FIFTY MAJOR ECONOMISTSFifty Major Economists provides a comprehensive and clear exposition of the ideas of thoseindividuals responsible for shaping the discipline of economics.. A sense
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Trang 2FIFTY MAJOR ECONOMISTS
Fifty Major Economists provides a comprehensive and clear exposition of the ideas of thoseindividuals responsible for shaping the discipline of economics Numerous examples help toillustrate the key concepts and ideas of these economists The book covers a wide range ofthinkers, spanning several centuries, beginning with Thomas Mun and Adam Smith, and
progressing to recent Nobel Prize winners such as Robert Lucas and Amartya Sen Fifty Major Economists contains brief biographical information about each economist, references to themajor works of each figure, guides to further reading and a glossary of economic terms used inthe book
Steven Pressman is Professor of Economics and Finance at Monmouth University, New Jersey.
He is the author of Interactions in Political Economy: Malvern after ten years, also published
by Routledge, Quesnay’s Tableau Économique and Economics and its Discontents (edited with Richard Holt) He also serves as co-editor of the Review of Political Economy.
Trang 3Fifty Contemporary Choreographers
Edited by Martha Bremser
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Trang 4In memory of my mother, Phyllis Pressman (1926–95); a major figure
Trang 7First published 1999
by Routledge
11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2002.
© 1999 Steven Pressman
All rights reserved No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
SBN 0-203-02472-9 Master e-book ISBN
ISBN 0-203-20625-8 (Glassbook Format)
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Trang 8Antoine Augustin Cournot (1801–77) 40
Francis Ysidro Edgeworth (1845–1926) 69
John Maynard Keynes (1883–1946) 99
Trang 10INTRODUCTION
“The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when theyare wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood Indeed, the world is ruled bylittle else Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectualinfluences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist.” So wrote John Maynard Keynes
at the end of The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money Keynes was pointing
out that the key economic issues are generally argued within a context and framework thatwas developed over many centuries Not knowing that history results in less informal discussionand also in worse economic policies History counts not only because, as Santanyana remarked,those who lack a knowledge of history are bound to repeat its mistakes History also has valuefor the perspective it bestows Like other disciplines, economics was not developed in a vacuum
To the contrary, economic ideas were developed by real people who were responding to theimportant issues of their time A sense of history is necessary to comprehend this noble function
of economics and to understand how great economists of the past responded to the problems
of their time Finally, history is important because, in a sense, history is the arbitrator of whathas only fleeting importance and what has lasting interest and significance
Unfortunately, at the end of the twentieth century the majority of the economicsprofession has come to reject historical pursuits and perspectives Most economists evenlook down on those who study economics from an historical perspective Part of the reasonfor this is that over the past several decades economists have come to value techniqueover ideas Another reason economists ignore history is that they hold an outmoded view
of what counts as truth in the social sciences Believing that we can come to know timelessand universal economic truths, many economists ignore history; past ideas are thought to
be either imbedded in current economic knowledge or just plain wrong
Historians of economic thought must also share some of the blame for the demise oftheir area of specialization They tend to present their field as a history of dead figureswhose ideas have little contemporary importance Rarely do they explain how studyingthe great figures from the past can help illuminate current issues, or how it can help usunderstand how economics might help mitigate important contemporary problems Evenless frequently do they study the ideas of economists who are still alive and who continue
to contribute to our knowledge of how economies work
When Alan Jarvis of Routledge approached me about doing a book on the major figures
in economics I took his inquiry as an opportunity to remedy this situation, and also torevitalize interest in the long and great history of economic ideas All the key economicfigures from the past are contained in this volume They are great figures for good reasons.However, history does not end in the distant past; it continues up to the present and itpermeates much recent economic thought Thus, this volume explicitly recognizes theimportant contributions made by more recent economists
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Nonetheless, choosing which fifty economists to include in this volume quicklybecame a daunting task While the first forty or so were relatively easy decisions,things soon became difficult And as time went on, and as the number of figures Iselected approached fifty, it became more and more difficult to make the finalchoices My general guidelines for these decisions were the power of the ideasdeveloped by each economist, the breadth of their overall contributions, and of course,the judgment of history In the latter case I was guided by how history has viewed thecontributions of past and present figures and also by how I thought that history willlikely view their ideas in the future
