Handbook of psychology phần 9 pptx

An expanded breadth of psychology course titles accompanied expansion in American higher education during this time.. A resolution introduced to the APACouncil of Representatives by the

468 Undergraduate Education

interests: “mental measurement” by James McKeen Cattell at

Pennsylvania, “psychological basis of religious faith” by

William James at Harvard, and “pedagogical psychology” by

Harry Kirke Wolfe at Nebraska

A common developmental pattern of future psychology

curricula was captured by the Pennsylvania catalog of 1890

Unlike other universities, Penn had its own psychology

de-partment; it was not a subset of philosophy or some other

area A sequence of courses was listed Psychology 1 was a

lecture course titled Elementary Psychology Psychology 3

(no Psychology 2 was listed) was titled Experimental

Psy-chology with lectures and laboratory work PsyPsy-chology 4 was

titled Mental Measurement with lectures, reports, and

ad-vanced work in the laboratory “Course 4 is open only to those

who have taken course 3, and will be different each year, for

a series of years Advanced Physiological Psychology is

pro-posed for 1891–92, and Comparative, Social, and Abnormal

Psychology for 1892–3” (University of Pennsylvania

Cata-logue and Announcements 1890–1891, p 96).

McGovern (1992b) found that by 1900, at Berkeley,

Brown, Cincinnati, Columbia, Cornell, George Washington,

Indiana, Minnesota, Nebraska, Pennsylvania, Wellesley,

Wis-consin, and Yale, the first course was followed by an

“experi-mental psychology” course Laboratory work was required in

either this course or in an additional course sometimes titled

“laboratory in psychology.” Courses titled “advanced

psy-chology” or “advanced experimental” fostered students’

indi-vidual research with faculty supervision The 1900–1901

Brown catalog stated, “The aim is to make original

contribu-tions to scientific knowledge in psychology and to publish the

results” (Brown University Catalogue, 1900–1901, p 57).

Courses in abnormal, comparative, genetic, systematic,

and psychological theory began to appear, as did more special

topics courses At Nebraska, a course in “race psychology”

was listed At Wisconsin, there was a course in “mental

evolu-tion”; Part I emphasized comparative psychology and Part II

emphasized anthropology At Amherst, Cornell, and Yale, the

first course in the philosophy department was an

interdiscipli-nary offering that covered psychology, logic, and ethics

One of the most extensive curricula was listed at

Colum-bia University in the Department of Philosophy, Psychology,

Anthropology, and Education Fifteen separate “Courses in

Psychology” were listed, taught by an interdisciplinary

fac-ulty The following introductory offerings were then

fol-lowed by 13 topic courses, laboratory courses, or supervised

research courses:

A Elements of psychology—James’s Principles of

Psychol-ogy—Discussions, practical exercises, and recitations 3

hours First half-year, given in 4 sections.

Professor Lord A parallel course is given by Dr Thorndike at Teachers College.

1 Introduction to psychology 2 hours, lectures and

A Prolegomena to psychology, including a sketch of the history

of psychology Six lectures Professor Butler.

B Physiological psychology Eight lectures Dr Farrand.

C Experimental psychology Eight lectures Professor Cattell.

D Genetic psychology Seven lectures Dr Thorndike.

E Comparative psychology Seven lectures Dr Boas.

F Pathological psychology Three lectures Dr Starr.

G General psychology Eight lectures Professor Hyslop.

H Philosophy of mind Six lectures Mr Strong.

Requisite: Psychology A, previously or simultaneously.

(Columbia University in the City of New York Catalogue, 1900–

1901, p 176)

Rice’s (2000) analysis of reviews of this period by Garvey(1929) and Ruckmich (1912) suggested that five stages ofinstitutional development for psychology departments wereevident by 1900 In Stage 1, mental science or mental philos-ophy courses were being taught In Stage 2, institutions wereoffering one or more courses labeled “psychology.” Stage 3had institutions with psychological laboratories Stage 4 de-partments were offering the PhD in psychology Stage 5 rep-resented an independent department; Rice suggested thatClark, Columbia, Illinois, and Chicago were the only institu-tions at this level

The APA-sponsored reports by Calkins, Sanford,Seashore, and Whipple in 1910, and Henry’s (1938) exami-nation of 157 catalogs will take the reader almost to midcen-tury in describing the courses taught to undergraduatepsychology students Lux and Daniel (1978) consolidatedthese portraits with a table of the 30 most frequent under-graduate courses offered in 1947, 1961, 1969, and 1975.Perlman and McCann (1999a, p 179) continued this tradition

by identifying the 30 most frequently offered undergraduatecourses, and the percentages of colleges requiring them, intheir study of 400 catalogs for 1996–1997

Scholars from the Carnegie Foundation for the ment of Teaching (1977) aptly described the post–WorldWar II period of curricular expansion as “the academic shop-ping center” (p 5) Keeping in mind Veysey’s (1973) analysis

Advance-of the eras Advance-of expansion and their external stimuli, ogy was benefiting from the utilitarian demands from more

psychol-Teaching 469

and different types of students and from the expansion of

sci-entific programs at the graduate level that influenced teachers

at the undergraduate level Whether one looks at catalogs

from 1900 or more recently, a common denominator is that

new faculty, after a period of apprenticeship at an institution,

create new courses that get absorbed into a department’s

cur-riculum For example, F H Sanford and Fleishman (1950)

found 261 different course titles in their study Lux and Daniel

(1978) found 1,356 different course titles and concluded:

“Thus, we have a ‘course title inflation’ of 519%, or about

19% per year on the average, from 1947 to 1975” (p 178) An

expanded breadth of psychology course titles accompanied

expansion in American higher education during this time

Nevertheless, a parallel conservative force operates on the

curriculum from inside the institution as well Rudolph (1977)

reminded us of “the academic truism that changing a

curricu-lum is harder than moving the graveyard” (p 3) As a

histo-rian, he knew that such resistance is a complex interaction of

internal (departmental faculty and institutional priorities) and

external forces (disciplinary groups and community/public

constituencies) For psychology, Perlman and McCann

(1999a) were led to conclude:

Many frequently offered courses have been found for decades

and 13 such courses first listed by Henry (1938) are in the

pre-sent Top 30 Some courses are slowly being replaced Thus, the

curriculum reflects both continuity and slow change, perhaps

due to the time it takes for theory, research, and discourse to

de-fine new subdiscipline areas or perhaps due to department inertia

and resistance to modifying the curriculum (p 181)

In the next section, we focus on the concepts of

conti-nuity and change in the curriculum, but with an eye to the

boundary-setting agendas of disciplinary groups

The Discipline: Recommendations from the Experts

Discipline-based curricula are a social construction developed by

academics Over time, knowledge has been organized into key

terms, concepts, models, and modes of inquiry Academics add

to and test these knowledge constructs using their disciplinary

associations as means of verbal and written communication

Cur-ricular change is conditioned by the role of the disciplines in

con-serving and transmitting their organization and representation of

what is worth knowing, why, and how (Ratcliff, 1997, p 15)

In this section, we review various statements made by

psy-chologists after World War II about what was “worth

know-ing, why, and how” in the study of undergraduate psychology

Such statements carried added weight by virtue of

discipli-nary association (APA) or sponsorship in process (national

conferences and studies) and outcome (publication in

jour-nals such as the American Psychologist) When departmental

psychologists engaged in voluntary or required curriculumreview projects, they looked to these reports for guidance(Korn, Sweetman, & Nodine, 1996)

At the 14th meeting of the American Psychological ciation, E C Sanford (1906) offered a “sketch of a begin-ner’s course in psychology.” He suggested that we first build

Asso-on the knowledge that students bring with them into thiscourse; second, that we offer a wide base of psychologicalfacts; third, “a genuine interest in science for its own sake is

a late development in knowledge of any kind” (p 59) Hethen suggested seven broad topics and an organizational se-quence within which to teach them: Learning and Acquisi-tion; Truth and Error; Emotion; Personality and Character;Facts of the Interdependence of Mind and Body; Psychogen-esis; and Systematic Psychology (pp 59–60) In 1908, theAPA appointed the Committee on Methods of Teaching Psy-chology, which decided to inventory goals and teaching prac-tices for the elementary course (Goodwin, 1992)

Synthesizing the responses from 32 universities withlaboratories, E C Sanford (1910) reported that institutionswere teaching the first course in sections of 200, 300, and

400 students; Whipple (1910) reported a mean enrollment of

107 students, according to his 100 normal school dents In institutions with laboratories, Sanford reported that25% of the instructors saw the course as a gateway to thestudy of philosophy; more than 50% wanted students to studyscience for its own sake and also to appreciate the concreteapplications of psychology to life Calkins (1910) summa-rized the responses she received from 47 institutions with nolaboratories in this way:

respon-First, teach psychology primarily as you would if it were an end

in itself Second, eschew altogether the method of recitation;

lecture in order to sum up and to illustrate different topics of study, but lecture sparingly; and cultivate constructive discussion.

Third, bar out the possibility of memorizing text-books by

requir-ing students to precede text-book study by the solution of

con-crete problems Finally, do not tolerate inexact thinking (p 53)

Seashore’s (1910) summary included three aims: teach chology (i.e., not philosophy) as a science with incidentaltreatment of its application; train students in observation andthe explanation of mental facts; offer a balanced survey of alltopics that psychologists study with an in-depth examination

psy-of a few He urged that the elementary course be taught tosophomores in a two-semester sequence, preferably preceded

by a course in animal biology More than for any other pline of that day, the teacher of psychology should have an ex-ceptionally thorough preparation (because of the breadth oftopics), be one of the most mature members of the department

disci-470 Undergraduate Education

(because of the direct personal influence that psychology may

have on its students), and possess both practical ingenuity and

philosophical insight (because of the complex pedagogy

required for the course) In short, “the teacher is everything”

(p 91) Wolfle (1942) reviewed more than 100 studies on the

first course in psychology, published after the 1910 reports,

and concluded: “Now, 30-odd years later, we are still debating

many of the same issues and being embarrassed by the same

difficulties Many of the same recommendations considered

necessary in 1909 are still necessary in 1942” (p 686)

Intradisciplinary concerns were often matched by

interdis-ciplinary conflicts Wolfe’s (1895) commentary on resource

allocation in the sciences for “the new psychology in

under-graduate work” (p 382) predicted this competitive struggle

on campuses Hill (1929) described the conflicts over control

of psychology personnel and curricular decisions in state

uni-versities In 1945, James B Conant, president of Harvard,

appointed six psychologists and six nonpsychologists from

university faculties, corporations, and research institutes to a

University Commission to Advise on the Future of

Psychol-ogy at Harvard Wolfle (1948), as secretary of the APA,

reviewed The Place of Psychology in an Ideal University

(Gregg et al., 1947/1970) and said: “By all means read this

book Psychologists have been a vigorous, sometimes

belligerent, but never well united group This scattering of

psychologists all over the campus is bound to be puzzling”

(p 61) In his presidential address for the APA Division on

the Teaching of Psychology, Pressey (1949) juxtaposed the

prestige accorded psychology in the Gregg et al report with

an observation about Harvard’s Redbook: “Psychology

ap-pears to have no recognized place in the program presented in

General Education in a Free Society” (p 149) Thus, on the

eve of the post–World War II boom in higher education,

psy-chology was still “getting its act together” on institutional

status and curricular coherence

Ratcliff’s (1997) analysis of curricula focused on the

con-cept of a discipline:

A discipline is literally what the term implies Disciplines can

provide a conceptual framework for understanding what

knowl-edge is and how it is acquired Disciplinary learning provides a

logical structure to relationships between concepts, propositions,

common paradigms, and organizing principles Disciplines

de-velop themes, canons, and grand narratives to join different

streams of research in the field and to provide meaningful

con-ceptualizations and frameworks for further analysis (p 14)

Since 1950, psychologists have written several reports about

building the discipline and translating its principles and

methods into coherent undergraduate educational programs

Lloyd and Brewer (1992) reviewed the national ences and comprehensive reports on undergraduate psychol-ogy: Cornell Conference (Buxton et al., 1952); MichiganConference (McKeachie & Milholland, 1961); Kulik, 1973;Scheirer and Rogers, 1985; APA/Association of AmericanColleges Project on Liberal Learning, Study-in-Depth, andthe Arts and Sciences Major (McGovern, Furumoto, Halpern,Kimble, & McKeachie, 1991); and the St Mary’s College ofMaryland Conference held in 1991 We will briefly reviewthe Cornell, Michigan, and St Mary’s College of Marylandconferences’ accomplishments as part of the continuing nar-rative elements for this chapter—courses, discipline, out-comes, assessment, and how service activities delivered thesefindings to widening circles of psychologists

confer-In 1951, the Carnegie Foundation of New York and theGrant Foundation sponsored a study group of psycholo-gists—six primary authors and 11 consultants—to meet atCornell University and to conduct “an audit to determine theobjectives, examine the content, and appraise the results ofthe instruction we have been giving Against the background

of such an audit, we can then attempt to build a better riculum” (Buxton et al., 1952, p v) Their report identifiedthe objectives of undergraduate psychology as:

cur-(1) Intellectual development and a liberal education; (2) a edge of psychology, its research findings, its major problems, its theoretical integrations, and its contributions; (3) personal growth and an increased ability to meet personal and social adjustment problems adequately; (4) desirable attitudes and habits of thought, such as the stimulation of intellectual curios- ity, respect for others, and a feeling of social responsibility (pp 2–3)

knowl-In an interview with Jane Halonen (1992), McKeachiecommented about the conference:

