent of the farming community, while loan waiver would cover only 20-25 per cent Second, it does not incentivise farmers not to repay loans, as loan waivers tend to do

Third, it is a transparent way of giving subsidy directly into farmers’ accounts,”

he says Again, KALIA is spread over

five cropping seasons, unlike loan ers, which are one-time affairs

waiv-While it’s flawless on paper, everyone agrees that implementation is going to pose a massive challenge Reaching out to the existing 12 lakh farmers registered under government schemes may not pose a problem, but identifying new beneficiaries is a mammoth task that will certainly stretch the official machinery

“The government is yet to draw up a list

of sharecroppers—the majority In the absence of a comprehensive list, sar-panches will have the last word on who gets included,” says Natabar Khuntia, a leading agro-economist The meeting on January 19 acknowledged this, while saying efforts are on to reconcile data in the National Population Register and the Socio Economic Caste Status and “find a common key between them”

While it’s evident from the scope of KALIA that it had been brewing for some

Unlike loan waivers to a select few, Odisha’s KALIA scheme aims to benefit the whole farming eco-system

Come All Who Tilled Land

SANJIB MUKHERJEE

Trang 17

time, its announcement without making

adequate financial provision has led to

criticism that it is intended to reap

elec-toral benefits in the impending polls The

government says the scheme would cost

a whopping Rs 10,180 crore to the

exc-hequer But, surprisingly, no budgetary

provision has been made to fund it The

first instalments of Rs 5,000 is scheduled

to be distributed by January 25, forcing

the government to source money

ear-marked for other purposes

The revelation that the government has

withdrawn Rs 734 crore from its

contin-gency fund—meant for emercontin-gency

exp-enses during natural calamities—to

meet the initial expense has raised

hackles too “What happened to the

Rs 18, 000 crore the government got by

way of fines from mining companies and

Rs 4,000 crore it received from IOCL as

its share in the proposed petroleum

complex in Paradip? If the government’s

heart bleeds for farmers, it would have

made budgetary provision of Rs 21,000

crore for 36 lakh Odia farmers and given

them a bonus of Rs 1,000 over the MSP of

Rs 1,750 per tonne of paddy, as done by Chhattisgarh This is an attempt to scut-tle our demand for ‘price, prestige and pension’ and hoodwink people ahead of elections,” says Akshaya Kumar, head of the Navnirman Krishak Sangha, which has been spearheading a farmers’ move-ment in Odisha for several years

Jagadish Pradhan, chairman of Sahabhagi Vikash Andolan, concurs “It

is a painkiller that provides temporary relief… The provision of Rs 12,500 for income-generating activities…looks fine But is the system in place to facili-tate such activity? The returns on the investment would come in future How does the landless farmer live till then?”

he asks “While there are some welcome features, it is long-term in nature and will not benefit the average farmer in the immediate future,” adds Sarala Das, who writes on agriculture   

Another major challenge is how to distribute the money, given the fact that a majority of beneficiaries are outside the banking system Krishan Kumar, however, disagrees He says the percentage of farmers who lie outside the banking system is minus-cule and alternative measures will be taken to pay them

Much of the criticism against the KALIA scheme is premised on the fact that it was announced weeks ahead of the simultaneous Lok Sabha and ass-embly elections But it matters little to many farmers “Those opposing the scheme are doing so for political rea-sons We farmers think it will benefit all sections of the farming community,” says Bhubaneswar Parida, a farmer in Similipatana village in Khurda district  Like in the rest of the country, farmers—their incomes plummeting and their livelihood endangered—have been a sorely disaffected lot in Odisha Naveen Patnaik would hope that the KALIA scheme, irrespective of its inbuilt, teeth-ing problems, can address the wide-spread hurt and anger in the farming community, win its votes and serve as a model for the country to follow O

Naveen Patnaik launching the

KALIA Yojana in Bhubaneswar

The scheme is criticised for not having enough fund allocation and having an eye on polls

But farmers are happy

Trang 20

W HERE the republic will stand at the end

of 2019 will substantially depend on the

May general elections We may well be

at the crossroads weeks from now The

outcome matters What the post-poll

government makes of its mandate matters

just as much We take it all for granted but in 1947 few

thought parliamentary democracy would work in India

Democracy had to strike roots in a country with centuries

of monarchy and many layers of privilege and power

When the constitutional convention of the US was

meeting in Philadelphia, Benjamin Franklin was asked

if it was to be a republic or a monarchy He answered: “A

republic, if we can keep it.” India was not an emerging

power but emerged from a long spell of imperial rule

Battered by war, the famines of Bengal and Travancore

(that killed over three million) and the horrors of Partition

The republic went on to be founded in 1950 in a spring of

hope The first Prime Minister saw the inside of a British

jail for nine long years The home minister had given up a

lucrative career to be christened Sardar for his leadership of

the peasants of Bardoli And, to be noted, six of the 14 first

ministers were not even from the Congress The architect of

the Constitution was the first Dalit in India to be a graduate,

hold a law degree and do a doctorate, Dr B.R Ambedkar

Shyama Prasad Mukheree and N.C Chatterjee were of the

Hindu Mahasabha It was a time to work together for a

common cause, not descend to petty wrangling

Of course, India’s new order had a

sound start Elements of democracy

in India may have sprung under

imperial aegis The secret ballot and

multi-candidate election, the party

system or for that matter merit-based

recruitment to the civil service did not

have precedents in India’s pre-colonial

past India’s Constituent Assembly

believed ‘We the People’ had the right

and ability to govern ourselves Haifa

University’s Ornit Shani has shown

how the electoral rolls were ready by

October 1949 This was nearly two

years before the first vote was cast

The franchise expanded to include the poor and the unlettered, to women and Dalits, tribal people and property-less rural folk The first-ever general elections of 1951-52 showed how democracy celebrated difference Free speech and fair choice were its life blood India endured

as a polity based on law and rights for all The promise has never been fully realised but in many ways the idea took root across different strata of society

Rohit De’s new work, A People’s Constitution, shows how

the Constitution struck roots among the people at large Citizens were among those filing a spate of cases against officials in the courts All who lived through those years could not agree on what was to be done But they were willing and able to join forces for the common good.There were, and are, battles at hand Nehru invoked a

view of India in 1946, in his The Discovery of India It was

defined by shared history and a composite culture A fellow

political prisoner argued on similar lines The book: India

Divided and its author: Rajendra Prasad You were Indian

because you shared a history with other Indians: religion

did not determine nationality Partition did take place

But India as a polity stayed on with the idea and ideal of fashioning common citizenship This had not one but two implications Race or religion did not matter Equally

so origins and status would not be barrier to aspiration Hence, equality under the law

This was an India home equally to all, at variance with

ideas of nation founded on a faith (Pakistan) It was an India without a cadre-based secular ideology imposed from above (as in China) It would not have one national language (not Urdu

as in Pakistan or Sinhala as in Ceylon)

or be a faith-based state (as in Burma

or Thailand) None of this was easy

In 1948 Nehru’s government had cracked down hard using police against militants of the Mahasabha and the RSS Patel’s ‘police action’ in Telangana was against the Nizam and communist insurgents Armed raiders backed by

We The People At

pro-fessor of history and environmental studies at Ashoka University, Soni- pat, Haryana Views expressed are personal.

Mahesh Rangarajan

The nation’s democratic foundations

are firm but our pluralism is on trial

You were Indian because you shared a history with other Indians: religion did not determine nationality

Trang 21

4 February 2019 OUTLOOK 21

Illustrations by MANJUL

Trang 22

the Pakistani Army regulars in mufti moved into the Kashmir Valley The Indian Army, backed by armed National Conference volunteers, halted them ‘Hindu Muslim Sikh ittehad’ was at stake

A territory that was a Muslim-majority region saw no future in a Pakistan defined on basis of ethno-nationalism

It is difficult to believe but in the 1951-52 polls, the small but significant group of Hindu cultural nationalists was the target of many

of the PM’s speeches He was not alone Patel had denounced celebrations by some at news

of Bapu’s assassination on January 30, 1948

A broader idea of India held sway Hindutva votaries, those who saw Hindu-ness as central

to the definition of India, remained marginal for years They first gained wider platform only on anti-Congress platforms of the 1967 elections The anti-corruption movement of JP and the struggle against Emergency gave them national prominence and acceptability But even in 1980, the Bharatiya Janata Party’s creed was one of Gandhian socialism

THE late eighties and nineties were the key

turning point There is no doubt the Congress erred In a remarkable translation of a memoir by advocate Hamid Kureshi of the Gujarat High Court on the riots of 1969, Prof Rita Kothari of Ashoka University (full disclosure, she is a distinguished colleague) shows hope give way to despair at the violence in Ahmedabad on the banks of the Sabarmati But even this paled when compared to the massacres of Sikhs in 1984