Of course, there can be considerable dispute concerning who should be included andwho should be excluded In fact, “Who should be number fifty?” became an amusingparlor game that I played with many colleagues over the past several years Alas, thisparlor game led to little or no consensus On the bright side, there was much heated andenjoyable debate about the most important ideas and figures in the long history ofeconomics I thank my many colleagues who humored me by playing this game, and by
so doing, for helping me to think about what is really important in economics and what
is really important about economic ideas While I may not have gotten everything exactlyright, and while I am sure that people will point out many important figures who wereignored, as the failure to find consensus around number fifty shows, there is probably
no right answer here However, I am confident that I have pretty much gotten thingsright The fifty economists whose ideas I explain in this volume are all major figureswho have made important contributions History is likely to view them as importanteconomic figures, worthy of continued study
For each economist in this volume I have provided a short biography and a summary
of the several key ideas that they promulgated I have also attempted to assess theirplace in the history of the discipline Towards this end, I have made some effort to letthe reader know where these figures rank according to the views of most economists Ihave also gone out on a limb and provided my own assessments of the rankings of thesefigures I know that my colleagues will dispute many of these rankings; and, of course,these rankings will likely generate as much controversy as my decisions about who toinclude in this volume Again, although my assessments may not be perfectly right, Ithink I have gotten things pretty much right in this regard
Each entry ends with a bibliography containing the most important writings of eachfigure and a few references to the most accessible and most important secondary literature.These references should allow interested readers to pursue further the economic ideas ofthese major figures The volume closes with a glossary of key terms, so that frequentlymentioned concepts do not have to be continually defined and explained
In all writing endeavors one incurs many obligations This is especially so in a workcovering so many ideas, so much history, and so many figures Many colleagues readearlier drafts of this work and provided substantial comments in an attempt to correct
my mistakes For their hard work I thank Nahid Aslanbeigui, Peter Boettke, CharleyClark, Milton Friedman, John Henry, Sherry Kasper, Mary King, Roger Koppl, FrancoModigliani, Laurence Moss, Douglass North, Susan Pashkoff, Alessandro Roncaglia,Ruth Sample, Mario Seccareccia, John Smithin, Gale Summerfield and Naomi Zack.Any errors, of course, remain my responsibility
Several of my students at Monmouth University and the University of New Hampshireread and commented on many individual chapters, thereby forcing me to make the ideas
of all fifty economists clear to someone who is not cursed by having a Ph.D in
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Trang 12their assistance and support I am very grateful
But perhaps my greatest debt and gratitude goes to those people who typed thenumerous revisions to each chapter, as I tried to get the ideas of these fifty economistsexactly right and as I tried to make them intelligible to a broad audience For their hardwork, and for their patience in putting up with my endless revisions, I thank BethBoyington, Nancy Palmer and Diana Prout
Trang 14respected member of a group of
seventeenth-century British merchant-economists called
“the mercantilists.” This group proposed that
England run trade surpluses in order to prosper
economically As set forth by Mun ([1664]
1954, p 125),
The ordinary means…to increase our wealth
and treasure is by Forraign Trade, wherein
wee must ever observe this rule; to sell more
to strangers yearly than wee consume of theirs
in value …[T]hat part of our stock which is
not returned to us in wares must necessarily
be brought home in treasure
Little is known about the life of Mun His
grandfather worked for the Royal Mint; his
father was a textile trader Mun himself became
a merchant early in life, lived in Italy for many
years and quickly accumulated a great deal of
wealth He later became involved with the East
India Company, a large British joint-stock
company that traded (primarily) in the Far East
In 1615 Mun was elected to be a Director of
the East India Company, and he remained a
Director of the firm for the remainder of his
life After Mun achieved wealth and social
status he was appointed to several British
committees and commissions Most of these
commissions issued reports containing Mun’s
name as part of a long list of committee
members; but Mun himself wrote only two
economic tracts
His first work (Mun 1621) defended the
East India Company against critics who
claimed that the firm was exporting gold and
silver to the Orient (in exchange for spices)
and that this loss of precious metals was
hurting the British economy A Discourse of
Trade was rather unmercantilist in its
orientation Rather than advocating a trade
surplus and the accumulation of gold, Mun
advanced any and all arguments he could
think up to support the East India Company