We came up with the idea of sequencing, which is why Dael Wolfle really brought us together He thought we were teaching all of our courses at about one level beyond the intro- ductory and covering the same thing in the advanced course in order to bring people up to some common base so they could

go on to the latter part of the course I think that was important (pp 251–252)

The study group agreed on one recommended curriculummodel The introductory course was to be followed by five in-termediate or core courses (statistics, motivation, perception,thinking and language, and ability), then advanced courses

in specialized areas (e.g., social, learning, comparative, iological, personnel, etc.), and finally capstone courses inpersonality and history and systems All courses should be

phys-Teaching 471

taught as “experimental psychology” courses The authors

wrote separate chapters on personal adjustment courses,

technical training, implementation problems based on

institu-tional differences, and the need for a research agenda to

mea-sure the effectiveness of undergraduate education

A similar study group approach, the Michigan

Confer-ence, was sponsored by the National Science Foundation

10 years later and was reported in McKeachie and Milholland

(1961) This group began with data from a survey of 548

de-partments to which 411 responded; 274 had revised their

cur-riculum since the earlier Cornell report They found that 69%

of the respondents used the earlier recommendations An

im-portant point to note is that the Michigan group of six

psy-chologists framed their recommendations in the context of

two critical external forces affecting psychology First, the

demographics of higher education were changing both in

terms of increased numbers and increased diversity

(specifi-cally in age and vocational goals) Second, “more serious

than the problem of sheer numbers is the fact that teaching is

not a prestigeful occupation in psychology these days The

research man is the status figure” (p 6)

A compelling integration of Veysey’s (1973) three

forces—utilitarian demands, scientific advances, and values

of a liberal education—form a subtext for this entire report

McKeachie and Milholland (1961) asserted that the

psychol-ogy curriculum “would be firmly anchored in the liberal

arts, rejecting undergraduate vocational training as a

pri-mary goal” (p 33) This principle is operationalized in great

detail in two chapters: “The Beginning Course” and “The

Experimental-Statistical Area.” The greatest value lay in

“teaching psychology as an organized body of scientific

knowledge and method with its own internal structure for

de-termining the admissibility of materials to be taught” (p 59)

The authors were unequivocal in their commitment to

teaching psychology as a continually advancing science,

reaffirming the Cornell group’s objectives: content

knowl-edge, rigorous habits of thought, and values and attitudes

They expanded these general goals with a set of 16

objec-tives, many of which are similar to statements about “critical

thinking” that emerged as part of identifying liberal arts

out-comes when assessment initiatives became so influential in

the mid-1980s and after The Michigan authors sketched

three different curricular models because they could not

agree on a single one In what was a utilitarian and prescient

comment, they concluded, “What is ideal, we now believe,

depends on the staff, the students, the total college

curricu-lum, and other factors” (p 103) Into the 1990s, “staff,”

“stu-dents,” and the “total college curriculum” would play an

in-creasing role in shaping how individual institutions

communicated the discipline “Other factors”—all external

to the discipline and to campuses—would play an even moreimportant role in setting the timetables and parameters forchanges in the curriculum

The 1991 St Mary’s College of Maryland Conference had

a long history in development, an ambitious agenda, and versity in its participants Its processes and outcomes reflectthe continuing evolution of the discipline’s attention to un-dergraduate education A resolution introduced to the APACouncil of Representatives by the Massachusetts Psycho-logical Association asked the Committee on UndergraduateEducation (CUE) to examine

di-(1) the role and purpose of the undergraduate psychology major

in relation to traditional liberal arts education (and tion for graduate school in psychology) and preparation for

prepara-a bprepara-achelor-degree-level job in prepara-a psychology-relprepara-ated field, prepara-and (2) whether APA should set forth guidelines for curriculum mod- els in undergraduate psychology (with an accompanying ratio- nale) (As cited in Lloyd & Brewer, 1992, pp 272–273)

The CUE formulated a response, approved by the Council ofRepresentatives in August 1985, that reaffirmed the psychol-ogy baccalaureate as a liberal arts degree, that no prescribedcurriculum should be developed, but that guidelines or mod-els could be considered based on continuing, periodic sur-veys of undergraduate education Continuing discussion led

to a conference proposal Sixty psychologists met for oneweek in a highly structured group dynamic designed to pro-duce draft chapters of a handbook on seven topics: assess-ment, advising, recruitment and retention of ethnic minorityfaculty and students, faculty development, faculty networks,curriculum, and active learning practices Among the 60 par-ticipants at St Mary’s, 28 (47%) were women and 11 (18%)were ethnic minority persons (neither the 1951 nor the 1960conference had such representation) In addition to partici-pants from liberal arts colleges and universities, there werefive faculty members from community colleges, two fromhigh school psychology programs, and two representativesfrom Canada and Puerto Rico As planned, a comprehensivehandbook was produced (McGovern, 1993); at the urging of

Ludy T Benjamin, a Quality Principles document was also

produced by the steering committee and eventually approved

as APA policy by the Council of Representatives (McGovern

& Reich, 1996)

In their chapter on the curriculum, Brewer et al (1993)reaffirmed the importance of psychology as a liberal arts dis-cipline “The fundamental goal of education in psychology,from which all the others follow, is to teach students tothink as scientists about behavior” (p 168) They amplifiedthis statement with six specific goals: attention to human

472 Undergraduate Education

diversity, breadth and depth of knowledge, methodological

competence, practical experience and applications,

commu-nications skills, and sensitivity to ethical issues To

accom-plish these goals, a sequence of four levels of courses was

recommended: introductory course, methodology courses,

content courses, and an integrative or capstone experience

Content courses should be balanced between the natural

sci-ence and social scisci-ence knowledge bases of an increasingly

complex discipline A special section was devoted to the

inte-gration of the community college curriculum with

upper-division courses in the major taken at another institution

Perlman and McCann’s (1999b) review of the structures

of the undergraduate curriculum in 500 catalogs indicated

that the St Mary’s Conference, like its predecessors, had

some intended consequences and specific areas of minimal

influence Although a senior capstone experience has been

advocated since the Cornell Conference, this

recommenda-tion has gone unheeded, particularly in doctoral institurecommenda-tions

The same is true for the teaching of psychometric methods as

part of a core methodology trio of courses with statistics and

experimental psychology Fiscal, staffing, and space

prob-lems were often cited as obstacles to the development and

maintenance of laboratory facilities These authors drew the

following overall conclusions about the status of the

curricu-lum at the end of the twentieth century:

The Cornell report’s (Buxton et al., 1952) emphasis on teaching

psychology as a scientific discipline in the liberal arts tradition

remains current The required core as recommended by the

St Mary’s report (Brewer et al., 1993) as implemented by

de-partments seems to cover “both natural science and social

sci-ence aspects of psychology.” (p 439, pp 175–176)

We now turn to the ways in which psychologists evaluated

the effectiveness of their undergraduate programs

SCHOLARSHIP

Ratcliff (1997) labeled a second curricular model as

analyti-cal Variables in the curriculum that affect student

develop-ment are identified, measured, and evaluated to determine

their effectiveness McGovern (1993) described an analytical

model for psychology as:

What kind of outcomes can be achieved with

What kind of students taught by

What kind of faculty using

What kind of teaching methods as part of

What kind of curriculum? (p 218, emphases in original)

In this section on scholarship, we first focus on faculty efforts

to identify common outcomes from the earliest days of a

single course to the contemporary “Top 30” described byPerlman and McCann (1999a) Second, we focus on the as-sessment of these outcomes by the faculty, but more oftenmandated by external constituencies in the interests of ac-creditation or public accountability

Defining the Outcomes of Undergraduate Psychology

In response to E C Sanford’s (1906) description of an idealbeginner’s course, Walter T Marvin (1906) suggested thefollowing:

The chief problem in any course is: What precisely does the teacher wish the student to learn, as distinguished from all the illustration, exposition, etc that may be found helpful? In short, every course should include a body of definite and precise information to be thoroughly learned, hard as it may be to secure such information in psychology as compared with the exact sciences Perhaps one of the special habits we can form in the brightest pupils is reading interesting books on psychology (p 61)

Calkins (1910) was more specific:

Psychology is psychology whatever the use to be made of it.

First courses in psychology should therefore be essentially the same in content and in method, whether they introduce the

student to advanced work in psychology or to the different lems of pedagogy, of ethics or of metaphysics The [sic] imme- diate purpose of every course in psychology is to make the student expert in the study of himself: to lead him to isolate, an- alyze, to classify, and (in the scientific, not in the metaphysical sense) to explain his own perceiving, remembering, thinking, feeling, and willing (p 45, emphasis in original)

prob-These two psychologists’ perspectives must be understood inhistorical context—the field was still in the process of distin-guishing its content and methods from its philosophical an-tecedents Wolfle (1942), in his review of the literature on thefirst course since the 1910 studies, identified four prevailingobjectives: teach facts and principles, develop scientificmethod or habits of critical thought, prepare students for latercourses or interest in psychology, and eliminate popular su-perstition However, his evaluation of more than 100 studiessuggested to him the following synthesis of major objectives:

The first is to acquaint the student with the most important and most generally accepted facts, principles, and hypotheses of psy- chology The attainment of this objective will contribute to the student’s general cultural education and will increase his ability

to recognize and to deal intelligently with the psychological problems of modern society The second objective to be stressed

Scholarship 473

is to develop the habit of critical and objective analysis of

psy-chological problems which arise and of the data or hypotheses

available to help solve them The third important objective

depends on the attainment of the first two and consists of the

im-provement of the student’s ability to understand his own

per-sonal problems and to achieve perper-sonally and socially desirable

solutions of those problems (pp 706–707)

This ideal synthesis was accomplished after the first 50 years

of the new discipline’s history Recalling Veysey’s (1973)

themes, psychology was in the disciplinary mainstream in

pro-viding for the utilitarian needs of society, affirming a respect

for science, and espousing the value of liberal arts education

For 25 years after World War II, psychologists continually

refined their understanding and pedagogy for these three

ob-jectives As it had done in the first part of the twentieth

cen-tury, the knowledge base addressed in Wolfle’s (1942) first

objective would continually expand, so much so as to suggest

that the discipline had splintered However, as we discussed

in the introduction to the chapter, from the broader historical

perspective of American higher education, the period after

World War II would bring many different students to the

cam-pus with many different objectives The “psychological

prob-lems of modern society” and students’ “personal probprob-lems”

of Wolfle’s objectives became more complex, and faculty

confronted them firsthand in their classrooms

In a paper prepared for the APA Committee on

Undergrad-uate Education, Buxton (1956) asked: “Who is responsible for

determining the objectives, and the means for reaching them,

in liberal education?” (p 84) He espoused control by each

local institution’s faculty but recommended a balance

be-tween student-centered (intellectual and personal adjustment)

and teacher-centered (content and method) curricular and

course objectives His answer to the question “To what degree

should curricular offerings, courses, or requirements be

adapted to the student populations served?” (p 90) focused

solely on differences in major fields and career orientations

The student-centered versus teacher-centered curriculum

had been debated at length by the Cornell Conference group

(Buxton et al., 1952) It would be echoed by the Michigan

Conference group (McKeachie & Milholland, 1961), but their

response derived from the direct experience of increasingly

heterogeneous student populations In describing three

differ-ent types of “first course”—elemdiffer-entary, introductory and

“ex-igential, or functionally oriented” (p 47 ff.)—these authors

asserted:

The term liberal education has traditionally implied a quest for

underlying abstract principles rather than a concern with specific

problems Teaching not bound by practical concerns might

produce minds not adjusted to life as it is now lived and poorly

suited to meet in a practical way the tasks that every citizen knows how to define But it could also produce products who could break up these problems and approach them from a point

of view off the cultural map commonly believed in.