In early 1986, and in quick succession, Congress leaders acquiesced in the reopening of the locks

on a disputed structure in Ayodhya and soon after the whittling away of rights of Muslim women The terms had changed

The challenger was waiting in the

wings Lal Krishna Advani attempted a

re-definition of nationhood at a mass

level This was clearest in his Ram rath

yatra in 1990 and the subsequent

election campaign the following

year The two poles of the polity,

he said, would be the Congress

and BJP, and the defining issue

nationalism based on culture

Few will doubt that the

Modi-led government has

trodden new ground in

more than one way Most

significant is the bid to

remake history and our

vision of the future His

party has had the largest

number of seats in four of

THE CULTURAL

REPUBLIC OPINION

Trang 23

4 February 2019 OUTLOOK 23

the past six general elections, but 2014

saw it win a majority the first time

But make no mistake, the mandate of

the 2014 elections is seen by the ruling

party as one for remaking India There

is a sense of deep hurt at the denial of

an ancient past More seriously, the

unity of the diverse creeds, sects and

communities that are Sanatan Dharmi

or Arya Samaji are to be welded into

one to be the core of a strong India

This necessarily means a series

of campaigns on the temple, the

cow, and Kashmir None of this is new but the backing

of government authority is without precedent Note

the political lineaments of the chief minister of Uttar

Pradesh His predecessor Mahant Avaidyanath was a

Hindu Mahasabha Lok Sabha MP Even earlier it was

Digvijay Nath who led the first major mass movement

against the Nehru government The issue: the Hindu Code

Bill Support for polygamy, opposition to property rights

for women were seen as vital to the family The unity of a

community rested on male privilege Not so very different

from conservative Muslim or Sikh leaders after all

The matter is not of who rules India but the basis on

which they sustain their legitimacy If the grammar of

politics changes, it has implications for the fabric of India

How you view these markers will show where you stand

1977 was a watershed that may well bear a second look

That election saw ouster of a government that crushed

civil liberties, jailed political opponents and denied free

speech It was not a victory for Mrs Gandhi’s opponents,

but a genuine peaceful rising of the people Is 2019 akin to

1977? A critic of Emergency, veteran columnist and author

thinks so Nayantara Sehgal argues that Indira Gandhi was

a democrat gone seriously astray Modi’s government is

greater threat to the democratic ethos of India

2019 is more serious as the threat is of a mindset not a

regime The world view was honed in the period between

the World Wars when the RSS was formed A thorough

remaking of facets of life, of culture and literature, the

sciences and media, the universities and schools, no less is

the stated aim In common with fascism and communism,

a strong state is to be backed by cultural reeducation True

the structure of democracy survives But a mono ethnic

India will be a different place

Will this project at all work in a democracy? And surely,

the others are not exactly spotless There’s no doubt

other parties, virtually all who have held public office,

show strains of such intolerance The Congress and

regional parties have done it all one time or another: jailed

opponents, curbed free speech The argumentative Indian

exists but often not because of her leaders And yes, the

Opposition, especially the Congress, needs to do more to

show it can introspect No less will do If not it will be a

substitute not an alternative

But as the biggest political force it is the BJP that sets the

tone and tenor of debate Also a recasting of the polity is

serious business if the party rules in New Delhi and is a partner in power

in all but 11 of the 29 states And the Prime Minister is not just head of the government, but the pivot of polity The poll is not just about Modi: it is about his way Is it right? Should it remain India’s way?

The remaking goes beyond slogans The new citizenship bill that makes religious identity the basis of refuge and fast-tracking to citizenship makes India akin to Israel (Jewish basis of nationhood) or paradoxically many Islamic Arab states This

is a far cry from the constitutional order that saw citizenship

as equal and based on territory not a uniform culture Equally

so, Sabarimala is evidence that where tradition meets the imperative of common rights equally held, the powers-that-be will uphold the former not the latter After all, it was tradition that forbade Dalits taking water from a tank that led to Amebedkar’s Mahad Satyagraha And Kerala itself was witness to the Vaikom struggles for all to enter temples Tradition does and should have place But it can and should

be revised when it undermines common rights and equality

If not, caste and gender as ground for denial of humanity of a fellow human would be legitimate

THE two most influential leaders speak of these choices

For Narendra Modi’s followers, he is a man who rose by merit and hard work Rahul Gandhi promises a new deal for those left behind and a culture of coexistence Unlike

1977, the choice is not stark at first sight But its consequences will be as long lasting A single-party government in the 1970s promised equality but short-changed liberty It was a coalition that restored those liberties

More so than then this is a question of a federal India

or one that moves towards a more unitary bias The years since Rajiv Gandhi lost power in 1989 had seen regional sentiments and states’ powers get space The worst feature

of Indira’s India in the 1970s have now returned The choices are significant Is a strong leader one who stands apart or one that takes all along? Is uniformity the way to deeper unity? Is it stronger because it accommodates difference? State worship and a common culture are one way to achieve unity But if imposed from above and held together

by fear it can undermine harmony Needless to add the dal-roti, or if you like fish curry and rice, will also matter The aspirations of the young for jobs, higher incomes for farmers, and end to all corruption will come up against the ultimate litmus test The winter of 2018 saw the BJP come

a cropper in three key states: whether they were part of a cycle or a foretaste of the future will be known and soon enough We are at the hinge of history Which door we open will have consequences beyond the next five years Opening

up options may also foreclose some choices

A simple choice may shape the future Never has so much hinged on the choice of so many The vision of India may be

at stake O

Make no mistake, the mandate of the 2014 elections is seen by the ruling party as one for remaking India There is deep hurt at the denial

of an ancient past.

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India: A Danse Penumbral

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4 February 2019 OUTLOOK 25

by Arshia Dhar

I T’S an inconspicuous little one-storey dot in a

largely peaceful, middle-class neighbourhood

in Tamil Nadu’s Viralimalai, a stone’s throw away from the glitzier airport city of Trichy

The walls are cement-washed—sturdy, yet reeking of an antiquity buried under layers of consolidating, mundane grey The unceremonious clamour of utensils echoes through the backyard (that doubles up as a bath) and right into the humble home

of a past that remains mostly forgotten An old woman

in a plain cotton sari trundles back in after spitting out a mouthful of paan outside her door “My leg has been hurting for a while,” her eyes flinch a little in pain, adding a few lines to the ripples on her skin left

by time—80 years to be precise, all spent trying to salvage an art that defines her legacy, and India’s too

Even if India doesn’t know it

Just last year, R Muthukkannammal was invi ted to duct a workshop on Sadir near Chennai Sadir what? do

con-I hear you ask? The word sounds almost alien to a nation propped up on feet relentlessly practising Bharatanatyam,

or the “Dance of India”, for decades, among other classical forms—none sounding remotely like Sadir But rummage through pre-Independent India’s yellowing archives, and one might stumble upon this word It belonged to a land quite different from what the British left behind, and a time whose rhythm was set by feet dancing on temple stone—the feet and bodies and minds of Devadasis, the custodians of Chinnamelam, alternately known as Dasi attam or Sadir, whose ghost now lives in its distilled and

‘purified’ incarnation as Bharatanatyam

Muthukkannammal is the last fruit of that original tree

THE CULTURAL

Leave aside the Constitution,

the hardware of the State

The Republic was in reality

brought into being by an elite

consensus around a ‘pure’

culture, what it should have

and what must be left out

And Exhibit-A is dance.

STILL AROUND R Muthukkannammal is the last surviving of the 32 Devadasis of Viralimalai, Tamil Nadu, the only legatee

of Sadir, the precursor of Bharatanatyam

Photographs: USHA RAMESH

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26 OUTLOOK 4 February 2019

THE CULTURAL

REPUBLIC DANCE

The Devadasis of the south, and

Maharis in Odisha, were demonised

and outlawed by the British, in line

with the Victorian morality that still

governs our laws and social attitudes

Nor did Independence bring freedom

from that obscurity and shame—the

stigma pretty much informed the new

canvas of ‘pure’ culture painted in

Nehru’s India The old female

custodi-ans retreated to the bottom layers of

the palimpsest, still seen as corrupt,

sexually deviant beings to be

ostra-cised But the old world still shines

through Muthukkannammal’s sharp

words and glittering eyes “I would be

up by 3.30 am every day to rehearse I

was in a family full of dancers, who

woke up even earlier to practise,” she

says, as her school-going

great-grand-daughters come running for a hug

Muthukkannammal accidentally

found herself in the spotlight after

spending years in relative oblivion

when DakshinaChitra, a cultural

forum, opened its doors to her,

conferring her with a cash award on

learning about her meagre livelihood

“I am one of the 32 Devadasis of

Viralimalai, from the period of

Maharaja Raja g opala Thondaiman

My father, Rama chandran, was my

guru…he also trained me in music

You see, unlike Bharatanatyam, we

have to continue singing while

danc-ing Bharatanatyam has emulated our

dance and become popular,” she says

Ruing the lack of off cial patronage,

she says, “As the only surviving

prac-titioner, I am scared that the history

of my mothers, the Devadasis, will be

wiped out in my absence.”