families become poor by spending too muchmoney Thus, Mun reasoned, as long as theEast Indian Company made money it couldnot make Britain poorer
Mun also pointed out that food, clothing,and munitions were necessities, so importingthese goods improved the welfare ofEngland On the other hand, importingluxury goods was harmful to the nation Munthen went on to argue that the East IndiaCompany was importing only itemsnecessary for consumption
Taking yet another line of defense, Munargued that trade with India provided amarket for English exports In addition, tradewith India was good for Britain because iteliminated trade with Turkey; had the samegoods been imported from Turkey, Munpointed out, the cost to Britain would havebeen much greater
Finally, Mun argued that not all luxuryimports were harmful; some imports wereimproved by British firms and re-exported,thus leading to a net influx of precious metalsinto England The goods imported by theEast India Company, Mun claimed, weregenerally goods needed by British exporters
While the Discourse made Mun an
apologist for the East Indian Company, hissecond book, published posthumously (1664),established Mun as an important earlyeconomic thinker What is most noteworthy
about England’s Treasure by Forraign Trade
is its much broader perspective No longer doesMun try to defend the East India Company;rather he adopts the viewpoint of the nation as
a whole He looks at trade in general, ratherthan trade by the East India Company, and hemakes the case that foreign trade enriches anation whenever it leads to a trade surplus Munalso examines the factors that cause a country
to run trade surpluses Finally, Mun advances
a set of proposals that British leaders could
Trang 15THOMAS MUN
2
implement if they wished to improve the
national trade position
The trade balance is merely the difference
between what a nation exports and what it
imports When a nation runs a trade surplus,
its exports exceed its imports Sales abroad,
over and above what is bought from foreign
countries, must be paid for by foreigners In
the seventeenth century these payments were
made with precious metals—gold and silver
Trade surpluses thus enabled a nation to
accumulate wealth and enrich a country In
contrast, domestic trade could not make
England wealthier because the gain in
precious metals by one citizen would equal
the loss of another citizen To generate trade
surpluses, Mun noted, England must become
more self-sufficient and reduce its need for
foreign-made goods Britain must also
become more frugal so that more goods were
available for export Mun especially looked
down on and discouraged the consumption
of luxury goods
With the domestic money supply rising
as a result of these trade surpluses, a
danger lurks that people might try to
purchase more goods This would cause
domestic prices to increase and would
eventually lead to the loss of exports, since
domestically produced goods would
become too expensive to sell abroad But
these consequences, Mun noted, could
easily be avoided To make sure that the
inflow of money from abroad actually goes
to benefit a nation, all new money must be
re-invested Reinvestment would also
create more goods to be exported in the
future Here Mun recognized the
importance of capital investment, and he
viewed a positive trade balance as a way
to accumulate productive capital
Besides explaining the benefits of trade
surpluses, Mun also explained what could
be done to encourage such surpluses First,
there was price policy Mun wanted exports
sold at the “best price”; that is, the price
that brings in the most revenue and wealth
Where England had a monopoly in world
trade, or something close to a monopoly, hergoods should be sold at high prices Butwhen foreign competition was great, Britishgoods should be priced as low as possible.This would result in more sales for Britainand help drive out foreign competitors.When foreign competitors disappeared,Mun recommended that prices be raised, butnot to the point that competitors are enticed
to come back into the market
Second, Mun explained that higherquality goods would be in greater demandthroughout the world and would also lead
to greater exports for Britain He thenexplained how the British government couldhelp improve product quality Mun wantedthe government to regulate manufacturersand to establish a council of trade (similar
to the functions now performed by the USDepartment of Commerce) which wouldadvise the government in matters pertaining
to the regulation of trade and industrialactivity These regulations on Britishmanufacturers should be quite strict in order
to ensure that Britain produced high qualitygoods
Finally, Mun explained how national taxpolicy could help generate trade surpluses
He recognized that (in opposition to thenational interest) some firms might want toimport luxury goods In such a case,government policies must bring private andnational interests into harmony Mun looked
to taxation to achieve this end Export dutieswere to be discouraged because they wouldcost Britain sales in foreign countries.Import duties should be low on goods thatare subsequently exported and high ongoods that tend to be consumed by Britishcitizens Excise or sales taxes, Mun argued,did little harm Although they raised theprice of food and clothing, Mun believedthat these taxes would lead to higher wagesand thus be shifted to employers AlthoughMun did not offer any explanation for this,one possibility is that he had in mind a
subsistence theory of wages (see alsoSMITH)
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