Kulik’s (1973) national survey of undergraduate departmentsand their highly diverse curricula led him to conclude:

It is an empirical question whether curricula like those of liberal arts colleges best meet the ideals of liberal education Is it con- ceivable that for some students, occupationally oriented pro- grams may provide a better road to personal soundness than the traditional curricula of liberal arts colleges? (p 202)

Developing courses that incorporated the expandingknowledge base and met the needs of changing studentpopulations led to “academic shopping center” curricula(Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching,

1977, p 5) The upside was that our discipline caught theimagination of so many of the new students, especiallywomen, who came to higher education during the 1960s and1970s Faculty charged with thinking about undergraduateeducation from a national (versus local) perspective madeevery effort to transform the “shopping center” of coursesinto a coherent discipline Kulik’s (1973) conclusion was aninsightful one and would become an important agenda intothe 1990s: “The diverse goals of students in psychologycourses suggest that pluralism may be a valuable concept inthe design of programs in psychology” (p 203)

As 1 of 12 learned-society task forces in the Association

of American Colleges project on the arts and sciences major,McGovern et al (1991) identified objectives for undergradu-ate psychology The authors proposed eight common goalsfor the diversity of settings, students, and courses that char-acterized psychology:

1 Knowledge base.

2 Thinking skills.

3 Language skills.

4 Information gathering and synthesis skills.

5 Research methods and statistical skills.

6 Interpersonal skills.

7 History of psychology.

8 Ethics and values.

Assessing the Outcomes of Undergraduate Psychology

As we noted in the beginning of this section on scholarship,the desire to identify what students need to learn in their

474 Undergraduate Education

psychology courses and then to evaluate that learning has been

manifested throughout the twentieth century For most of the

century, this need derived from psychologists’ scientific

cu-riosity and values as well as their penchant for testing and

eval-uating programs Psychologists evaluated vocabulary terms

elementary psychology students needed to know (Jensen,

1933; Thornton & Thornton, 1942) and a more comprehensive

“psychological literacy” for the entire major (Boneau, 1990)

Almost 50 years before the current assessment mandates, the

APA’s Council of Representatives charged a “Committee on

the Preparation of Examination Questions in Psychology”

(1941): “(1) to explore the need and desire for comprehensive

examinations in psychology, and (2) to find out the extent to

which questions or items now exist that may be drawn upon in

constructing comprehensive examinations” (p 838) Seventy

percent of the 411 respondents to a survey from this committee

favored such an effort, and almost 50% reported that they

would use such examinations in their programs

Since the mid-1980s, the external forces of regional

ac-crediting associations and state legislatures have demanded

that all departments and campuses participate in regular

self-studies, a major component of which is the assessment of

student learning outcomes Halpern et al (1993) offered a

comprehensive outcomes assessment program for

psychol-ogy They described the external forces calling for such

ef-forts and suggested that psychologists possess unique skills

for evaluating educational outcomes They argued that the

desired outcomes for undergraduate psychology included a

knowledge base (e.g., content areas, methods, theory, and

history); intellectual skills (e.g., thinking, communication,

information gathering and synthesis skills, and quantitative,

scientific and technological skills); and personal

characteris-tics (e.g., interpersonal and intrapersonal skills,

motiva-tion, ethics, and sensitivity to people and cultures) The

authors advocated a multimethod matrix approach, including

archival forms of assessment data, classroom assessment,

standardized testing, course-embedded assessment, portfolio

analysis, interviews, external examiners, performance-based

assessment strategies, and assessment of critical thinking

Since the St Mary’s Conference, articles regularly

ap-peared demonstrating how departments used this Halpern

et al (1993) blueprint for assessment activities The Quality

Principles (McGovern & Reich, 1996), endorsed as APA

pol-icy, included this statement:

Faculty establish mechanisms to assess the curriculum Essential

elements of an assessment program include

a clearly stated and achievable outcomes for the curriculum

and other program-related experiences.

b multiple measures of students’ learning.

c planned opportunities for systematic feedback to students on

their progress.

d specific plans to use data assessment to improve individual

course instruction and the overall curriculum.

e opportunities to communicate assessment results to multiple

constituencies of undergraduate psychology (p 255)

In the next section, we focus on service—how gists, through their communications and activities with oneanother at national and regional meetings—achieved greatersophistication and effectiveness in their pedagogy and a dis-tinctive disciplinary character for our undergraduate acade-mic programs

recommen-a grerecommen-ater proportion of lerecommen-ading psychologists in discussion of the issues in developing and maintaining effective undergraduate education in a rapidly changing environment (Fretz, 1982, p 55)Fretz’s observation in a special issue on curriculum of the

journal Teaching of Psychology should not be limited just

to one historical period; recall similar comments made by

E C Sanford (1910) and Wolfle (1942) However, in the lastdecades of the twentieth century, there has been ample evi-dence that a “greater proportion of leading psychologists”have become involved in networks of service activities in be-half of undergraduate education

In Teaching Psychology in America: A History (Puente,

Matthews, & Brewer, 1992), numerous authors documentedhow organized groups advanced the teaching and scholarship

of the discipline via service activities at the regional, state,and national levels We urge the reader to review other his-torical analyses to appreciate more fully how the teaching ofpsychology was portrayed in psychological journals (Beins,1992), in undergraduate textbooks (Morawski, 1992; Weiten

& Wight, 1992) and handbooks (Pate, 1992), or in mental laboratories (Benjamin, 2000; Capshew, 1992)

experi-Past as Prologue for the Twenty-First Century 475

Goodwin (1992) suggested that “the APA’s involvement

with teaching was sporadic at best in the years prior to

1945 [T]he APA had other priorities during that time

(p 330) establishing disciplinary identity for psychology

and professional status for psychologists (p 339).” In

con-trast, Nelson and Stricker (1992) made a persuasive case that

“the APA has demonstrated a clear commitment to issues of

teaching and the needs of teachers since 1945” (p 346) An

Education and Training (E&T) Board became part of a

reor-ganized APA in 1951 so that “orreor-ganized psychology not lose

sight of its responsibilities in addressing more fundamental

issues of education (i.e., in psychology as part of liberal

edu-cation)” (p 348) The E&T Board was instrumental in

spon-soring the various conferences on undergraduate education

reviewed by Lloyd and Brewer (1992)

Brewer (1997) and Ernst and Petrossian (1996) also

de-scribed how the APA established in 1996 a continuing

com-mittee for Teachers of Psychology in Secondary Schools

(TOPSS) This action recognized that “an estimated 800,000

students take precollege psychology courses each year” and

that “approximately 15,000 students took the [AP] exam,

making psychology the fastest growing Advanced Placement

exam in the history of the ETS’s program” (Brewer, 1997,

p 440)

Wight and Davis (1992) described the various stages that

Division 2, Teaching of Psychology (now the Society for the

Teaching of Psychology), went through in serving APA

mem-bers committed to learning not just about scientific

method-ologies and results from one another but about the pedagogy

by which the discipline might be more effectively

communi-cated to its students Daniel (1992) described the evolution of

the division’s journal, Teaching of Psychology, which serves

similar needs and functions in the description, evaluation,

and dissemination of innovative pedagogical and

program-matic practice Focusing on regional service activities, Davis

and Smith (1992) described a plethora of conferences for

teachers and students of psychology Focusing on how

psy-chologists have gathered students to learn more about the

dis-cipline at the college and community college campus levels,

Cousins, Tracy, and Giordano (1992) described the histories

of Psi Chi and Psi Beta, the two national honor societies

As the twentieth century came to a close, the APA Division

2, Society for the Teaching of Psychology (STP), posted a

Web site (www.teachpsych.org) available to students and

fac-ulty members for information about the division, its journal,

national and regional teaching conferences, teaching awards,

a mentoring service, a departmental consulting service,

news-letters, and a moderated discussion group for psychology

teachers at all levels of instruction The STP Office of

Teach-ing Resources in Psychology (OTRP Online) provides

information on course syllabi, bibliographical material on versity and cross-cultural issues, ethical issues in teaching,student advising issues and practices, scientific writing, and

di-electronic databases for the journal Teaching of Psychology.

As another manifestation of APA’s long-range ment to academic psychology programs articulated with theinitiation of the new Education Directorate in the early1990s, 99 participants from high school, community college,college and research university, and other professional set-tings met at James Madison University in 1999 for thePsychology Partnerships Project (P3) It was the most di-verse assembly of psychology teachers to date, building onthe group dynamic approach used at the St Mary’s Confer-ence of Maryland a decade earlier Nine issues groups—advising, curriculum, faculty development, research, tech-nology, assessment, diversity, partnerships, and servicelearning—developed projects to create networks, materials,and strategies for promoting the teaching of psychology andthe lifelong learning needs of students and faculty in the di-verse, changing world of the twenty-first century

commit-As Weiten et al (1993) noted, “teaching and learning arecommunal activities” (p 157) They described a portfolio ofcase studies that demonstrated the movement of psycholo-gists from isolation to increasing communication and colle-giality With the advent of the twenty-first century, the serviceactivities of psychologists have fostered increased colle-giality in behalf of the teaching of psychology Electroniccommunication networks enable this collegiality to have un-precedented depth and breadth

PAST AS PROLOGUE FOR THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY

Psychology is not only with us, but swamping us Its popularity

is so great as to arouse suspicions of superficiality, or even quackery It has become almost a fashion, so that publishers

claim that the word psychology on the title page of a book is

suf-ficient guarantee for a substantial sale (p 596)

Was this an editorial from a newspaper or a speech by a islator in the year 2000? A commentary from a church pulpit

leg-in the 1950s? The quote is from an article by a faculty ber at the Carnegie Institute of Technology, Max Schoen(1926), writing about the purposes of elementary courses inpsychology in his era In response to such popularity, the au-thor suggested that the aims of psychology in colleges were

mem-to “create an intelligent reading audience” and “mem-to inculcate

in the student a tolerant, open-minded and broad attitude wards human affairs and human problems” (p 596)

to-476 Undergraduate Education

We suggest the following two dynamics for undergraduate

education in the future

First, Veysey’s (1973) three catalytic forces, the external

demands on higher education, can be considered constant

after more than 200 years of influence—utilitarian needs of

American society, scientific discovery and an increasing

re-spect for empirical evidence in the construction and

applica-tions of knowledge, and the virtues of liberal education in

creating a responsible citizenry Every generation must

grap-ple with how best to respond to these demands via curricula

and academic practices (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991)

Second, it is the responsibility of the disciplines and the

professions, the internal forces of higher education, to create

and then to communicate increasingly complex theories and

sophisticated applications, thereby enabling students to be

lifelong problem solvers, amiable skeptics, and citizens

The discipline of psychology is well positioned as a

socio-cultural force in the broader society to address America’s

util-itarian needs, scientific knowledge, and liberal education

values However, we need continuing scholarship, teaching,

and service for the discipline to be more analytical in its

aca-demic program efforts Thus, we return to McGovern’s (1993)

questions as a future teaching, research, and service agenda:

What kind of outcomes can be achieved with

What kind of students taught by

What kind of faculty using

What kind of teaching methods as part of

What kind of curriculum? (p 218, emphases in original).

These questions need to be understood within the contexts of

external forces acting on the academy as well as internal

responses of the faculty and their institutions

The outcomes expected of a baccalaureate education are

increasingly utilitarian For example, consumers and

sup-porters of higher education consider the postgraduation

employment opportunities for specific majors to be very

important This fact is especially critical for psychology to

understand, because we now award almost 75,000

baccalau-reates annually, and the major’s popularity has not waned

Research on alumni satisfaction is an essential element of

program evaluation (Borden & Rajecki, 2000; McGovern &

Carr, 1989) Moreover, departments’ program development

activities regularly include community employers and

exter-nal consultants (Korn et al., 1996; Walker, Newcomb, &

Hopkins, 1987)

The kinds of students taking undergraduate psychology

have changed, most notably in their gender and ethnic

charac-teristics (McGovern & Hawks, 1986, 1988) In a report titled

“The Changing Face of American Psychology,” Howard et al

(1986) reported the growing percentages of women who ceived baccalaureates in the discipline: 36.8% (1950), 41%(1960), 46.4% (1972), 66.8% (1982) McGovern and Reich(1996) reported 73% for 1992–1993 The percentages of doc-torates achieved by women had similar percentage increases:14.8% (1950), 17.5% (1960), 26.7% (1972), 50.1% (1984),and 61% (1992–1993) Ten years after the Howard et al re-port, Pion et al (1996) reported on the consequences of thisshifting gender composition, and they concluded:

re-Psychology, along with the majority of professions and scientific disciplines, has undergone dramatic shifts in gender composition over the past two decades These changes have prompted con- cern that this increased participation by women may lead to erosion in the status of these occupations Societal and disci- plinary trends are examined, along with data on the patterns of men’s and women’s involvement in the educational pipeline and workplace The results provide little support for the concern over the increasing representation of women and its impact on the prestige of the discipline (p 509)

Denmark (1994) asserted, “Engendering psychologyrefers to cultivating a psychology that is sensitive to issues ofgender and diversity The increase in the number of femalepsychologists does not guarantee that the discipline will beresponsive to those issues” (p 329) In our historical review

of teaching, scholarship, and service activities, we ered significant changes in the rhetoric about women and thediscipline, but programmatic change continues to be difficult

discov-As McGovern et al (1991) noted in their APA/AAC projectreport:

Comments on an earlier draft of this article also pointed to ferent views on how best to integrate gender, ethnicity, culture, and class into the study of psychology Most psychologists would acknowledge that faculty members must challenge cam- pus racism and sexism, but there is less agreement on how to do

dif-so Gender, ethnicity, culture, and class are seen by some ers as issues that challenge the contemporary curricula Such a challenge also questions traditional research methodologies that are empirical, quantitative, and positivist, and may advocate al- ternative psychological methods that are contextual, interpretive, and more qualitative Other psychologists believe that, although these topics and the new knowledge generated by research have legitimacy in the discipline, they should be subtopics best left to treatments determined by an instructor’s sensitivities and com- mitments (pp 599–600)

teach-The above quotation captures the difficult conversationsthat must be taking place in classrooms and in departmental

Past as Prologue for the Twenty-First Century 477

meetings about the very nature of the discipline, not just

stu-dents’ demographic characteristics In their article “The

Diversification of Psychology: A Multicultural Revolution,”