Without patrons, any form of art

suf-fers For Indian dances, British

domin-ion uprooted the entire ecosystem of

patronage, squeezing dry the

treasur-ies of all kingdoms that funded temple

and court performers The attack on

the arts, however, went deeper—it was

fundamentally moral The British

con-demned the dances by linking them to

prostitution and debauchery Sample

civil servant William Hunter’s words

in the 1878 Bengal District Gazetteer,

after he apparently watched a

perfor-mance at the Jagannath Temple in

Puri: “Indecent ceremonies disgraced

the ritual, and dancing girls with

roll-ing eyes put the modest worshipper to

the blush.… The baser features of a

worship that aims at a sensual tion of God appears in a band of prosti-tutes who sing before the image.… In the pillared halls, a choir of dancing girls enlivens the idols’ repast by their airy gyrations The indecent rites that have crept into Vishnuvism are repre-sented by the Birth Festival (Janam),

realisa-in which a priest takes the part of the father and a dancing girl that of the mother of Jagannath, and the cere-mony of his nativity is performed….”

This is one of many such colonial-era reports—words that slowly corroded the bedrock of India’s classical dances,

covering their delicate aesthetics in a cloak of moral horror

What of the charge itself? Well, it was not right or wrong in a bald factual way as much as a cultural miscogni-tion In a male-ordered world, gender politics is decidedly unequal, but this old world was one in which sexuality had a life-affrming status And ironi-cally, the British projection of temple dancers as prostitutes became a cruel, self-fulfilling prophecy “As a people,

we did not have the kind of shame around sexuality our colonial masters did,” says Odissi exponent and scholar

IGNORED NATIVE “We barely find representation in official bodies or festivals,” says Gaudiya Nritya practitioner Banani Chakraborty

SANDIPAN CHATTERJEE

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Ananya Chatterjea “We certainly had

patriarchal contexts in which these

dances existed, but the dancers were

constantly navigating a complex

force-field to find space for their work

When these dances were re-situated,

in re-choreographed form, onto

pro-scenium stages, we made them in

effect hold space for middle- and

upper-class women who could speak

for the ‘nation’ and its long stream of

‘tradition’ What you are speaking to

are the ravages of that history.”

Indeed, the British made it

impossi-ble for these dancers to find space in

Hindu society, which too started to

stigmatise them as corrupt

tempt-resses, and they were left with no

room but that to scavenge for food and

money From being at the centre of

power structures, vested with bearing

the spiritual burden of the kingdoms,

the Devadasis and Maharis were now

thrust to the abhorred peripheries

Their art, naturally, withered In the

new aesthetic regime, sensuality or

‘eros’ (sringara rasa in Natyashastra

terms) had been rendered morally

dub ious The victims, expectedly, were

women; male practitioners remained

largely insulated, though forms of

fluid sexuality flowed as much from

their dance “It was a gender-biased

campaign, largely driven by Christian

missionaries It only forbade women

dancers Male performers flourished

as custodians of art and became the

ustads I feel this is the most criminal

thing we did to the brilliant women

performers of the 19th century,” says

Manjari Chaturvedi, Lucknow-based

Kathak practitioner

Chaturvedi’s long-standing mission

has been to revive the dance of the

Tawaifs, or the “fallen women” whose

progeny still face brutal rejection The

recreation of the old, intimate

perfor-mances involves careful study of

sur-viving gramophone records of songs, movements depicted in paintings and literary descriptions by 20th-century scholars Chaturvedi’s reading of the misogynistic onslaught the colonial state unleashed on India’s dances cor-roborates the erosion, or conscious mutation, of the three older, majorly female, precursors of the modern-day

‘classical’ forms—Bharatanatyam, Odissi and Kathak

‘Epidemic’ of Dance

This was a kind of cultural genocide

Like the Devadasis and Maharis, the project to ‘eradicate’ the social epi-

demic of dancing girls also hit the Muslim Tawaifs of the north and the Baijis of Bengal The social upheaval of

1857 did not spare their kothas: the British seized their lands and ordained them to society’s darkest recesses An

‘anti-nautch’ campaign in the late 1800s aimed to decimate ‘nautch girls’, a col-lective term for temple and court danc-ers In 1890, a missionary called Rev J

Murdoch launched a full-blown print campaign against ‘nautch parties’ He called upon British offcials to not be witnesses to amoral acts of seduction

India was soon flooded by such paigns, the Madras Christian

cam-Literature Society being edly responsible for a large percentage

single-hand-of anti-nautch literature Earlier British offcials had slipped into the same congenial relationship that India’s feudal lords had with the danc-ers, but the practice of inviting Tawaifs and Baijis to entertain visiting British dignitaries soon gave way to ballroom dances The air of shame was infectious, and local sources of sustenance also started drying up The Bai-Nautch of Bengal also started to lose its feudal pat rons, now influenced by the Brahmo Samaj Court dancers sought to survive

by shifting from their older patrons to the nouveau riche, but the suffocating air of ‘ethical cleansing’ now infected even the new bourgeois classes

As the walls of the kothas started to close in on the female practitioners of Kathak, the venerated temples of Odisha began to exorcise Mahari, a dance-form that modern-day Odissi heavily borrows from “Odissi is for commoners, Mahari is only for Lord Jagannath,” says Rupashree Maha-patra, the sole practitioner of the age-old dance Rupashree practises and conducts her dance lessons in the same room that houses her miniature Jagannath temple The home of her in-laws in the beach town of Puri is a crumbling 200-year-old relic, held together by the embracing arms of wise, old banyan trees, as old as humanity A creeper artfully manoeu-vres its way through a gap on the wall between Lord Jagannath’s portrait and a photo of her guru, the last-known Mahari Sashimani, who passed away in 2014, aged 93

“After I got gold medals in Odissi from four universities, I aspired to do something more,” says Rupashree, Sashimani’s adopted daughter—a cus-tom followed by temple dancers to perpetuate their legacy as a result of

While sexuality had a life-affirming status, the British view

of temple dancers as prostitutes became

a cruel, self-fulfilling prophecy.

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28 OUTLOOK 4 February 2019

being married off to male Hindu ties at a young age Now in her 40s, she seems to slip into a trance as her body

dei-lilts to the tunes of Geet-Gobindo

play-ing in the background She bends ever

so slightly, as if delicately balanced on

a spring, a far cry from the heavy lar motions of Odissi To one accus-tomed to the latter form, what leaps to the eye in Mahari is the tremendous emphasis on bhaav or expressions—

circu-the eyes have it, and circu-the subtle twitch

of the lips, almost betraying a smile res erved only for her lover, the Lord

The equation here is decidedly ent “I hope I’m born a woman in every life so I can dance for Jagannath Why

differ-should one do so much kasrat to

express, like in Odissi or natyam? A little bhaav is good enough

Bharata-These are like conversations with your partner, intimate and beautiful We dress in gold jewellery, a sari, and do elaborate make-up, with emphasis on our eyes I feel I completely transform from within when I dance for

Jagannath It’s like an out-of-body experience,” Rupashree explains

Visually, Mahari seems to be set on a pole diametrically opposite to that of

THE CULTURAL

REPUBLIC DANCE

CODE ARBITRARY Chhau is not recog nised as a classical dance form despite being among the oldest and most codified, with three dis tinct strains practised in Bengal, Odisha and Jharkhand

‘MARGI’ VERSUS ‘DESI’? NOT QUITE

In official parlance, only eight dances (in the first column) are certified as

‘classical’ A glance at a few that aren’t shows why the division is arbitrary

older Sadir or Dasi attam,

Bharatanatyam is said to have

originated in Tamil Nadu, though

its literature shows heavy Telugu influence

Among the first to be declared ‘classical’;

many culture czars were its practitioners.

Yakshagana: A traditional opera associated with Karnataka, it’s set up

by its striking costumes, masks, bright make-up, and performances lasting the night Its not-so-gentle movements and high jumps give it a ‘folksy’

feel, perhaps why it’s still beyond the pale.

themes like the Rasleela, this

dance benefited from Tagore’s

interest in it Performed by both

sexes, the stiff, barrel-shaped skirts worn by

female performers mark Manipuri out as

strikingly different sartorially from the rest.