Sue, Bingham, Porche-Burke, and Vasquez (1999) identified

four major approaches to teaching about multiculturalism

and diversity: “the separate course model, the area of

con-centration model, the interdisciplinary model, and the

integration model ” (p 1066), ultimately advocating the

inte-gration model as the one best suited for the depth and breadth

of learning they hope students will achieve Puente et al

(1993) used the metaphor of teaching a “psychology of

vari-ance” as the means to change the epistemology of students,

departments, the curriculum, and the discipline Enns (1994)

advocated a similar approach to challenge the cultural

rela-tivism of psychological constructs What is consistent across

reports from academia and from the external community is

that attention to diversity issues is no longer a matter of

indi-vidual faculty sensitivity but a utilitarian requirement for

em-ployment advancement in a changing workplace The script

for how institutions and departments will address this

expec-tation will be written in the global twenty-first century

For the first half of the twentieth century, psychology

fac-ulties were required to be excellent teachers “The teacher is

everything” (Seashore, 1910, p 91) Then, as we documented

in the first section of this chapter, research became more

im-portant in academic life after World War II

“Teaching is not a prestigeful occupation in

psychol-ogy these days The research man is the status figure”

(McKeachie & Milholland, 1961, p 6) Ideally, these two

ac-tivities could be synergistic and rewarded accordingly,

whether the faculty member was affiliated with a liberal arts

college or a research university However, as the century

ended, external forces demanded that the values and time

apportioned to teaching, research, and service activities be

reconsidered Halpern et al (1998) concluded that a new

definition of scholarship was required, one that would

main-tain traditional benchmarks for excellence (e.g., high level of

discipline-specific expertise and peer review), but one

that would integrate teaching and scholarly activities more

Drawing on Boyer’s (1990) treatise, the authors proposed a

five-part, expansive definition for future scholarship in

psy-chology: original research, integration of knowledge,

applica-tion of knowledge, scholarship of pedagogy, and scholarship

of teaching in psychology In a collection of essays in response

to the report from this STP Task Force on Defining

Scholar-ship in Psychology, Girgus (1999) and Korn (1999) advised

that institutional mission should be seen as an absolutely

essential context for definitions and standards Korn echoed

the historical trends that we discovered in our analyses in

his critical response to the “new definitions”: “I contend,

however, that the activities of teaching can and should be tinguished from research, in order to give teaching the respect

dis-it deserves” (p 362) Like the complex responses necessary to

meet the needs of changing students, changing demands on faculty commitments will be debated into this century as well Teaching methods throughout the century included the lec-

ture, seminar or small-group discussion section, laboratory,fieldwork and practica, and independent or supervised re-search projects Technological advances modestly influencedeach of these methods—better microphones, better audio-visual systems, better textbooks and auxiliary materials, andbetter observation and data-collection equipment Then, inthe last 20 years of the twentieth century, information tech-nology revolutionized how we conceptualize, deliver, andevaluate teaching and learning in American higher education.Although we characterized the 1904 Wisconsin Idea of ex-tended education as an early example of “distance learning,”the dairy farmers of the Midwest who gathered with facultymembers from their state’s land-grant universities’ colleges

of agriculture probably did not envision twenty-first-centurymodels of “asynchronous learning” accomplished on laptopcomputers in their living rooms Despite such advances, how-ever, we are confident in returning to a timeless formula: Allteaching is mediated learning Regardless of the nature ofwhat is to be learned and how, a teacher first must listen to astudent, and then together they must construct the most effec-tive mediation so that the student learns how to learn and tobecome self-motivated and self-evaluating in that effort.Calkins (1910) had it right: “Teach psychology primarily asyou would if it were an end in itself ” (p 53)

In the latter part of the nineteenth century, the new science

of psychology emerged from its philosophical roots and

began to develop a disciplinary identity Curriculum

devel-opment was the means by which this identity was repeatedlycommunicated and modified As we have tried to demon-strate in our historical review of American higher education

in general, and of psychology in particular, a driving force side and outside the academy was how best to define the lib-

in-eral arts Although the trivium and the quadrivium no longer

define the essence of a university education, in what ways dothe goals of that medieval curriculum differ from thoseproposed for a liberal arts psychology curriculum by Brewer

et al (1993), Halpern et al (1993), or McGovern et al

(1991)? There were two special issues of the journal ing of Psychology in the 1990s; one was devoted to the teach-

Teach-ing of writTeach-ing across the curriculum (Nodine, 1990) and theother to teaching critical thinking across the curriculum(Halpern & Nummedal, 1995) We believe that higher educa-tion’s and psychology’s responses to defining the liberal artsnot only will shape the curriculum but should guide all of our

478 Undergraduate Education

discussions about outcomes, kinds of students and their

needs, faculty priorities, and teaching approaches

The teaching, scholarship, and service of American

under-graduate psychology remain a vibrant player in Whitehead’s

(1929/1952) “adventure.” When we feel an urge to boast

about our public popularity or our intellectual

accomplish-ments, we should remember his admonition:

Knowledge does not keep any better than fish (p 106)

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THE CHALLENGE OF CHANGE: FORMATION OF

THE ASSOCIATION OF BLACK PSYCHOLOGISTS 492

David B Baker

COLORS AND LETTERS: THE DEVELOPMENT

OF AN ETHNIC MINORITY PSYCHOLOGICAL

PUBLICATION 495

Lillian Comas-Diaz

HISPANIC ETHNICITY IN PSYCHOLOGY:

A CUBAN-AMERICAN PERSPECTIVE 497 Antonio E Puente

ETHNIC MINORITIES IN RESEARCH AND ORGANIZATION 499 Richard M Suinn

TREATING ETHNIC MINORITY CLIENTS 501

A Toy Caldwell-Colbert and Velma M Williams UPDATING MODELS OF RACIAL AND ETHNIC IDENTITY: ON THE ORIGINS OF AN ECOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK OF IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT 503 Maria P P Root

REFERENCES 505

This chapter differs from the others in form and format

Instead of having a continuous history of the field, we have

elected to present historical issues from the perspectives

of 10 authors, representing various ethnic orientations, with

views on their thoughts and experiences in dealing with

eth-nic issues in the field of psychology

Some of these vignettes are very personal and some reflect

on important turning points in the history of psychology lating to ethnic minorities Each of the brief essays tells anaspect of the story that should be remembered as the scienceand profession of psychology moves into the twenty-firstcentury

re-D K F

The Humanizing of Psychology

ADELBERT M JENKINS

In the nearly 40-year period of my professional career,

which began in the early 1960s, I have been privileged to

witness important social and political changes in American

society While important to the nation generally, the events

of this period provided a context for changes within the

discipline of psychology, as well An important expression

of these times was the civil rights movement in America

The dynamics emerging from this crusade required

psychol-ogy to reexamine its descriptive stance toward African

Americans and people of color generally Prior to the 1960s

if mainstream twentieth century social science turned its tention to African Americans, it tended to stress the ineffec-tualness of the adaptive abilities of ethnic minority people(Thomas & Sillen, 1972) Typical were such comments asthose of the psychiatrists Kardiner and Ovesey (1951/1962).Impressed with the debilitating psychological effects thatcenturies of American racism had on African Americans,they concluded that the “Negro has no possible basis for ahealthy self-esteem” (p 297) Crain and Weisman (1972) intheir large scale study of northern Black adults noted their

at-484 Ethnic Minorities

view that segregation had possibly robbed the Black person

of “some vital aspect of his personality” leaving him

deficient for adapting effectively The prevailing picture

presented was one of human beings who were able only to

react to their environments rather than take charge of their

destinies

Now, there is no question that African Americans as a

group have been continuously and disproportionately

num-bered among the poor, and that they suffer and have suffered

personally and collectively in the United States Indeed, at

times it does appear that African Americans have responded

as if “shaped” by the “contingencies” imposed upon them by

the racist society (Hayes, 1991) In many instances, this has

led to features in the African American personality which

could be called “adaptive inferiority” (Pugh, 1972) But we

know, too, from a closer reading of history and from personal

observation that this has not been all there is to the

psycho-logical story of African Americans It has taken something

more to gain the level of personal growth that many African

Americans have reached against the kinds of odds they have

faced Ironically, it seems that the scholars that have been best

able to capture these facts have tended to be those in the

hu-manities Thus, the African American novelist and essayist,

Ralph Ellison, commented that he set himself the goal as a

writer to “commemorate in fiction that which I believe to

be enduring and abiding in our situation, especially those

human qualities which the American Negro has developed

despite and in rejection of the obstacles and meannesses

imposed upon us” (1964, p 39; italics added) Furthermore

one of the brightest literary lights of the Harlem Renaissance

of the 1920s, Langston Hughes, proclaimed that this

aspira-tion was not just a characteristic of the literate and well-to-do

In much of his work, he highlighted what he saw as the

attitude of triumphing over adversity that was part and parcel

of the African American’s everyday life In one of his most

famous poems, he portrays a mother urging her son not to turn

back in his struggle for accomplishment, reminding him that

“I’se been a-climbin’ on and turnin’ corners” in spite of

the fact that “Life for me ain’t been no crystal stair” (1959,

p 187)

In the face of the inability of social science to develop a

balanced understanding of African Americans, the mood of

the 1960s provided a new impetus for African American

psychologists to express their longstanding discontent with

American social science (Guthrie, 1998) Some in the new

generation of African American scholars chose to reject

Western perspectives altogether and move in new conceptual

directions The development of the Afrocentric perspective in

psychology is a prime example, and a considerable body of

literature has come from this point of view (for example,

Akbar, 1991; L J Myers, 1988; Nobles, 1991; J L White &Parham, 1990) For others of us, the difficulty with the char-acterization of African Americans was not simply a concernabout racist trends in American social science The problemwas also that the reigning model in American psychology ingeneral was a “mechanistic” one, a framework that portrayedthe individual as a passive being whose responses are primar-ily determined either by environmental factors or by internalphysiological and constitutional states

The behaviorist position had been most clearly identifiedwith the mechanistic tradition However, even classicalpsychoanalytic theory showed clear evidence of such adirection, reflected in Freud’s early efforts to develop a

“metapsychology” that would describe the basic forces ving human functioning (Holt, 1972) Freud’s thinking abouthis clinical observations led him to theorize in ways that ac-tually were opposite to the prevailing scientific viewpoints ofthe day (Cameron & Rychlak, 1985; Holt, 1972) Still, in thefirst half of the twentieth century, especially, the mechanisticperspectives in Freudian thought were a considerable influ-ence on conceptualizations of the human being The problemfor African Americans in this context has been that whenhuman beings in general are not seen as taking an active, cop-ing stance in life, then the tendency not to see active andcreative features in the behavior of African Americans fol-lows naturally Thus, some of us felt that what was neededwas a broader philosophical and conceptual frameworkwithin psychology as a whole

dri-Fortunately, during this time such a perspective wasbeginning to develop It was being expressed in independentquarters and in varied language by experimentalists (Sarbin,1977) and clinicians (Rychlak, 1968) Leona Tyler encapsu-lated the spirit of the times in the opening pages of her book

on individuality (1978) by noting that “In psychology freshwinds are blowing, sweeping away overly restrictive as-sumptions, dusting off concepts that had been covered overand neglected, picking up and juxtaposing separate ideas toproduce novel combinations Pluralism is the order of theday” (p 1) Counterposed against this notion of humankindportrayed in the passive, mechanistic voice was a trend ofpsychological scholarship that described the “humanistic”view, one portraying the human individual as “an active,responsible agent, not simply a helpless, powerless reagent,”(Chein, 1972 p 6) The human being in this active image isone “who actively does something with regard to some of thethings that happen to him or her [and who] seeks to shape[the] environment rather than passively permit [himself orherself] to be shaped by the latter, a being, in short, who in-sists on injecting [himself or herself] into the causal process

of the [surrounding] world” (p 6)

The Humanizing of Psychology 485

A number of other psychologists were developing outlooks

with similar implications for the human image Abraham

Maslow (1968) is familiar to us as one who stressed the need

for a “third force” in psychological theory which would

sys-tematically acknowledge the importance of human strivings

for personal growth and self-realization and would supplement

the psychoanalytic and behaviorist positions Of particular

in-terest to me was the work of Harvard psychologist, Robert

White, who also leveled a critique at both experimental and

psychoanalytic psychologies He wrote, “Something important

is left out when we make drives the operating forces in animal

and human behavior (1959, p 297).” To bring back what is

“left out,” White developed his view that organisms,

partic-ularly the higher mammals, strive for “competence” in their

efforts to interact “effectively” with their environments As I

became more familiar with how these newer currents touched

various facets of psychology, I came to feel that such

“human-istic” perspectives, broadly defined, offered promise for

gain-ing a fuller grasp of the human personality in general It also

seemed to me that such a framework would be more suitable

for capturing the functioning of African Americans as well

The trend of thinking that is opposed to a mechanistic view has

been growing considerably in the last 15 years, well beyond

the earlier terms of this discourse (see, for example, Faulconer

& Williams, 1985; Howard & Conway, 1986; Martin &

Sugarman, 1999; Messer, Sass, & Woolfolk, 1988;

Polking-horne, 1990; Richardson, Fowers, & Guignon, 1999;

Robin-son, 1991; Rychlak, 1994].)