Koodiyattam: The oldest evolved dance from Kerala, with an explicit link to Natyashastra and Sanskrit texts, besides Malayalam literature, this ritual form, recognised by UNESCO as a masterpiece, is a curious absence in the classical pantheon.

Mohiniattam embodies the

Lasya principle Traditionally a

gentle and ‘feminine’ solo dance

by women, conventionally attired in white

and gold, it got great impetus through royal

patronage in the 18th-19th centuries.

Chhau: An ancient dance from the Rarh region of the east, Chhau has three variants—

Mayurbhanj, Saraikela, Purulia

Said to be based on movements related to hunting and combat, some of its robust moves may have coloured its perception as ‘folk’.

Odisha, this dance entered the

‘classical’ pantheon in the second

wave A consolidated form that

borrowed from regional traditions and

practices like Gotipua and Mahari, Odissi is a

temple dance dedicated to Jagannath of Puri.

Vilasini Natyam: The ‘forgotten dance

of Andhra Pradesh’, this near-extinct sister of Sadir was once owned by the Telugu Devadasis A casualty of the cultural renaissance that kept it out

of the elite club, Bharatanatyam danseuse Swapnasundari helped revive it.

the ‘classical’ forms, titled so as

late as 2000, Assam’s Sattriya

was originally performed by monks in sattras

on the river island of Majuli, where 15th c

saint Srimanta Sankaradeva founded it Now

it finds itself on the ‘secular’ proscenium.

Gaudiya: Named after the Gaur region of Bengal, Gaudiya nritya is steeped in the Natyashastra A research-based revival by Dr Mahua Mukherjee has sought to codify its grammar and form, focusing on its antiquity, but classical status has still proved elusive.

genre, this once male-only form

was a shoo-in into the classical

pantheon, with its rich gestural

repertoire Its dramatic masks and costumes

show its kinship to older Keralan temple and

folk arts from which it evolved in the 17th c.

Theyyam: A ritual-based dance from Kerala, proponents claim Theyyam predates 500 BC It has over 400 variants, all of which are performed to worship ancestors or local gods Despite its antiquity and evolved nature, it’s always deemed ‘folk’.

the same name in Andhra

Pradesh, Kuchipudi made it in

the ‘second list’ of classical

dances With elements of both Lasya and the

more robust Tandav principles, this formerly

male-only form was codified in the 17th c.

Oja Pali: Considered one of the seminal forms from which the classical Sattriya derives, Oja Pali is a song-and-dance ritual performed by

a group of five to six men The leader Oja is assisted by Palis, who gather to recite/sing local lores with loud gestures Hence, ‘folk’.

Gotipua: Evolving in the akhadas of Odisha circa 17th c, Gotipua is an acrobatic dance practised by young boys in drag Its age-gender stipulation continues to identify it as one of the precursors to the ‘classical’

Odissi, while not qualifying itself.

Graphic by SAJI C.S.

kathaakar (storyteller), Kathak is

attributed to the travelling minstrels

of north India One of the first to be

labelled classical, Kathak has three

gharanas—Jaipur, Benaras, Lucknow—the

latter leaving a distinct Muslim imprint on it.

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Odissi The latter has embraced a part top and dhoti trousers made of the local Ikkat or Kotki with minimal silver jewellery; Mahari goes all out in red and yellow saris and gold orna-ments—39 pieces as we counted, with

two-an elaborate headgear two-and, yes,

make-up It’s sringara, after all Much

like Bharatanatyam/Sadir, the nents of Odissi wish to have nothing

propo-to do with its mother form and its contested history “The big practition-ers create disruptions Unless they let

go their ego, it’s impossible for this tradition to survive How much can one person do? We really need more help from the government and the Sangeet Natak Akademi,” says

Rupashree, the sole flag-bearer of Mahari after Sashimani’s death, a tragic milestone in India’s cultural history that no one even noticed

In many ways, colonial and post- colonial India carried the hearse together The final leg of the cleansing process began in 1934 with the Bombay Devadasi Protection Act, which ‘protected the interests’ of Devadasis by lawfully recognising their marriage to a man and their chil-dren born out of wedlock The dedica-tion of a Devadasi to a deity was made illegal; any third person involved in it would henceforth invite a jail term

Unfortunately, what the rehabilitative law safeguarded was not the ‘interests’

of the dancers; nor did it have anything

to do with their craft The Madrasi Devadasi Act of 1947, originally floated

by Muthulakshmi Reddi, the first woman legislator in British India, followed the one in 1934 and finally by

1988, the practice of Devadasi dance was completely outlawed in India This final nail in the coffn of the ancient, erotic dances sealed a cultural

‘renascence’ on the lines of a Hindu spiritual realignment of the forms, whose core emotion would now

change to bhakti.

The Asexual Nation

As Indian leaders internalised the European concept of ‘nationalism’, based on Enlightenment ideals, India’s art forms were reformulated to fit the new identity of Brand Bharat An exp-licitly shared heritage was necessary for this, and thus the various ‘classical’ dances were herded, catalogued and certified, Kathak exponent and social anthropologist Pallabi Chakravorty writes in her essay This ‘renovation’ of heritage had two broad, specific condi-tions: 1) cleansing the dance forms of their erotic traits, modifying the movements from the sensual to the sublime and spiritual 2) reinventing the history of the dances on a pre-dominantly “Hindu” philosophy, consonant with the tacit ethos of nation- building This purging was a sine qua non for new India to have an ancient, untainted ‘classical’ culture The spirit was oriented towards saving the “nautch” (in purified form), but not the “nautch-girls”

Evidence of the sweeping influence European Renaissance had on our cultural resurrection is found in the architects who led the movement Lawyer, classical artist and activist E Krishna Iyer, Bharatanatyam dancer Rukmini Devi Arundale, Rabindranath

Chhau is not recog nised as a classical dance form despite being among the oldest and most codified, with three dis tinct strains practised in Bengal, Odisha and Jharkhand

SANDIPAN CHATTERJEE

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o-Bharatanatyam’s history is not

unco m plicated as it is often made out to

be—as if it were an ancient, unbroken

and pure tradition untouched by

colonial-ism and post-colonial nationalcolonial-ism In

fact, what it was before the onset of

colonialism, in the hands of the original

masters, the devadasis, and what it

eventually became as it passed through

a socio-political prism—the evolving idea

of a newly independent India—are

arguably two very different dance forms

Sure, they shadow and echo one

another, but they are distinct in terms

of their relationships with the body and

sexuality, their narrative content, the

spaces in which they are performed and

the very dancers who practise, perform

and teach them.

Nehru, within the rubric of ‘unity in

diversity’, sought to appreciate and

acknowledge regional, religious and

sub-cultural identities, but he also

envisioned a strong, unified nation that

would ultimately transcend these

smaller identities to evolve into one

pan-Indian identity In the cultural

sphere, those in the nationalist

movement who considered themselves

custodians of art interpreted this to

mean finding one pan-Indian national

dance form This dance form was

Bharatanatyam But it could not become

India’s national dance in the form it

existed in pre-colonial times Colonisers

made an example out of the Devadasis

and their dance to demonstrate the

sexually unrestrained and barbaric

nature of the natives, creating a sense

of shame in Indians Revivalists and

nationalists, therefore, felt impelled to

transform both the dance and the dancer

in order to make it fit its new ‘national’

role The result is now widely known.

The nationalist-revivalist visionaries

set out to suppress erotica and

sens uality, focusing instead on devotion

(thereby ‘sanitising’ the form); make

Bharatanatyam available to ‘good

Brahmin girls’ (i.e not Devadasis); take

it out of temples and onto proscenium

stages; and institutionalise its pedagogy

(establishing Kalakshetra and

form-alising dance education) Thus, what

was actually in India’s dance tradition

was thoroughly morphed in this modern

secular-nationalist reformulation

Those who represented the Devadasi’s Sadir fiercely opposed these transforma- tions But in that transformative air of newly independent India, the change came with the force of an idea whose time had come.

What resulted was an arguably modernist version of the Devadasi’s Sadir, a dance form that belonged not to the Isai Vellalar community of

Devadasis, but to what the nationalists saw as a wider spectrum of practition- ers comprising Brahmin ‘girls of good families’, and performed not in temples, but in ‘secular’ spaces accessible to a more diverse audience It also tilted fa- vourably towards ‘devotionalism’—pos- sibly seen in line with patriotism and nationalism—and away from questions about the body and sexuality, now seen

as shameful and best avoided.