In my efforts to find a corrective to the traditional

psycho-logical view of the African American (Jenkins, 1995), I have

drawn on the extensive theoretical and empirical work of

Joseph Rychlak and his students (1968, 1994) His

frame-work, which he originally called a psychology of “rigorous

humanism,” furnishes a detailed conceptual perspective on

how persons are able to inject themselves into the “causal

process” of the world around In Rychlak’s view, an agent is a

being who can behave so as to go along with, add to, oppose,

or disregard sociocultural and/or biological stimulations

(Rychlak, 1988) Key ideas that elucidate this definition are,

first, that subjectively held intentions and purposes are as

im-portant as “objective” environmental contingencies in

gov-erning the way people behave It is in this way that the human

individual is an important causal force in his or her own life

As we try to understand the intentions that contribute to an

individual’s actions, we necessarily take an “introspective”

point of view on that person’s life that is, a view from the

actor’s perspective This is a “teleological” or “telic”

perspec-tive on human behavior because it emphasizes that human

behavior is always governed in part by the goal or end (telos)

the actor has in mind A second elucidating point is that the

agent’s mentality is actively structuring, not simply passivelyreactive, as it “comes at” experience We actively organizethe world into meaningful units and then relate mentally to the

“reality” that we have constructed “While ‘real’ externalreality may be presumed to exist independently of its appre-hension, it cannot be known except symbolically—as part

of psychic reality” (Edelson, 1971, p 27) This is consistentwith recent “constructivist” approaches to knowledge

(Howard, 1991) Thus, people are very much engaged in the

process of coping with the world

Third, and of particular importance in this framework,

“dialectical” thinking, the innate capacity to imagine tive or opposing conceptions of life situations, is frequentlyused by people to guide their behavior With this capacity,people have an independent ability to determine the meaning

alterna-of a given situation In principle, they can fashion tions of a situation that are contradictory to those given by thetradition of a particular authority This mode of thought sup-plements the capacity that we also have to define our con-structions of the world in straightforward and unambiguousterms in order to negotiate our circumstances (what might

concep-be called “demonstrative” modes of thought, in Aristotelianterms) The point here is that African Americans have sur-vived their oppressive history in the United States becausethey have actively and intentionally brought to their livesconceptions of their competence that have been at variancewith the judgments made of them by the majority society.Let’s pursue this perspective a bit further and concludewith an illustration Traditional psychological analysis hastried to identify the factors, such as biological drives or other

kinds of contingent considerations, that necessarily

deter-mine behavior The telic-humanistic perspective by contrast

is among those that argue that many human events happen

in a context of possibility rather than necessity (Slife &

Williams, 1995) That is to say, from a psychological point ofview many situations in our lives, even from birth, are full of

potentialities for action.

This quality of open alternatives in experience demands that the human being affirm some meaning at the outset for the sake

of which behavior might then take place [Affirmation is] one of those active roles assigned to mind by humanists because which item of experience is singled out for identification

is up to the individual and not to the environment (Rychlak,

1988, p 295)

Such a conception highlights the place of choice andresponsibility in human action By contrast, mechanisticviews try to account for behavior exclusively in terms of envi-ronmental contingencies and/or constitutional drive factors

486 Ethnic Minorities

They rule out independent volition and choice as important

contributors to behavior It should be noted, however, that the

humanistic view is seen as complementing and extending

rather than replacing mechanistic frameworks For the

hu-manist, the latter views are seen as incomplete as ways of

accounting for human experience This is because the exercise

of choice and the conceptions guiding these choices are often

not always apparent from the external observer’s view of a

given set of behaviors

This is illustrated in a passage from the opening pages of

Ellison’s important American novel, Invisible Man (1952) A

family is gathered around the deathbed of an old southern

Black man In his dying words to his son the man says, “I

want you to overcome ’em with yeses, undermine ’em with

grins, agree ’em to death and destruction.” The family was

stunned “They thought the old man had gone out of his mind

He had been the meekest of men” (pp 19–20, italics added).

Obviously this man was advocating, among other things,

lulling his white bosses into complacency in the hope that

their system would deteriorate and blacks would then be free

of it His underlying intent—an intent which kept him

going—was hostile, quite at variance with his superficially

obsequious manner In addition, referring back to our earlier

discussion of meaning, this old man had taken a “dialectic”perspective on his situation throughout his life without any-one being quite aware of it, and he was now advocating such

a view explicitly to his family That is to say, recognizingfully the nature of his oppressive circumstances, this old manhad acted one way, but at the same time he had quite the op-posite mental perspective on the racial situation This was hisway of sustaining his human qualities “despite and in rejec-tion of the obstacles and meannesses” that had been imposedupon him And he was urgently trying to pass that strategy on

to his family as a part of his legacy

Thus, we cannot understand this man’s behavior unless wetake an “introspective” or “first-person” view And so it iswith African Americans: If we are to have “true to life” psy-chological descriptions, in addition to our more “objective”descriptions, we must learn to conceptualize and align our-selves with the inner worlds—the subjectivity—of people ofcolor if our theory and practice is to be relevant to their expe-rience This is the opportunity that the “fresh winds” in psy-chology have brought us—the possibility of including intoour discipline a more proactive conception of the humanbeing that will contribute to the understanding and advance-ment of people in all of their plurality

CONFRONTATIONS AND CHANGE

GEORGE W ALBEE

Opportunities in psychology were slim for African American,

Hispanic American, Asian American, Native American, and

other minorities, before the middle of the twentieth century

Since its founding in 1892, American psychology had

al-ways been a white, male, experimentally-oriented academic

discipline Its association, the American Psychological

Asso-ciation (APA), was run by presidents, boards, and council

members from Academe and non-academic applied

psychol-ogists were not numerous Most of those calling themselves

“clinical psychologists” worked in schools and, occasionally,

in state mental hospitals and in institutions for the retarded

and epileptic

Doctoral programs in psychology supplied new (white

male) faculty members for universities as replacements

were needed Recruitment involved an “Old Boy” system of

phone calls to colleagues Jobs in universities were rarely

ad-vertised College jobs often asked for “Christian gentlemen”

candidates (see “Positions Available” in the early years of the

American Psychologist) Psychology was a laboratory ence before World War II and not particularly popular withundergraduates Then World War II suddenly created ademand for people with skills in testing, personnel classifica-tion, and clinical interventions These demands were multi-plied after the war when many of the millions of veteranswere in need of treatment for “mental disorders.” I have toldthis story in some detail (Albee, 1998) The post-war explo-sion in numbers of clinical psychologist occurred in a context

sci-of medical domination and the insistence by psychiatry onthe established medical model and traditional treatment inmedical-psychiatric clinics and hospitals

Between 1920 and 1966, the 10 most prestigious ments of psychology in the United States awarded just eightPhDs in psychology to Negro [sic] candidates while confer-ring 3,767 doctorates Six of these 10 departments had nothad a single Negro PhD Of all programs, fewer than 1% ofthe doctorates were awarded to minorities (Albee, 1969)

depart-Confrontations and Change 487

The 1954 Supreme Court Brown vs Board decision set in

motion a mammoth pattern of change The late 1950s saw

Governor Faubus resist school integration in Little Rock,

Arkansas, and President Eisenhower reluctantly used federal

troops to uphold the court’s decision School busing led to

riots in Boston

The 1960s saw a continuation of great social ferment

and change in America The Atlanta bus boycott, the lunch

counter sit-ins, the protest demonstrations, the freedom

rid-ers, the school desegregation actions of the federal

govern-ment, the marches led by Martin Luther King Jr and others,

the whole civil rights movement, the Great Society, all

com-bined to change America, and in the process to change

psychology The escalating protests against the Vietnam War

were occurring at the same time as the civil rights

demonstra-tions, often on the same campuses Some of the goals of

African American students were the opposite of the goals

of the white students The African American students wanted

more admissions, more scholarships, more socially-relevant

classes The white students, like Students for a Democratic

Society, wanted an end to ROTC and to support for the war

in-cluding the military draft and the increasing military presence

in Vietnam They (the white protestors) were often willing to

close the universities In the late-1960s, the new Association

of Black Psychologists (ABPsi) began pushing for changes

in APA that would lead to support for more African American

admissions to graduate schools and to a sharing of power in

the APA governance

At APA’s 1968 convention in San Francisco, ABPsi

pre-sented a “Statement of Concerns” to the APA Council At that

same time, all watched on TV the “police riot” at the

Democ-ratic party’s presidential nominating convention in Chicago

As a direct result, the APA Council voted to move the 1969

APA convention out of Chicago The ABPsi invited APA to

meet in Watts, a section of Los Angeles, and there was actually

some talk of this possibility, but logistical considerations led to

the choice of Washington, DC, despite threats of a lawsuit by

Chicago venders over contract violations Actually, because of

the fortuitous August timing, APA was the first of many

national organizations to shun Chicago for meetings

Also at the 1968 San Francisco convention, there was a

momentous confrontation On the last day of the convention,

Tuesday afternoon, the APA board of directors was meeting,

discussing the many issues raised by the move of the next

convention, but also the increasing demands from ABPsi,

(and from radical groups like Psychologists for a Democratic

Society and Psychologists for Social Action) pushing for

increased civil rights, an end to segregation and support for

a stronger minority presence in psychology During the

meeting, the door opened and in walked the entire board of

directors of ABPsi They were well-prepared with the clearfacts about racism in psychology and with specific demandsfor changes in APA and for changes in admissions policies

in colleges and universities that had long excluded AfricanAmericans and other minorities (The long-time exclusion ofwomen from psychology training was to assume a majorfocus a year later.)

The APA board expressed general support for the issuesraised by ABPsi but argued that it could not dictate to educa-tional institutions, and that changes in APA governance wouldrequire by-law changes voted on by the membership Mem-bers of ABPsi were impatient with what they saw as conven-tional stalling tactics By the end of the day, it was agreed thatAPA would host a “conference on recruitment of black andother minority students and faculty” at the APA headquartersbuilding in Washington, DC The conference was held April

18 to 20, 1969 The APA board nominated nine white male ticipants and ABPsi nominated eight black male participants(mostly from black colleges and universities) and ErnestineThomas (who was active in helping organize the Black Stu-dent Psychological Association and who was administrativeoffice manager at the psychology department at Case WesternReserve University where I was then Chair)

par-Also invited to the conference (that I chaired) were menfrom the Behavioral Science Training Branch of the NationalInstitute of Mental Health and male resource people fromAPA’s Office of Educational Affairs and Executive Office.(See Albee, G W., 1969, for a complete list of participantsand a detailed report on the Conference.) The council wasurged, along with APA boards and committees to “expand op-portunities for black and other minority group students andfaculty to enter the mainstream of psychology.” Advice wasoffered to the Conference of Graduate Department Chairmen[sic], and to other APA groups like the Committee on Sub-doctoral Education in Psychology Looking back with thewisdom of hindsight, the recommendations seem mostlybland Among the concrete results were ensuring that there benondiscrimination in APA Central Office hiring and staffing,and that a new Central Office position be created with a focus

on relating psychology and social problems, especiallyincluding racism

The report of this Conference was published in the

American Psychologist in August, 1969 just before the

con-vention in Washington, DC Then things exploded! For thefirst time in its 77-year history, APA meetings were physi-cally disrupted A group of black graduate students appeared

in force at George Miller’s presidential address, prepared todemonstrate After negotiation, they agreed to leave in ex-change for an invitation to present their case to the APA coun-cil the following day

488 Ethnic Minorities

Twenty-four African American students stood shoulder

to shoulder the next day in front of the council while their

statement was read They allowed the council 24 hours to

respond Robert Lee Green, president of ABPsi also spoke

He demanded that APA assess each member $50.00 to aid the

black psychology cause He also demanded that psychology

stop using the black ghetto as a research colony

Green and I were invited guests on the Today Show that

week Our brief exposure, broadcast from Washington, was

seen by an estimated 19 million TV viewers We were both

nervous participants!