Over half a century later, practitioners are often asked how they feel about the history of the dance form When I learnt

of Bharatanatyam’s tumultuous and complex history, I was fascinated, but also felt derailed My idea of this flaw- less dance form became somewhat tainted While my love for it never dwin- dled, I felt betrayed by the ‘lie’ that resulted from the post-colonial reimagi- nation of Bharatanatyam—the idea that the Devadasi era was a brief, unfortu- nate and corrupting hiccup in an other- wise pure history But, had it not been for the post-colonial revivalist move- ment, the dance form would never have been accessible to me There are indeed many facets of that transformation that

I deeply respect, such as the structure and codification of technique, and I have retained many of these facets in my practice and creative expression Yet, I

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Tagore and art scholar Kapila Vatsyayana were among those who remodelled cultural India for posterity The iconic Rukmini Devi, a

convent-educated Brahmin whose father was a member of the elite Theosophical Society of India, is near-synonymous with the ‘invention’

of Bharatanatyam On watching her friend, the renowned Russian balle-

rina Anna Pavlova, perform Dying

Swan, Rukmini Devi was inspired to

learn dance, and the call to roots soon touched her, coloured by a strong lean-

ing towards bhakti That’s the point at which Sadir nac was transformed

Ananya Chatterjea writes about the symbolic “weight” of the nomencla-ture: “Supposedly it reflects the amal-gamation of bhava, raga and tala, bha-ra-ta, at the confluence of which dance is located However, its simulta-neous…claiming of affliation to

Bharata, the author of Natyashastra,

suggesting its adherence to the ards of “classicism” outlined in that scripture, as well as to Bharat, one of the indigenous names for India, implying its status as the national dance form of India, are hard to miss.” Under the guidance of her friend (and theosophist) Annie Besant, Rukmini Devi deterged the dances of their toxic association with prostitution, by

stand-“shifting the foundational emotion

from sringara, the erotic mood, to

bhakti, the devotional mood,”

Chatterjea writes This turn was tutionalised through the establish-ment of Rukmini Devi’s Kalakshetra College of Dance and Music in 1936, where the new, spiritually exalted form of Bharatanatyam, born from the ashes of Sadir, was propagated A large-scale sanitisation and Sanskritisation of India’s dances were witnessed across the board A system-atic suppression of the physicality that

insti-could not allow myself to be blindly and

dogmatically devoted to the form.

As I grew confident as a dancer and

choreographer, I found my own creative

expression in Vyuti, my dance company,

through which I chose to deal with

some of the bones I had to pick with

the ‘nationalised’ dance form I had

devoted myself to for over two

dec-ades I wanted to challenge the ways in

which classical dance deals with the

body and direct physicality As a solo

dance form, it managed to circumvent

this almost entirely since there is no

other body on stage to physically touch

Even in dance dramas, the touch and

even eye contact is largely superficial,

not real But Vyuti’s work is all about

touch—physical and visceral touch

between multiple and interweaving

dancers The dancers interlock arms,

put their arms around each other, hold

hands, lean on one another, and even

share each other’s weight—lifting each

other off the ground At the very least,

they look directly into each other’s

eyes, acknowledging each other and

honouring the idea of intimately

shar-ing a vulnerable space—the stage.

Re-situating the dance from a temple

setting to a proscenium theatre, too,

had implications on the

form—signifi-cantly, the introduction of a singular

front where the dancer is on stage,

fac-ing an audience in front of him or her

The proscenium, unlike the proximity

between dancer and audience that the temple allows, creates a formal distance between performer and spectator, which compromises some interaction between them In my prac- tice, I attempted to examine how the singular front changed dance and recre- ated how dance may have been viewed

in pre-colonial times

Using alternative spaces, Vyuti’s work invites audiences to sit closer to and all around the performers, enabling audiences to view the work closely from multiple angles and challenging the dancers to be aware of the audi- ence in more than one direction.

Vyuti’s work also removes itself from the sringara-bhakti binary through its narrative content Sakhi, Vyuti’s sole narrative piece, is about female friend- ship Neither sringara nor bhakti, yet it has elements of both In one instance, the female protagonist reminisces about erotic and intimate moments with her lover to her friend; in another, they discuss the lover’s devotion towards the nayika Dealing with emo- tions and human interactions, it is far removed from the religious, mythologi- cal and devotional narratives dominat- ing classical dance.

Vyuti’s second narrative piece, rently in its nascent stages, is based on kama This piece rebels more boldly against the post-colonial nationalist rejection of the erotic by directly addressing it through Vyuti’s corporeal technique and interweaving vocabulary

cur-As a practitioner of Bharatanatyam, I find myself constantly negotiating with its nationalisation I respect, adhere to and adore some elements of its post-colonial form, even as I seek to question and challenge others like the touch taboo, erasure of the Devadasi’s imprint, and rejection of the sensual and the erotic The constant negotia- tion between Bharatanatyam’s pre- colonial past and post-colonial present

is essential to me as a practitioner of this beautiful and complex dance form,

a bearer of its tradition and a living

and question others

like the touch taboo.

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32 OUTLOOK 4 February 2019

had seeped in from the Mahari

reper-toire—with the scope of movement of

the hips restrained—defined Odissi

And Sanskritisation? That’s a kind of

pseudo-movement in itself, with a

similarly purged, spiritual Sanskrit

itself deployed to de-eroticise and

‘classicise’ dance “If you really study

the literature and texts, you’ll see a

strong influence of Telugu in

Bharatanatyam The padams, javalis,

kirtanas are all in Tel ugu It shows the

art traversed that reg ion too,” says

Helen Acharya, secretary of dance,

Sangeet Natak Akademi (SNA) In the

new order, the literature of the dances

in their original, local tongues began

to be rewritten in Sanskrit Chatterjea

mentions how the Odissi mudras or

hand gestures were also rewritten to a

uniform grammar for “movements”

Many, like Odissi master Guru

Debaprasad Das, objected to this brutal

codification, but many rode the wave

“The sanitisation happened in every

artform,” says Manjari Chaturvedi

“The classic case is of the composition

‘Phool gendwa na maro lagat jobanwa

ma chot’, changed to ‘Phool gendwa na

maro lagat kalejwa ma chot’ Jobanwa

clearly meant breasts, kalejwa was

more abstract.… Even Kathak

devel-oped as a bhakti-dominated art with

stories on Krishna and Radha, which

was fair because Krishna is a favourite deity for all performing arts, but the weeding out of amour from dance and music was deliberate.”

A ‘Hindu’ Confection

Chakravorty has talked of how, under

an aggressive governmental push for legitimising Brahminical renderings

of dance, Kathak started losing its

Islamic traits of salami or thata, even

farmaayishi The Muslim headgear,

worn well into the 20th century, started to disappear as well

“The national ideology of a pan- Indian Hindu culture, derived from ancient Sanskrit texts like the

Natyashastra, helped textualise Indian

dances regardless of their specific regional or religious histories The

Brahminical lineages of Kathak were emphasised by dance historians such

as Sunil Kothari… (He) shows the strong relationship between Kathak and the Raslila tradition of Vraja and Mathura in medieval times but fails to show how they are traced back to Vedic antiquity…a gap of over 2,000 years,” Chakravorty argues in an essay The Islamic influences were gradually diluted by the overpowering Hindu-Sanskrit dialogue, propagated through the new male custodians who steadily replaced the banished female artistes not just in Kathak, but in Odissi too.Rather than ridding dance of gender politics, it was key to the conscious desexualising of dances that had tradi-tionally been female-led, as opposed

to Kathakali, Kuchipudi or Sattriya, which opened their stage to women only after the renaissance

Masculinising dance was a ruse to weed out soft, sensual feminine move-ments, and thwart condemnation The takeover of men became a parallel tool for the suppression of female practi-tioners in the 20th century revival By the 1930s, Kathak saw the rise of the Maharajs—Shambhu, his brother Acchan, and then the latter’s son Birju, all of whom went on to become house-hold names More and more elite Brahmin girls were brought under

THE CULTURAL

REPUBLIC DANCE

“The weeding out of amour from dance and music was deliberate,” says Lucknow-based Kathak practitioner Manjari Chaturvedi.

EXORCISED ORIGINAL Odissi heavily borrows from Mahari, which, says sole practitioner

Rupashree Maha patra, “is only for Lord Jagannath”, but has been banished from Odisha’s temples

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their tutelage—submissive subjects of

the male guru (This while female

reformers like Madam Menaka and

Sadhana Bose found themselves

receding into the background.)

In Odissi, the most widely practised

form emerged from the school of

Kelucharan Mohapatra, an exponent

of the Gotipua style of acrobatic dance

The gotipuas are young, pre-pubescent,

cross-dressing boys, whose art is said

to have part-martial origins, evolving

in the akhadas or gymnasiums set up

in the court of King Ramachandradeva

of the Bhoi dynasty (circa 17th

cen-tury) The Vaishnav saint Chaitanya

Mahaprabhu too is said to have invited

young boys to dance in the procession

for Lord Jagannath when ing Maharis were barred from per-forming by temple priests “At any rate, the typical markers of Mahari, the rounded lines, the overt sensuality, the

menstruat-displaced hip marked by the bengapatti,

the heavy silver belt tied around the hip, are overshadowed by the Gotipua insistence on a much more acrobatic, linear style, characterised by jumps and extensions Several of the current gurus of Odissi, largely responsible for its reconstruction, were trained in this style,” Chatterjea writes Post-independence, the SNA, formed in

1952, pushed for reviving the gurukul system; again a picture that placed men at the top and in the centre

Folk vs Classical

The old forms, powerful and sensual, now lay like debris at the nation’s construction site It wasn’t exactly a conspiracy, but a collective zeitgeist

“They did what they thought to be right

at the time We should do what we think is right for our time, without dragging them down,” says Padma Shri Leela Samson, a disciple of Rukmini Devi, who has headed Kalakshetra and SNA “Whatever styles can be revived should be revived.” One strand in the story, however, is also about how we define things The inherent many-ness

of the Indian gene can scarely be made

to fit into boxes, but one order of sification has been as pervasive as it is

clas-Photographs: VIVEK TRIPATHI

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34 OUTLOOK 4 February 2019

arbitrary: the divisions of

art-forms into ‘folk’ and ‘classical’,

or desi and margi The new form

of Bharatanatyam showed the

way, and the SNA conferred

‘classical’ status on it, as also on

Kathakali, Manipuri and Kathak

first, followed by Odissi,

Kuchipudi and Mohiniattam

Assam’s Sattriya joined the

pan-theon as late as the year 2000

Bharatanatyam was an

unsur-prising choice in the ‘first list’

Kathakali, Kathak and Manipuri

too were upheld by influential

individuals Kathak boasted of

names like Jaddanbai (Nargis’s

mother) and Gauhar Jaan, close

associates of the Indian

Natio-nal Congress Manipuri received

extensive visibility thanks to

Tagore, who incorporated it into

some of his Rabindra Nritya

cho reographies It was

renow-ned Malayalam poet Vallathol

Narayan Menon who

evange-lised on behalf of Kathakali; using all

his resources and social authority, he

was instrumental in convincing young

men in Kerala to not leave the

art-form marooned His connections with

Rukmini Devi and Uday Shankar

helped Kathakali go global too at a

very early stage And Sattriya’s entry

coincided curiously with Assamese

singer-songwriter Bhupen Hazarika’s

tenure as SNA chairperson

“It’s always a conscious decision to

make a dance ‘classical’,” says Sudha

Gopalakrishnan, Koodiyattam scholar

and executive director of Sahapedia,

an online resource on Indian arts The

so-titled eight ‘classical’ dances were

offered as forms grounded in the

Natyashastra, a comprehensive

trea-tise on the performing arts dated to

the 2nd-5th c AD Desi/margi is a

slip-pery classification, and “caused

prob-lematic erasures”, according to

Chatterjea Margi, referring more to a

specific marg or aesthetic ‘pathway of

development’, was “inaccurately

translated as classical”, she writes

And desi was literally interpreted as

‘folk’ An artificial class hierarchy thus

came to be instituted, because it’s not

always very self-evident why one form

deserves to be in or out

“We’ve been trying to get classical

status for years Every time we meet

Akademi authorities, they tell us they consider everyone to be classical, but that’s not true! Gaudiya Nritya

follows the Natyashastra to the core

and yet we are in the waiting line,”

says Banani Chakraborty, a tioner of Bengal’s native form The classical tag naturally brings inc-reased state patronage, hefty scho-larships, research grants, larger platforms “We barely find represen-tation in offcial bodies or festivals At the recent Uday Shankar Festival in Calcutta, Gaudiya received merely two slots despite being the state’s own art,” says Chakraborty

practi-While a dance’s level of sophistication

in terms of grammar is upheld as the

litmus test for ‘classicity’, forms like Gaudiya and even Koodi-yattam, with its part-Sanskrit lit-erature, are stuck in a limbo des pite checking off all the boxes

“Norms apply to all, so-called classical or folk Those who refer

to our art-forms as classical haps do so because they believe they are codified in ancient Sanskrit and regional texts, in sculptural evidence and in cul-tural memory It’s time to ques-tion nomenclatures based on specific periods of European his-tory They do not refer to us,” Leela Samson says However, the definitions have already colo ured our perceptions, and in ways not reflective of the complex contin-uum that marks the arts

per-“The ‘classical’ is dep endent on the folk, and folk also draws a lot

of energy from classical,” says Gopalakrishnan, citing the example of Kerala’s Theyyam It can’t be considered as “just a performa-nce”, she says “There’s ritual and belief involved…an involvement of the com-munity.” With Sattriya, she says, per-formances suddenly became ‘solo’, and got modified “Changes are made to the text The entire aesthetic changes when there’s a conscious decision to turn a dance ‘classical’,” says the scholar, who believes codifying exclusively by the

Natyashastra is detrimental to the

health of our dances “Koodiyattam is unique as it draws from Malayalam and Sanskrit literature, local traditions, everything Why should our dances have to follow only one text in order to

be recognised as classical?”

The arbitrariness leaves no room for negotiation even for forms that appar-ently satisfy all criteria for classicity

“Chhau is a 20,000-year-old dance that was practised by the soldiers of the Rarh region It’s perhaps older than any known Indian classical dance, is highly evolved and codified, with three distinct strains practised in Bengal’s Purulia, Odisha’s Mayurbhanj and Jharkhand’s Saraikela If Chhau doesn’t qualify as classical, I don’t know what does,” rues Chhau scholar Sharmila Banerjee Such are the elu-sive prescriptions left behind by the architects of our cultural republic O

with Usha Ramesh in Tanjore

CLASSIC/ FOLK Kerala’s Theyyam is embedded in ritual, faith, community

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36 OUTLOOK 4 February 2019

A T the very outset, I would like to

state that dance is not

peripheral, but critically

central to the construction

of Indian nationalism

And the Devadasi, the

temple dancer, also derogatorily

remembered by some as the

temple-prostitute, plays a very

central role in this enterprise The

unexplain-able paradox of the sacred/profane Devadasi

put the Hindoos on the backfoot as they

were categorically shamed by the British for

harbouring such a “degenerate” belief

system that mixed the sacral with the sexual

Therefore, her obliteration became

imperative for India—a modern nation-

in-the-making—for two main reasons: a)

because she was an unspeakable

embarrass-ment within the frame of Victorian morality,

and b) because her liminal status, that of being

both/neither priestess and/or pleasure woman,

could in no way be accommodated within the

categorical schemata of ‘modernity’. 

 It is quite a coup, the way this rather “indelicate”

issue was high-handedly resolved by

Annie Besant, president of both the

Theosophical Society as well as the

Indian National Congress In one

sweep-ing statement in 1919, she proclaimed

that the Devadasis were originally meant

to be chaste and virgin—like the Catholic

nuns—who now, having lost their

chas-tity and fallen into a life of immorality

had to forego their station in the temple

This marks the beginning-of-the-end of

paradox in Indian thought and practice,

and the onset of the

Reformist-Nationalist movement which would

fos-ter the envisioning of a “perfectly glorious” past, and correspondingly, the (re)construction of a categori-cally-sacred dance practice, emblematic of an ima gined “authenticity” that was eternally pure, morally chaste and glorious —not to mention, also profoundly self-congratulatory. What ensued is history While the anti- nautch activists lobbied vociferously for the banishment of the Devadasi, Rukmini Devi Arundale, a protégé of Besant,

in all sincerity, strove to the-baby-from-the-bathwater and founded Kalakshetra, within the precincts of the Theosophical Society, in 1935 Her pri-mary aim being the preservation and dis-semination of the lofty and sac red part of the tradition of this holy land to its new mid-dle classes, cleansed of any moral corr uption Severing the art from the centuries-long lived-his-tories of the Devadasis, she proceeded to align the

save-dance to a long-lost golden age, and asserted the Natya­

shastra (2nd-5th c AD) as its original and sole authority

Incidentally, the Natyashastra was rediscovered by the

British in the mid-1800s Thus, a foundly evocative, tried and tested prac-tice, finely distilled over generations, was reduced to the rules of a book or a man-ual; its poetic resonances overshadowed

pro-by middle-class moral correctness. The destruction of the Devadasi’s sub-culture led to the domestication of her very fragile, exclusive art practice—the poetic efficacy of which, to my mind, rested squarely upon and flo wed from the paradoxical histories of its liminal practitioners Now, trusteeship devolved upon Kalakshetra, my alma mater, which

The old grammar of aesthetics boiled things down to their

essence Expansivist Hindu ‘Kultur’ killed that delicate dance.