The black student group’s statement focused on increasing

the number of black undergraduates, graduate students, and

faculty and on establishing training programs for black

students in the black community The Council adopted “in

principle” the black student statement and appointed George

Miller and me as a committee to negotiate with the black

students and to develop a more specific set of proposals to

present to the October council meeting We invited the BSPA

to send negotiators to Washington to meet with us No way

We were invited to come to Watts, a black conclave in Los

Angeles, to negotiate Miller and I flew to Los Angeles where

we were met at the airport and each taken to a host family in

Watts I stayed in the home of Charles Thomas, a major

fig-ure in black psychology We met with students for a couple

days in a small neighborhood church Our meals were

pre-pared and served by a black “ladies group.” Discussions were

spirited, but friendly Our evening meal was accompanied by

unlimited quantities of Cold Duck, and during the evening

numbers of black students and black psychologists joined the

group for informal, light-hearted interactions We took back

to APA several proposed by-laws changes (that were quickly

passed by the required 2/3 majority of those voting) and

recommendations for Central Office staffing changes to

help new committees ensure priority for minority-increasing

efforts APA agreed to provide space for a new BSPA suite of

offices and to lend money to staff them Ernestine Thomasmoved to Washington to provide staffing support

By the end of the 1960s, a majority of APA members weresympathetic to the black demands The country had wit-nessed a decade of struggle against the defenders of segrega-tion, Jim Crow, and racial injustice The parallel struggleagainst the Vietnam war was ongoing The climate for changewas favorable

During the same 1969 APA convention in Washingtonthere were anti-war demonstrations by psychologists I led amarch of some 300 psychologists (many from Psychologistsfor Social Action) down Connecticut Avenue to LafayettePark, across from the White House, where I F Stone and Ispoke against the war Later in the week, a sunrise servicewas held at the Lincoln Memorial when Molly Harrower,

B F Skinner, and I spoke against the war Many of these

events were recorded by Bryce Nelson (1969) in Science (In

this same issue is a report from the Department of Health,Education and Welfare on the safety of the oral contraceptivepill saying that the benefits outweigh the risks; and anotherarticle on the risks of pesticides, but no restrictions yet on theprivate use of DDT.) It is also worth noting that Americanshad just landed on the moon It was clearly a decade of majorchange

Kenneth B Clark was elected in 1969, the first AfricanAmerican APA president At the 1970 APA convention inMiami Beach, the APA board was confronted by a militantAssociation for Women in Psychology with demands formajor financial reparations from APA for years of unequal pay,discrimination in hiring and in graduate admissions, and forblatant sexism The registration form for the convention askedfor member’s name and wife’s name, even though 30 percent

of the APA membership was female Texts in psychology ferred to “men and girls” and sexual harassment was rife.All of this was to change, but someone else will tell thatstory

re-Minority Psychologists in the Community

VERA S PASTER

The shifting status of African American people in this

coun-try has been mirrored by our changing positions in the

pro-fession of psychology It was not until the Emancipation in

1865 that enslaved persons could be taught to read except

under penalty of imprisonment, flogging, or other severe

punishments In the south, schools for slaves were out of the

question, and colleges were unthinkable In the free states,there were a handful of colleges, including Berea andOberlin, that opened their doors to black persons After theEmancipation, in the former slave-owning states, colleges forAfrican Americans began to be established by missionarygroups (historically black colleges) Later, in 1890, the

Minority Psychologists in the Community 489

government land grant acts provided states throughout the

country with funds for colleges for their students Many of

these admitted African Americans But except for the

histori-cally black colleges which were located mostly in the south,

African Americans have always had to struggle to gain an

education in this country

Even though psychology is a relatively recent scholarly

subject in academia, it has been a prominent contributor to

the country’s complex struggle with its attitudes about race

An index of the difficulties is the fact that between 1920

and 1966, the APA reported, the 10 highest ranking

gradu-ate departments of psychology awarded just eight PhDs to

African Americans, while during the same period of time

these universities granted over 3,700 PhDs to others (Wispe

et al., 1969) During the first part of the twentieth century,

there were no welcome mats for African Americans at

the psychology department doors of the major universities

(Jay, 1971)

Further, “respected” psychological research and the best

trained psychologists used their studies, tests, and theories to

“prove,” in turn, that African American, Hispanic, Asian,

Mediterranean, and Irish peoples were socially undesirable,

mentally inferior, and corrupting of the nation’s potential

for advancement This “science” included using African

Americans as guinea pigs in the Tuskegee study, sterilizing

“undesirable” young women, relegating members of some

racial/ethnic groups to an “uneducable” category, and similar

oppressions

Considering this history, it is not a surprise that the

influ-ences of the racial/ethnic psychologists are directed toward

challenging traditional “rules” like those for research that

lead to invidious comparisons of African Americans to

Euroamerican Ethnic-minority influence also includes

prac-tices that emphasize serving the unserved, understanding the

stereotyped, and expanding the scope of the theoretical

in-quiry Following are two examples of contributions, led or

inspired, by these previously excluded people of color

The first example is a primary prevention focus for a

men-tal health center The center was developed in a poor,

work-ing class, mostly African American and Latino section of

New York City The idea was to use professionals and trained

community residents to provide treatment and other services

according to community need and priority Some examples:

dialogues between neighborhood supermarket managers and

householders; legal advice sessions with volunteer attorneys;

counseling older people at the sites of senior housing; tenant

organization to force landlords to provide needed services

like heat and sanitation; advocacy for children with the

schools, and liaisons with the police The management of the

center was open to everyone who lived in the community

through their participation in monthly governance meetings,termed the council The council votes for the members of theboard of directors They also advocate for program priorities.For example, many members complained about the crowdshanging out day and night in front of a neighborhood single-room occupancy “hotel,” considered to be a menacing eye-sore It turned out that public agencies placed people in thesedwellings upon their release from jails, prisons, and mentalhospitals It was housing of last resort for the troubled whowere down on their luck

With the help of city hall, the mental health center bled the directors of the area’s city departments for the police,fire, sanitation, health, and welfare, to improve the situation

assem-It was the first time they met as a group Identifying tions on the property and sending summons to the landlord,the building was made safer and cleaner, and an array ofservices were brought into the building to engage and servethe tenants All of this functioned under the leadership ofthe mental health center, which also assigned a multidisci-pline team to the effort There was an outpouring of pride atthe center and a sense of competence in the neighborhoodwith the clearing of that notorious block!

viola-The second example of the influence of African can leadership is one that occurred within the large childguidance clinic of the New York City public school system.During the 50 years since the service was established, itfunctioned according to a traditional model of referring tothe school social worker or school psychologist difficult tomanage children and those who seemed to have learningdifficulties More boys than girls were referred for behaviorproblems, restlessness, rebellion, fighting, and the like, andmore minority children were referred both for behaviorand “mental retardation.” Nevertheless, the concentration ofstaff was assigned to the “good” schools, meaning theschools where the students were whiter and somewhat moreaffluent These students were more likely to receive psy-chotherapy when needed, since the families were considered

Ameri-to be more cooperative and less suspicious of a child ance referral, and to be more available and less likely to beworking or to have a job that would be jeopardized by ab-sences for school visits The result was a grossly inequitabledistribution of care

guid-When the author was awarded the directorship of theagency, she set about changing these practices and attitudes.She followed certain principles of continuing education: Theprospective students, adult professionals all, should have max-imum influence over how and what should be taught, based onclearly stated agency goals; the work should be based on thestrengths of the workers; and what is learned should be re-warded with more successful practice The underlying premise

490 Ethnic Minorities

was that professionals need to feel competent, thus they will

practice in areas of competence and avoid areas of actual or

anticipated failure

To implement an overall change, the director was awarded

a generous grant from NIMH for a three-year continuing

ed-ucation program for providing school mental health services

in schools with poor, ethnically and racially diverse students

Concomitantly, the staff was redistributed so as to be more

equitably available throughout the city The combination of

encouragement through training, mandate through agency

directive, and greater satisfaction for the professional

through practice of greater variety, resulted in a positive

out-come The changes were favorably received by school

personnel and led to a fairer availability of help to all of thecity’s children

The field of psychology has been a part of the country’swhole, including its sad racial past It is now only 81 yearssince the first doctoral degree was awarded to an AfricanAmerican, 136 years since the ending of slavery The periodthen and later has been earmarked by cruel discriminationsagainst African Americans, and the support of such oppression

by psychologists with bogus “science.” But as the number andinfluence of African American and other ethnic minoritypsychologists has grown, so too has psychology’s reach intopreviously unserved communities, and its positive influences

on the community at large A promising start?

Organization Efforts by Asian Americans in Psychology

STANLEY SUE

During the mid-1960s to the early 1970s, I was a graduate

stu-dent at UCLA intent on becoming a clinical psychologist

treat-ing patients with schizophrenia At this time, I was exposed to

the civil rights movement and protests against the Vietnam

War My consciousness was raised over the injustices and

op-pression faced by African Americans, Latinos, and Native

Americans The ideas of Martin Luther King, Caesar Chavez,

and Malcolm X were provocative and challenging With

re-spect to Asian Americans, not much was known about the

pop-ulation The prevailing belief was that Asian Americans were

successful in education and occupational status, relatively

unobtrusive, and free of problems Yet, many of us who were

familiar with Asian Americans felt that most of the issues and

problems besetting other ethnic groups were applicable Asian

Americans had suffered the same kinds of historical and

con-temporary mistreatment as other groups (e.g., discriminatory

laws, hate crimes, inability to become citizens) Other Asian

American students complained of ethnic identity conflicts,

feelings of marginality, and difficulties in adjustment

It was during the last two years of my graduate work that I

became interested in the psychological study of Asian

Amer-icans and other ethnic minority groups I began to read the

works of Gordon Allport, Tom Pettigrew, and Kenneth Clark

because there was little literature on Asian Americans What

really peaked my interest in Asian Americans was Harry

Kitano’s article (1969) on Japanese American mental illness

The effect of this article on me was profound I was able to

re-late personally to the cultural analysis, the reluctance of Asian

Americans to use mental health services, and the problems inthe delivery of effective services Although other psychologi-cal research has stimulated me either intellectually or person-ally, Kitano’s article did both I felt that I could contributesomething to this area of research and began my career at thePsychology Department at the University of Washington

It was not easy to conduct research on Asian Americans.One major problem was the lack of other Asian Americans inthe field of psychology and of researchers interested in thispopulation For example, I was told that in 1971, I was theonly tenure track Chinese American faculty in an APA ac-credited clinical psychology program in the United States.Collegial support and stimulation from other researchers orfrom other Asian Americans were largely unavailable Unliketoday, APA conventions did not involve many ethnic minori-ties in general or Asian Americans in particular

Those of us interested in Asian American research tried tocollaborate with other ethnic minority scholars I was able towork with Carolyn Attneave, Guy Seymour, Amado Padilla,and Art Ruiz, to name a few The alliances with other ethnicscholars were very important in helping to forge collaborativerelationships and friendships We were able to define ethnic is-sues and to find commonality and differences in the issues fac-ing Asian Americans as opposed to other ethnic groups.Fortunately, my brother Derald, who was also a psycholo-gist, had similar research interests We could test ideas out oneach other, and my first publication was a coauthored paper(Sue & Sue, 1971) At the University of Washington, where I

Organization Efforts by Asian Americans in Psychology 491

spent the first 10 years of my academic career, the director of

the Clinical Psychology Program, Ned Wagner, encouraged

me to conduct research on Asian Americans This

encourage-ment was critical because in the early 1970s, it was not

alto-gether clear that academic careers could be built on the study

of Asian Americans

Was the study of Asian Americans “legitimate”? Research

on Asian Americans is based on a population rather than a

phenomenon or psychological process, such as learning,

mem-ory, schizophrenia, or marital interactions Furthermore,

eth-nic research has also been characterized as being political,

applied, or pejorative rather than scientific in nature Although

many of us approached the work as scientists and advocates,

it was difficult to convince some researchers that ethnic

re-search was within the domain of science Additional rere-search

problems that we encountered included the relatively small

numbers of Asian Americans and the diversity within Asian

American groups, which made it difficult to find adequate

samples on which to base studies We were also uncertain

about the validity of many research instruments because they

had not been validated on an Asian American population

ASIAN AMERICAN ORGANIZATIONAL EFFORTS

The problems encountered with respect to ethnic research in

general and Asian American research in particular forced us

to struggle However, we felt strongly that Asian American

research could not only yield much needed knowledge about

this population and have policy and program implications,

but also it could provide insight into human beings in

gen-eral It became clear that Asian American researchers would

have to systematize efforts and to have some clout Derald

and I, along with two graduate students, decided to start the

Asian American Psychological Association (AAPA) in 1972

We began by finding out how much interest there might be in

such an association We looked through the thousands of

names in the APA Directory and tried to identify the

Asian-sounding names This was a laborious task but we did not

know how else to proceed Nearly 200 names were identified

in this manner Letters were sent to find out if they might

be interested in joining an organization focusing on Asian

Americans About 50 responded with interest, including a

few who indicated that despite their Asian-sounding name,

they were not Asians

For the first several years, we did not ask for association

dues, because we were not sure how strong the membership

base was A quarterly newsletter was sent to members

How-ever, we needed money because of the expenses (which

several of us initially bore) At the suggestion of Robert Chin,

who was a past president of the Society for the PsychologicalStudy of Social Issues (SPSSI, APA Division 9) and one ofthe first to join AAPA, we approached the Division and askedfor, and received, $300 to support the association We werequite impressed with SPSSI’s willingness to help Over time,more individuals became involved—Rodger Lum, PatOkura, Reiko True, and Marion Tinloy Interestingly, manywho helped to start the association were later to become na-tionally prominent for their work with Asian Americans.Derald served as the first president and was followed byothers such as Robert Chin, Albert Yee, Harry Yamaguchi,Herbert Wong, Kats Sakamoto, David Goh, Andy Chen,Nolan Zane, Chris Hall, Reiko True, and Gayle Iwamasa.Organizers of AAPA felt that it was critical to achieveseveral goals:

• Attaining influence in the American Psychological ciation We felt it was necessary to have Asian Ameri-

Asso-cans on governance structures (e.g., boards, committees,and elected offices) of APA We tried to help elect thosewho were concerned about Asian Americans to APAboards and committees so that APA would have to dealwith Asian American issues Because it was necessary toconvince APA that AAPA had a solid constituency, in theearly days, we told APA that we had over 300 members,but we did not say that most of the members were notdues paying! Recently, AAPA has been able to celebrateits involvement with APA by noting the prominence

of some of its members such as Richard Suinn (pastpresident of APA) and Alice Chang (past board of direc-tors member of APA)

• Publications in journals Publications are important not

only for developing research careers, but also for ing others of Asian American research and issues SomeAAPA members felt that journals were not interested inpublishing papers on Asian Americans and did not havequalified reviewers to evaluate Asian American papers.Therefore, another goal was to try to have Asian Americansscholars named to editorial boards or as reviewers forjournals

inform-• Research grants We needed money to conduct research.