The Expired

Lightness

of Being

An exponent of Bharatanatyam and choreographer,

he is an alumnus

of Kalakshetra

Navtej Singh Johar

The poetic efficacy

of the Devadasi art flowed from their liminal lives Rukmini Devi, in her sincerity, severed that fragile link to lived history.

THE CULTURAL

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4 February 2019 OUTLOOK 37

is still seen as the primary institution of classical dance

The 19th century saw India emerge as the spiritual capital of

the world, and in time, the cleansed and moralised forms of

temple dance (as well as yoga, for that matter) came to be

viewed as its spiritual, embodied practices To my mind, one

of the gravest faults committed by the visionaries of modern

India was the decision to flaunt culture as India’s USP.  Dance

was quick to become a prime object of cultural exhibition The

fetishised female form, studiedly demure, seductive, yet

inno-cent, became emblematic of exotic, mysterious and spiritual

India A highly nuanced art-practice, nurtured dialogically

over centuries within the exclusivist intimacy of a salon,

sud-denly found itself within the harsh, projective and expansivist

arena of the proscenium stage Also, the fanfare of cultural

exh ibitionism always remained susceptible to cultural

chau-vinism—whether pan-Indian or acutely parochial

As a young, modern nation, India not only bought into

Victorian morality, but also into the Western definition of

cul-ture We have to realise that to talk of culture and sanskriti in

the same breath is to talk at cross-purposes Yes, both do refer

broadly to a civilisational project, but are paradigmatically

opposed Culture, in the West, stands categorically in

opposi-tion to nature It implies the

overpower-ing or tamoverpower-ing of nature: an expansivist

agenda that seeks to control and exploit

nature for economic gain Critically, that

inc ludes the proselytising outlook, both

zealous and patronising, of civilising the

uncultured heathen Sanskriti, on the

other hand, is reductionist by mode It

does not aim to overpower Prakriti, i.e

matter or nature, seen as unpredictable,

pollutive, transgressive and expansive; or

to further expand or exploit its mutative

potencies Rather, it seeks to stall and

progressively involute its mutative cycle,

striving to gradually percolate or reduce

it to its principle latency, the mula, that is further irreducible.

Indian thought has been always preoccupied, if not obsessed,

with this process of reduction The ideal experience being that

of absorption in that ultimate, irreducible, causeless principle,

within which lies contained the infinite potency of all

causa-tion The same way that Panini, the 4th century Sanskrit

grammarian, reduces all speech to the phenome bhu.It is also

for this reason that the evocation of rasa in dance or poetry

hinges so critically on the experience of the sthai bhava—that

constitutes the “permanent” or irreducible emotional

condi-tion of bhava Therefore, the underlying drive of both Sanskrit

and sanskriti is an ever-reducing economy, which works to

counter the expansive nature of Prakriti, by progressively

abbreviating and boiling down any form of expression to its

latent degree of irreducibility Therein also lies the contrast

between the reductionist linguists of Sanskrit and the

expan-sivist, mundane enterprise of Prakrit, the dialect-forms The

ever-reducing economy thus lies at the core of both the

prac-tice as well as the ethos of Sanskrit as well as sanskriti And

proselytising, the idea of spreading the “gospel” through

pub-lic preaching, as Gandhi rightly points out, is not only foreign

but grossly antithetical to both Sanskrit and Hindu sanskriti

I go into this long-drawn exposition in order to talk of the

current state of dance, seen as a prized emblem of Hindu skriti.  The thing to note is that we, and in this I include all sides and factions, i.e the Left, the Right, the Liberal as well as the Extreme, have lock, stock and barrel bought into the Western idea of ‘culture’, expansivist, capitalist and evangelist

san-by its very nature Within this, we are trying to place, define and propagate our sanskriti The irony, nay, the tragedy is that the minute we place an expression, a gesture, a poetic phrase, the very aspiration of which is self-erasure, within a self-agg-randising paradigm of cultural propagation, we not only gro s-sly miss the point, we annihilate the very thing we seek to preserve The delicacy of art or poetry cannot withstand the self-consciousness cultural propagation necessarily warrants!I’m afraid to say the grand custodians of Indian culture, most of them self-appointed, may have succeeded to police the fabricated “idea” of Indian culture but failed to nurture sanskriti In fact, they may be at the risk of running it dry Grandstanding and beauty are mutually exclusive The glib, smug, patronising self-righteousness we see rampant within the dancers of India (both classical and contemporary) is not incidental; it goes with this territory of such grandstanding The zeal of cultural retrieval—this grand nationalistic narra-

tive that “once we were lost, but now we are found” —is killing the profoundly evocative reductionist truths of sanskriti Both the earnest clarion calls of the plur-alists, as well as the shuddhi drive of the Hindu Mahasabha, equally share and subscribe to this vision of an imagined golden age and endorse the drive for its retrieval What we need to be wary of is that this impulse of retrieval and expan-sion of a lost (or stolen) golden age, which so many of us have participated in wholeheartedly, is in essence a form of soft fundamentalism!

While the pluralists have historically trumped culture as the USP and subscribed to cultural exhibi-tionism, the parochialists have used culture as a frozen piece

of kitsch calendar art to enforce religious/caste hegemony The former at least betrays a naivete and earnestness that has

an innocent charm to it, no matter how ‘cosmetic’, as alekha famously pointed out Their synchronist vision of this Ganga-Jamuna culture has a beauty that is inherent and symptomatic of ‘openness’ But the majoritarian use of cult-ure by the latter, which projects a spectacle of sangathan through, say, dance jamborees in stadiums, is revelatory of a scheming communal arithmetic that leaves in its wake a hol-lowed sanskriti without redemption—it does not remotely entertain the reductionist criteria of resonance, absorption, beauty or aesthetics It only foster an unbearable sub-medioc-rity, conflating sanskriti with stridency, reducing it to a slogan For a very long time now, when I am forced to watch dance—which I seldom do these days—I actually see no space for aes-thetic experience, leave alone the promise of transformation

Chandr-I don’t see the dancers somatically engaged with their own bodies, the body is actually absent! All they are doing is pro-jecting an idea And frankly, for such a variety of dance, they

do not need the body at all, a placard saying “Mera Bharat Mahan” would suffice! O

Both reformists and parochialists bought into the West’s idea

of ‘Culture’ Both share the sense of a

‘golden age’ and the urge to retrieve it.

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38 OUTLOOK 4 February 2019

Intangible, fluid and a lived experience of

communities, folk music is a heritage that

has had to fit in the compelling, reductive

moulds of the mainstream music industry

and governmental networks In

conversa-tion with Arshia Dhar, renowned

Hindustani classical vocalist Shubha

Mudgal explores the perceptions around

this complex aural territory and their

implications Excerpts:

In music, we’ve been seeing something

of a folk revival of late But, in a

sub-continent blessed with such aural

richness, how did we come to a stage

where we would need a revival at all?

I am afraid I cannot agree with the

premise that there has been a recent

rev ival of folk music While folk music is

by no means extinct in India, it

contin-ues to swim in troubled waters One of

the many problems folk music currently

faces is that a large part of the repertoire

is at risk of being lost forever because

exponents find acceptance only for

catchy tunes that can be danced to

Therefore, even among the more

suc-cessful of folk artistes, for example the

popular Langa and Manganiyar artistes

of Rajasthan, there is a growing concern

that their once large and diverse

reper-toire is shrinking rapidly A large part of

folk music is linked to life cycle rituals and work activities and may therefore never find acceptance in proscenia presentations For example, laments sung only as part of death rituals may never make acceptable concert reper-toire Current exponents of these forms may end up never learning them from their elders. 

But to get back to your question, it comes as no surprise or shock to me that

we are discussing the need to revive folk music For decades, support for folk arts came from State-funded organisations set up in the Nehruvian era, such as the Sangeet Natak Akademi (SNA), or from private trusts and individuals with a keen interest in conserving the arts In

recent times, the Jaipur Virasat Foundation and its Rajasthan Rural Arts Program as well as the  Mehrangarh Museum Trust have been working on providing sustainable livelihood pro-grams for folk artistes in Raja-sthan.  However, with State-funded organisations like the SNA, there has been little or no attempt to review strat-egies Maybe, we need to accept that State funding of this nature is now irrel-evant and work towards re-building institutions with realistic goals. 

What of representation in other ums of broadcast, which have multi-plied considerably?

medi-With over 3,000 traditional and online radio channels operational in India, the broadcasting boom has also ignored the folk arts to a large extent

Further, folk music often found its loyal audience in regional communities Today, exponents of folk music aspire to move to cities for better opportunities, where the standards of success and popularity are set by Bollywood As a result, urban audiences accept folk music only if it is packaged in the Bollywood mould What message are we giving then? That if you present a beau-tiful folk song with traditional instru-ments, you are orthodox and not moving

“Some of the biggest recent hits in film music have been item numbers that often borrow entire compositions from folk music.”

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4 February 2019 OUTLOOK 39

with the times, but if the same song is

presented with an urban band, you are

“contemporary” and can even claim to be

a modern day saviour of folk music. As

an artiste, I feel musicians must have the

freedom to present their work as they

wish to And, as a student of music, I feel

I would like to hear and learn from both

the conventional and new formats of

presentation. 

Popular Indian cinema is famously a

‘musical’ genre, and folk’s near-eclipse

has to do with how it saturated the

whole space Did it create a new

aes-thetic that was too ‘smooth’ and ‘thin’?

I would not lay the blame solely on

Bollywood It has mass appeal that

cur-rently extends beyond India to other

parts of the world and it comes from its

ability to do aggressive marketing But

blaming Bollywood for the eclipse of folk

music is as unfair and unreasonable as a

recent malicious article in a publication

that blamed the eclipse of musicians on

the many concert opportunities that a

popular young star of Hindustani

classi-cal music is able to secure through what

is perceived as her marketing talent and

not musical merit If a singer gets a large

number of concert opportunities, what

is he/she supposed to say to organisers

who approach them with more

invita-tions? No no, please call other artistes

and not me, because I have too many

concert opportunities? 

Bollywood has the money and mass

appeal to buy media space in every

for-mat available to us today And the media

too must accept some part of the blame

When was the last time you read or saw

a cover or lead story on a folk artiste? We

are all to blame as a society, which is

insensitive to its many art forms  

Film music often filters the ‘coarse’

sound of folk for the public, all the

while cannibalising on it for melody

and other musical resources

In recent times, some of the biggest hits

in Indian film music have been the

raunchy, item numbers that borrow

dia-lect, rhythm and often entire

composi-tions from folk music No one has had a

problem accepting them On the

con-trary, people, young, old, children, all

take great delight in these numbers with

little thought for context and content. 

The ‘Golden Age’ of film music also

coincided with the dawn of the

new Republic Singers like Lata

Mangeshkar and Mohammed Rafi

have been called the ‘voices of the Five-Year Plan’ Would you agree that part of their popularity stems from how they embodied the new ideals…

Lata as a kind of pure, virginal ninity and Rafi as the ‘new man’, both cleansed of the old ‘impurities’? The sexually aware, melancholic, mature voice of thumri, for instance?

femi-I would say that their popularity truly rests on their indisputable mastery over their art and their ability to bec-ome the singing/playback voices of an absolutely amazing range of on-screen characters Lata ji has been the play-back voice of actors of all ages from child actors to young heroines to dowager matrons The expressive range is also enormous and so convinc-ing that she remains the gold standard for all playback singers even today

Similarly, Rafi sahab could sing for act ors as diverse as Shammi Kapoor in

Junglee and a melancholic Dev Anand

as he sings “Kya se kya ho gaya,

bewa-faa tere pyaar mein” The very nature

of playback demands this ability to be

a singing chameleon of sorts Therefore despite the quintessentially pristine quality of Lata ji’s bell like voice, it cannot be cast in any one mould Neither could Rafi Sahab’s I am unable

to agree with Sanjay Srivastav’a sis of Lata ji’s voice in an article tit-

analy-led Voice, Gender and Space in Time

of Five-Year Plans: The Idea of Lata Mangeshkar. 

The rupture between folk/classical and the cinema aesthetic has to do, centrally, with voice cultures As a practitioner, you almost consciously exemplify an older tradition: open-throated singing, coming from open spaces, the fields, the valley… Are you reacting against a kind of tyranny of the ‘golden voice’?

No, not at all Reacting against the gested tyranny would mean a conscious, cultivated decision on my part to sound different The truth is that even if I had wanted to, I couldn’t have sung in that

sug-‘golden voice’ simply because I don’t have a ‘golden voice’ I just have a Shubha Mudgal voice which, with its inevitable limitations and strengths, was nurtured and developed by my gurus and which I keep examining and working on as I continue to study To be honest, the tra-dition of Hindustani music gives stu-dents the freedom to find their own voice, which is why in every generation

of vocalists, there have been voices with such diverse timbres and textures, such diverse aural personalities. What I have reacted against are the hierarchies and caste systems that exist in the arts, where classical arts are often considered superior as opposed to the folk and popular arts

This is a bit out of context, but I find it interesting that you say I exemplify an older tradition Not so long ago, maybe

just over two decades back, Outlook

re-used my photograph, shot by Gauri Gill initially for a feature on me, without

my permission, for a special pull-out ad campaign for a travel company I don’t remember the exact copy that was used with the photograph but it was to the following effect: “Want to do your own thing and tradition be damned? Shubha Mudgal did it, so can you.” 

I sent the magazine and then editor

Mr Vinod Mehta a legal notice and rec eived a response which said it

“When was the last time you read or saw

a cover story on a folk artiste? We, as a society, are to blame for being insensitive

to art forms.”

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40 OUTLOOK 4 February 2019

was meant as a compliment as I was

exemplified as someone with an

unor-thodox approach. 

But obviously perceptions do change!

While the landscape of Indian

music changed in the 1950s in a

way similar to what happened to

dance with its nationalist

redesign-ing—the earthier, more sensuous

styles being pushed to the margins

in service of the aspirational,

re-vamped ideal—how do we rescue

‘folk’ from the image trap it is in

now, as just exoticised specimens

of a ‘diverse India’?

I think we would need a multi-pronged

approach to do so And any discussion

on how to go about achieving this

should involve the principal

stake-holders themselves, leaders from

among folk musicians We need their

direction instead of constituting

exp-ert committees that only include

bur-eaucrats, classical musicians and

culture czars and czarinas, however

knowledgeable they may be. 

Also, the support offered should not

only be performance based It should

also add ress welfare schemes such as

health insurance, insurance for

musi-cal instruments, taxation etc Today,

the film industry with its organised

unions can approach the finance

min-ister for bringing down GST rates on

cinema tickets There is no collective

of folk musicians or, for that matter,

classical musicians, that can approach

the government for solutions, unless

they find a mouthpiece with clout in

high circles. 

Did AIR and the music

establish-ment in general—governestablish-ment or

ind ustry—consciously facilitate the

upliftment of certain categories of

Indian music over others?

Initially, AIR certainly promoted

classical music more than other forms,

even though its regular programming

inc luded folk music, geet, ghazal,

bhakti sangeet etc But credit must

also be given to them for treating all

forms with equality Exponents of all

forms of music had to audition, were

graded, and based on the grade

awarded to them, they rec eived a

broadcasting fee An A grade classical

artiste would therefore receive the

same broadcasting fee as an A grade

folk artiste This remains a

praisewor-thy aspect of AIR policy. 

In general, decisions taken by the government and its agencies are influ-enced by the party in power and its political agenda For example, if the North Eastern states are to be wooed

by the government of the day, in the sphere of art and culture, some fund-ing for the arts may be sanctioned

Otherwise, no clear policy is arti- culated by the government with regard

to music. 

Would you say the earthier, brally richer styles are ultimately impossible to abolish? You see them filtering back into the main-stream in one guise or the other—

tim-the ersatz ‘folk’ singer of film, a qawwal like Nusrat

Indian film music may include folk mus icians or Qawwals or classical musicians in the occasional track as a novelty But other than that, I do not foresee a more mainstream role for these genres. 

It is only when audiences/listeners/consumers ask for more variety and are ready to put their paying power to test that a change may occur For example,

if a radio channel for folk music were to

be started by some intrepid soul, would subscribers even pay a nominal, rock bottom subscription for it? 

Does the converse also happen? Would you agree the pop/cinema aesthetic has infected classical and folk? Perhaps in the kind of voices

we see now in classical, as opposed to the days of, say, a Krishnarao Shankar Pandit or an MDR? Or in the eruption of cheap studio versions in the case of the latter?

The use of amplification for live certs as well as recording is largely res ponsible for the change in voice projection in classical music Earlier, singers had to project their voices without microphones to reach every-one in their audience whereas now all concerts are amplified In fact, many are amplified at ear-shatter- ing decibels. 

con-The short duration format of film songs has also influenced some classi-cal musicians who believe that dis-carding the crucial element of detailed elaboration of and composition and presenting classical compositions/bandish with backing instruments like drums and guitars will be more attrac-tive to listeners So we are seeing many such renditions O

“If a radio channel for folk music was started by some intrepid soul, would people even pay a nominal subscription for it?”

THE CULTURAL

REPUBLIC MUSIC/INTERVIEW

TIME AND SOUND Folk musicians in Bombay, 19th century

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