We wanted to have input into funding priorities of fundingagencies (such as NIMH and NSF), to encourage grantapplications on Asian Americans, and to have some ofour members serve on research review groups for theagencies Research on ethnics was largely directed toAfrican Americans and Latino Americans We felt left out.While AAPA made it clear that funding for all ethnicgroups should be increased, we were particularlyconcerned about the situation with Asian Americans

492 Ethnic Minorities

Fortunately, one of our members, Pat Okura, was

execu-tive assistant to the director of NIMH, Bertram Brown Pat

gave us very valuable suggestions and help

• Research There was little information and knowledge

about Asian Americans No large-scale epidemiological

studies of the prevalence of mental disorders had ever been

conducted It was not until the mid-1990s that funding

been received from NIMH to conduct the first large-scale

study of the prevalence and correlates of mental disorders

in an Asian American population (the study was conducted

by the National Research Center on Asian American

Mental Health) Funding for such research was difficult

because of the popular belief that Asian Americans were

well adjusted and relatively free of mental disorders

and such studies were unnecessary—a belief we had to

combat

• Practice We felt that mental health services were not

adequate to meet the needs of Asian Americans Widely

documented was the severe lack of utilization of mental

health services on the part of Asian Americans AAPA

tried to encourage the development of more

culturally-responsive services to Asian Americans and strategies to

increase utilization

• Training There were very few Asian Americans in

psy-chology, and we needed a critical mass of individuals to

achieve our goals AAPA helped to sponsor a 1976 training

conference funded by NIMH to make recommendations

for the training of students for future roles in research,

teaching, and practice with Asian Americans

• Networking Also important to AAPA was networking—

providing opportunities for Asian Americans to meet and

collaborate

Because the achievements of AAPA and its members have

been distributed over a 30-year period, it is sometimes

difficult to draw lessons from our organizational efforts

However, there are several considerations that had a cant effect on our growth and effectiveness:

signifi-1 A small, dedicated, and persistent group can accomplish

much While we initially spent a great deal of time trying

to increase membership in AAPA, it was clear that afew dedicated members would have to do most of thework in communicating with members, writing thenewsletter, and advocating the interests of AsianAmericans to national organizations and funding agen-cies, and so on Time was also spent deciding courses ofaction when members had grievances (complaints aboutracial discrimination, documenting instances of stereo-types, etc.), sought advice (e.g., about submitting manu-scripts for publications), and made requests of one kind

or another

2 Alliances must be made with members of other ethnic

groups, Whites, key leaders, and organizations

3 The influence of a small, dedicated, and persistent group

cannot be underestimated We had many instances ofhaving a few individuals taking initiative and succeeding

4 Those who become involved in ethnic issues must realize

that such issues are unlike those typically found in chology Ethnic issues can become very emotional andpersonal, as well as intellectual You can be subjected topersonal attacks involving whether actions help or hurtthe ethnic community On other hand, work on AsianAmericans can be gratifying, not only professionally butalso personally

psy-Happily, AAPA is ready to celebrate its 30th anniversary

It includes the involvement of hundreds of psychologists andpsychology students It has an annual convention, a news-letter, and an Internet listserve for members to communicatewith each other Many of us feel a tremendous sense of prideover AAPA’s accomplishments over the years

The Challenge of Change: Formation of the Association of Black Psychologists

DAVID B BAKER

In January 2001, the National Multicultural Conference and

Summit II was convened in Santa Barbara, California The

sold-out event hosted by four divisions of the American

Psy-chological Association had as its subtitle “The Psychology of

Race/Ethnicity, Gender, Sexual Orientation, and Disability:

Intersections, Divergence, and Convergence.” Clearly, the

umbrella of inclusion is now large enough to include many

who had been marginalized, excluded, or otherwise madeinvisible in psychology In recognizing diversity as a value, it

is instructive to remember that not all that long ago there waslittle celebration and plenty of struggle

The social movements of the 1960s were about manythings, civil rights being chief among them Civil rights based

on demographics such as age, gender, and race/ethnicity had

The Challenge of Change: Formation of the Association of Black Psychologists 493

hearings in the Supreme Court and in the court of public

opinion Expressions of dissatisfaction with the ongoing

neglect of the rights and needs of those who fell outside the

majority culture were everywhere and the field of psychology

was no exception Psychology, like many other disciplines

and institutions, was indicted for its neglect of issues

impact-ing its members from traditionally underrepresented groups

African American psychologists were among the first to

organize and confront American psychology with a demand

for change

For most of the twentieth century, the steady growth in the

number of PhDs awarded in psychology was restricted largely

to white males The first PhD awarded to an African American

came in 1920, the recipient being Frances Cecil Sumner

(Guthrie, 1998) Between 1920 and 1966, 25 of America’s

largest doctoral granting institutions in psychology awarded

over 10,000 PhDs, 93 of which were granted to African

Amer-icans (Wispe et al., 1969) The barriers for African AmerAmer-icans

seeking advanced study in psychology were many and long

lasting Those who did manage to carry on were never far

from the realization of their marginalized status within

psy-chology This was clearly reflected in the relationship

between African American psychologists and the largest

professional organization of psychologists in America, the

American Psychological Association (APA) Like the society

in which it existed, the APA failed to address the needs of

African Americans, both as psychologists and as consumers

of psychology Major training conferences, such as the 1949

Boulder Conference on Graduate Education in Clinical

Psychology, concerned as it was with the mental health needs

of the nation, did not include black psychologists (Baker &

Benjamin, 2000) Indeed, it was not until the Vail conference

of 1973 that issues of concern to minority psychologists

would receive an extended hearing (Hilliard, 1973)

By the late 1960s, relations between the American

Psy-chological Association and African American psychologists

were not good Some in the majority would argue that the

organization had taken action They would point to the policy

statement of the 1950s affirming that the association would

only hold meetings in cities where there was no

discrimina-tion based on race or religion (Newcomb, 1957) They would

hold up as evidence the efforts of the Society for the

Psycho-logical Study of Social Issues (SPSSI) that had demanded an

examination of the training and employment needs of African

American psychologists and in doing so helped to create

the Committee on Equality of Opportunity in Psychology

(CEOP) in 1963 (Guthrie, 1998)

For many African American psychologists, these deeds

were seen as minor achievements, a smattering of actions that

neglected significantly larger and far more devastating social

ills facing the African American community Membership in

the APA was not widely sought by African American ogists, largely based on the belief that the organization did notcare to recognize or represent them (B H Williams, 1997).African American psychologists were angry, a situationonly made worse by social scientists whose reports to thefederal government blamed the African American communityfor the ills that beset it Most noticeably, the Moynihan report

psychol-of 1965 psychol-offered as social science, a theory psychol-of urban decaybased on the dysfunction of the black family Unwilling toaccept that African American men, women, and children were

to blame for the ravages of prejudice and discrimination,African American psychologists continued to organize.Reacting to the victim blaming of the Moynihan report, it waspointed out that white supremacy and racism were the culpritsneeding investigation, a conclusion affirmed in part by theKerner Commission report of 1968 (Herman, 1995) Refusing

to accept a deficiency model, many African Americans joinedthe chorus of the black identity movement, finding power andpride in a black identity that looked to African ancestry as aguide for life (Parham, White, & Ajamu, 2000) The synergy

of the black power and identity movement and increasingfrustration and alienation from the APA helped to set the stagefor the formal organization of the Association of BlackPsychologists (ABPsi)

In 1968, Abraham Maslow was president of the APAwhich had scheduled its annual meeting in San Francisco.Being in San Francisco in 1968 with a group of psychologistsled by the humanist Maslow would seem to have all the in-gredients for a love in For a group of African American psy-chologists in attendance, the love-in was out and organizationand protestation were in

The historical record is fairly clear in naming CharlesWilliams Thomas II (1926–1990) as the key organizer ofthe ABPsi (Guthrie, 1998; B H Williams, 1997) It wasWilliams who encouraged African American psychologists toattend the San Francisco meeting and engage in a dialogueabout the formation of a national association On the evening

of August 31, 1968, Williams convened a small group ing to discuss the discontent of African American psycholo-gists with the APA The group called for the creation of anational association of African American psychologists anddelineated a series of issues that demanded APA’s immediateattention These included efforts to increase recruitment ofAfrican American students in psychology, greater representa-tion of African American psychologists within the APA, thedevelopment of means to provide mental health services tothe African American community, and an endorsement rec-ognizing the black power and identity movement as a cred-itable tool for fighting white racism

meet-The next day, a larger gathering convened for further cussion In addition to conversation and debate, resolutions

dis-494 Ethnic Minorities

were offered and committees were formed On September 2,

1968, the group adopted the name, The Association of

Black Psychologists and selected Charles Thomas as chair

and Robert Green as co-chair Realizing the APA executive

board was in session at that same moment, Thomas led a

group to the meeting and the newly created Association of

Black Psychologists presented its first case before the APA

The board agreed that Thomas and other representatives of

ABPsi should bring their concerns before the APA council

meeting in Washington, DC, scheduled for October 5–6,

1968 (B H Williams, 1997)

At the October meeting, a resolution expressing

apprecia-tion for Thomas’s work was passed and the council formally

urged APA to act quickly on the concerns of the ABPsi As

part of this, plans were made for a conference to address

re-cruitment of black and other minority students and faculty in

psychology (McKeachie, 1969) Held on April 18–20, 1969,

the conference addressed issues of training and the other

con-cerns raised by ABPsi The meeting resulted in any number

of recommendations (see Albee, 1969) By the summer of

1969, APA was preparing to gather for the annual convention

to be held in Washington, DC As APA President George

Miller was being introduced, members of the newly formed

Black Students Psychological Association (BSPA) walked to

the stage More literally than perhaps he anticipated, George

Miller was quickly engaged in giving psychology away as he

yielded the podium to the student association

Chair of the BSPA, Gary Simpkins, announced that the

BSPA would present a list of demands to the APA Council of

Representatives the next day, a task that kept the Council busy

all that day The list was familiar and resonated with the issue

brought forth before by the ABPsi Council voiced support for

the BSPA’s position and requested a specific proposal APA

President George Miller and President-Elect George Albee

were appointed to meet with the BSPA and the ABPsi to work

out the details Declining an invitation to meet in Washington,

the BSPA instead selected Watts as the meeting place Miller

and Albee flew to Los Angeles, were hosted by local families

and engaged in two days of discussion with the BSPA and the

ABPsi (see Albee’s section in this chapter for a detailed

account of the meeting) Reporting back to the APA Council on

October 4, 1969, a specific plan was presented Gary Simpkins

and Philip Raphael (1970) of the BSPA outlined the needs for:

(a) improved recruitment of black students and faculty in

psychology, (b) a centralized information center that could

disseminate information about psychology programs and

sources of financial aid, (c) field training relevant to the needs

of black students and the black community, and (d) the

expan-sion of available black mental health profesexpan-sionals through the

creation of terminal programs at all degree levels

The ABPsi national chairman, Robert Williams, addressedthe Council and in a strongly worded statement decried themisuse of psychological tests in the diagnosis and placement

of black children in educational settings He reiterated thecommitment of the ABPsi to serve as a resource and monitorfor policies that affected African Americans, and called forsanctions against departments of psychology that discrimi-nated against students of color ABPsi’s official policy state-ment on the retention and recruitment of black students ingraduate psychology was contained in “The Ten Point Pro-gram.” The program, mailed to all accredited doctoral train-ing programs in psychology, contained 10 commitmentsdepartments could make to ensure that African American stu-dents were accepted into and supported through doctoraltraining (for the list see R L Williams, 1974) The APAprofessed sympathy to the causes of the ABPsi and the BSPAmoved quickly to endorse the presented proposals and estab-lished the Commission for Accelerating Black Participation

in Psychology (CABPP)

In May 1970, a curious blue insert of 31 pages appeared in

the American Psychologist Labeled as special inserts, their

purpose was to convey information quickly to members ofthe association The first special insert was a discussion

of the need for a national information system for ogy; the second a series of reprints from the October Councilmeeting Included were the statement of the BSPA, the report

psychol-of Robert Williams, and an APA response In that response,the APA noted that it had given office space and funds for anational secretariat to address acceleration of black partici-pation in psychology, provided funding for meetings, confer-ences, and organizing activities of the ABPsi and the BSPA,supported the establishment of a speakers bureau, and con-tacted psychology departments and deans to inform them ofthe APA’s interest in and support of these efforts A goodstart, but nonetheless it was only a start Ted Blau (1970)commenting on the achievement of the CABPP noted,

A majority of the APA membership is neither aware of the tance of the problem nor involved in engineering solutions Despite the fact that Council has demonstrated its willingness to act quickly and directly in the matter of the challenge of change, it

impor-is a preliminary response only Psychologimpor-ists’ total response should not be limited to rhetoric, commissions, ad hoc commit- tees, or logistical support from Central Office The small begin- ning that has been made toward recognizing injustice and inhumanity, rectifying these and thus truly promoting human wel- fare, must be continued and made valid by the commitment and involvement of individual members of the association (p 1103)The ABPsi’s efforts to increase minority representation inpsychology continued unabated into the 1970s, the fruits of

Colors and Letters: The Development of an Ethnic Minority Psychological Publication 495

The history of ethnic minority psychological publishing has

been arduous Navigating between the mainstream ocean

and the waters of color, scholarship of color has struggled

with dominant psychological paradigms Mainstream

mod-els’ cultural insensitivity and irrelevance to people of color

aggravate the challenge Since ethnic minorities are often

exposed to intellectual imperialism and domination at the

expense of their cultural values (Said, 1994), internalization

of dominant psychology frequently interferes with the

pro-motion of a culturally competent psychology As a result of

professional socialization, many psychologists of color suffer

from cultural Stockholm syndrome, taken hostage by the

dominant cultural values—including the stereotypes of their

own group—and in turn, accepting, internalizing, and

believ-ing them (DiNicola, 1997)

Professional socialization can cause confusion and

per-plexity in the publication of scholarship of color Looking

through a monocultural glass, dominant psychological

publi-cations have discounted and even excluded the divergent

experiences and realities of people of color Serving two

mas-ters, ethnic minority psychologists struggle to harmonize

dom-inant and scholarship of color In doing so, they often engage in

dualism and pluralism Those engaged in dualism

simultane-ously publish in ethnic and mainstream journals, thus offering

a dual outlet to their work However, to be published in

main-stream journals requires conformity with the dominant digm Dualism, however, risks segregation because it tends toplace indigenous psychological paradigms in separate ethnicjournals, rarely read by mainstream psychologists Within plu-ralism, on the other hand, psychologists of color offer diverseinterpretations to reality, aiming at the co-existence of ethnicminority perspectives with dominant psychology

para-As the written word is the DNA of culture, ethnic ity psychology propagates itself by publishing However, ahistory of marginalization of psychologists of color withinthe publication process has hindered such process Contem-porary concerns about cultural appropriateness, irrelevantapplication of psychological knowledge, issues of inclusion,and equal opportunities are prompting psychology to reviseits traditional tenets and assumptions based on a limitedWestern European conceptualization of humankind

minor-The APA officially recognized the limited number of cations on ethnic minority theory, research, and practice and

publi-in 1984 created the Publication and Communication Board’s

Ad Hoc Committee on Increasing the Representation ofUnderrepresented Groups in the Publication Process Identify-ing issues and concerns, the Ad Hoc Committee offered struc-tural strategies to enhance the publication of ethnic minoritypsychology One recommendation—educating underrepre-sented groups in the publication process—was immediately

Colors and Letters: The Development of an Ethnic Minority Psychological Publication

LILLIAN COMAS-DIAZ

We need to write before being written off.

—J ANET S ANCHEZ ,

A FRICAN A MERICAN P SYCHOLOGIST

that labor evidenced in the predominant place ethnic minority

issues occupied in many policy decisions such as the

forma-tion of the Center for Minority Group Mental Health in 1972

under the auspices of the National Institute of Mental Health,

and the 1973 National Conference in Levels and Patterns of

Professional Training in Psychology Strides in professional

psychology were matched with organization and leadership

in research through ABPsi’s convening of the Conference on

Empirical Research in Black Psychology in Ann Arbor,

Michigan in 1974—a conference that continues to this day

(Boykin, Franklin & Yates, 1979)

As the new century began, ABPsi was recognized as the

largest organization of African American psychologists in the

world Embracing an Afrocentric worldview, it maintains asteadfast commitment to work on behalf of all people ofAfrican descent

However one chooses to do the accounting, the founding

of the Association of Black Psychologists was remarkable, itsimpact immediate and its legacy lasting Those pioneers whocame together in a San Francisco hotel room in 1968 broughtwith them an incredible intensity of purpose that was quick topoint out challenge and strong enough to create change Asthe historical record will attest, ABPsi, since its inception,has played a significant role in shaping social science policyand practice in America

496 Ethnic Minorities

adopted and continues to be implemented within the

Associa-tion’s Division 45, The Society for the Psychological Study

of Ethnic Minority Issues The establishment of the Society

signaled that the issues and concerns of ethnic minorities

achieved a formal place within the professional organization

for psychologists, beginning to legitimize scholarship of

color as a valid field within psychology (Comas-Diaz, 1990)

Although the division embraced the need to develop an official

ethnic minority psychological journal, this priority was

de-ferred due to financial restraints

While the American Psychological Association (1993)

developed guidelines for providers of psychological services

to ethnic, linguistic, and culturally diverse populations; the

American Psychiatric Association officially acknowledged

the significance of culture in the fourth edition of its

Diag-nostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV)

(Mezzich et al., 1993)

In 1994, John Wiley and Sons founded a new journal,

Cultural Diversity and Mental Health, and asked me to be its

founding editor-in-chief An interdisciplinary endeavor, the

journal capitalized on the mental health discipline’s

recogni-tion of culture as a pivotal factor in diagnosis, treatment, and

prevention The journal brought together an impressive

edi-torial board composed of many influential individuals in the

fields of ethnic minority psychology, cultural psychiatry, and

clinical social work

Up to that time, articles on cultural topics were scattered

throughout the mental health literature, often appearing in

publications focusing on one particular ethnic group As the

first publication of its kind, Cultural Diversity and Mental

Health provided a forum for a wide array of theoretical,

clin-ical, and research articles on cultural diversity As such, it

promoted a heightened multicultural literacy by offering the

knowledge base and therapeutic tools to access and

effec-tively treat individuals and communities of diverse

back-grounds (Comas-Diaz, Griffith, Pinderhughes, & Wyche,

1995) The Reflections feature, a memoir in which authors

reflected on how culture impacted on their life experiences

and professional development, became very popular

After 10 years of existence, the Society for the

Psycholog-ical Study of Ethnic Minority Issues was financially secure

and confident enough to establish an official journal After

much negotiation, John Wiley and Sons transferred the

own-ership of Cultural Diversity and Mental Health to the Society

as its official scholarly publication in 1998 The move,

grace-fully shepherded by Kelly Franklyn, senior editor at Wiley,

was an overwhelming success Renamed Cultural Diversity

and Ethnic Minority Psychology in 1999, the journal provided

a forum for promoting cultural competency and psychological

understanding of ethnic minority groups The journal’s aims

and scope were expanded to embrace a more general view ofethnic minority psychology It offered a venue for the dissem-ination of scholarship in all aspects of ethnic minority psy-chology, including the psychology of race, diversity, andmulticulturalism—recognizing the sociocultural, historical,and political embeddedness of psychological theory, research,and practice It pledged its focus on the psychological andsocietal variables affecting ethnic minority groups such asAmerican Indian/Alaskan Natives, Asian American/PacificIslanders, Black/African Americans, Latina/Latino/Hispanicswithin the United States

The journal affirmed collective identity by strengtheningpeople of color’s ways of knowing and promulgating theirscholarship through the publication of scholarship of color.Embracing unity through diversity (the organization’smotto), the Society’s executive committee appointed associ-ate and consulting editors reflecting the diversity withinpopulations of color, in addition to non-ethnic minority psy-chologists (Comas-Diaz, 1998) The executive committeealso encouraged the journal’s interdisciplinary focus andasked me to remain as editor-in-chief

The Society established student editor positions to mentorand socialize psychologists-in-training into publishing Work-ing closely with the associate editors, the student editors em-bodied the next stage in the journal’s progression Forging new

passages for young scholars, educators, and clinicians, tural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology became one of

Cul-the first journals to include students on its editorial board

In 2000, Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority ogy arrived at its first port After founding the journal and

Psychol-serving as its editor for six years, I turned the reins over to Gail

E Wyatt Emphasizing the journal’s commitment to ship and research, she especially welcomed quantitativeand quantitative research manuscripts Additionally, Wyattappointed a Counsel of Research Elders composed of seniorscholars across diverse fields to write about contemporaryissues that affect the psychology of ethnically diverse popula-tions (Wyatt, 2001) Wyatt’s arrival signaled the beginning of

scholar-a new exciting erscholar-a for the journscholar-al

Ethnic minority scholarship is providing a prismatic lens

to psychological publishing As multiculturalism becomesofficially recognized in our society, counter movements such

as faded mosaic (Clausen, 2000), presaging the death of

“American” culture by igniting an ancestral fear of a culturalTower of Babel, are beginning to emerge Since “culturematters” (Harrison & Huntington, 2000), multiculturalismbecomes the philosopher’s stone in the alchemy of life

(Comas-Diaz, 2000) In its continuing journey, Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology may become the

beacon of scholarship of color

Hispanic Ethnicity in Psychology: A Cuban-American Perspective 497

During the early 1980s, I participated in a symposium at the

Southeastern Psychological Association in Atlanta, Georgia

The well-attended symposium topic was ethnic-minorities in

psychology However, I felt very much out of place since the

other speakers were African American and only one other

Hispanic was in the audience In many respects, this

sympo-sium represented not only my own personal feelings about

being an ethnic-minority in psychology but how psychology

and North American society viewed ethnicity as well There

appears to have been a misunderstanding or a limited

defini-tion of what ethnicity is In general, ethnicity has been

de-fined primarily, if not exclusively, and historically using race

and, in many instances, the focus has been African

Ameri-cans Obviously, this approach is biased and not

representa-tive of the population that psychology seeks to understand

and serve

Using the latest U.S Census Bureau data (2001),

Hispan-ics now comprise the largest and fastest growing

ethnic-minority segment in the United States African Americans

now comprise 12.3% of the population and Hispanics

com-prise 12.5% of the U.S residents (and that figure is probably

conservative due the limited counting of illegal aliens) If

current census projections turn out to be correct, sometime

during this century, Hispanics will comprise the largest single

group in the United States Conceivably, then, Hispanics

could represent the majority group culture, at least in terms of

population

Is psychology ready for this paradigm shift? The answer is

unequivocally no The reasons why the field is not ready for

this demographic change lie in the history of psychology

The total number of Hispanics who have received PhDs in

psychology not only represents a very small portion of

psy-chology, but represents a relatively small portion of

ethnic-minorities According to the 1999 to 2000 figures available

from the American Psychological Association, Hispanics

comprise approximately 5% of both doctoral and masters

level graduate students And, those that do gain admittance

into doctorate programs often do not obtain the necessary

training to compete adequately in either the academic or

clinical spheres of psychology (Vazquez, 1991)

Further-more, the total number of faculty members of Hispanic origin

is similarly low—less than 10%

If one were to examine the governance of APA, the

num-bers are disproportionately even smaller For example, no

Hispanic has ever served on its board of directors Only threeethnic minorities have been president of APA in its 110-yearhistory; Richard Suinn (2000), Logan Wright (1986), andKenneth B Clark (1971) Even in the only APA division jour-

nal focusing on ethnicity, Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, only 20% of the entire editorial board

(approximately 100) have Spanish-surnames

This situation is further mirrored in how we have

chroni-cled the history of psychology For example, in The American Psychological Association: A Historical Perspective (Evans,

Sexton, & Cadwallader, 1992), no mention is made ofHispanics in any section of the book Even in my own

book Teaching Psychology in America: A History (Puente,

Matthews, & Brewer 1992), little reference is made toHispanics In other scholarly books as well as textbooks in thehistory of psychology, including Boring, Brennan, Hilgard,Leahey, Schultz and Schultz, and Wertheimer no mention isfound in the Contents or the Indices of contributions byHispanics to psychology

The assumption held by many is that the major, if not theonly difference, between mainstream society and Hispanics isthat of language But language is only one aspect of Hispanicculture, there is heterogeneity of Hispanics A Cuban is quitedifferent from a Puerto Rican who is quite different from aMexican Each subgroup has distinct cultural characteristics,heritage, and behavioral patterns As a consequence, Hispan-ics need to be understood within their specific cultural context(Shorris, 1992) Other issues also play a role These includethe importance of family (especially of extended family),religion, social context and rules (including the limited trustplaced on those outside the family or a circle of friends), theappreciation of time (rather than conquering it), the value ofliving (rather than just working), and a greater emphasis oncooperation (rather than competition)

HISTORY OF HISPANIC PSYCHOLOGY

In 1980, Padilla wrote about psychologists who have tributed to Latin American psychology In the early part ofthis century, Hispanic psychology drew its roots and orienta-tion from psychology in Spain However, the civil war inSpain set back psychology (Carpintero, 1987) It was notuntil relatively recently that psychology in Spain experienced

con-Hispanic Ethnicity in Psychology: A Cuban-American Perspective

ANTONIO E PUENTE