Making heritage in vietnamese and asian contexts a comparative study

37 Making Heritage in Vietnamese and Asian Contexts A Comparative Study Nguyen Thi Hien 1 1 Vietnam National Institute of Culture and Arts Studies Email hiennguyenb@gmail com Received 9 January 2017 A[.]

Making Heritage in Vietnamese

and Asian Contexts: A Comparative Study

Nguyen Thi Hien1

1 Vietnam National Institute of Culture and Arts Studies

Email: hiennguyenb@gmail.com

Received: 9 January 2017 Accepted: 10 March 2017

Abstract: The UNESCO’s 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural

Heritage entered into force in 2006 for thirty States that had ratified it on or before 20 January

2006 So far, 174 State Parties have approved or rectified the Convention In 2005, Vietnam became the 22nd country to ratify it It is a globally emerging issue that intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is no longer involved solely by local communities The inscription of heritage

on the lists of the 2003 Convention was intended to safeguard ICH elements and their viability, and enhance the visibility of heritage at the local, national, and international levels This paper

is focused on the dynamics and politics of making heritage in Vietnam and the Asian context, emphasising that the UNESCO’s inscription goes beyond the objectives of the 2003 Convention, which is aimed safeguarding and promoting the awareness of ICH in general At the national and local levels, the inscription meets very specific and practical purposes of the State Party and local community

Keywords: Heritage making, intangible cultural heritage, 2003 Convention, inscription, Vietnam, Asia Subject classification: Cultural studies

1 Introduction

In recent years, the field of intangible

cultural heritage has received increasing

attention of scholars from various

disciplines This was largely in response to

the UNESCO’s 2003 Convention on the

Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage

(hereafter ICH), that raised a lot of

consequences and controversies On the one

hand, the Convention has contributed to

enhancing the awareness of agencies, actors, governments, and organisations, i.e the outsiders to involve in the safeguarding

of the heritage On the other hand, it speeds

up the formal process of heritage making of cultural elements that brings in the state as the guarantor and protector of heritage, and meets the local community’s needs for their local purposes and for reaping benefits Today, the concept of heritage is seen through the lens of the politics of recognition

and through various tourism-oriented

national and global programmes of public

recognition [10], [2], [5], [9]

Cultural heritage has been seen

emerging as a global issue particularly since

the 2003 UNESCO Convention took effect

The ICH is no longer solely involved by the

local communities, but it goes far beyond

the national and international levels It has

become both national and international

interests and its meanings, functions, and

safeguarding measures go now into various

directions, including those beyond the

objectives of the Convention This paper

will focus on making heritage in Vietnam

and its dynamics and politics From a

comparative perspective, the paper will see

how the heritage making is associated with

other Asian countries and territories such as

China, Hong Kong, the Republic of Korea,

and Indonesia It is based on my field

research in Vietnam in the recent past and

the papers presented at the annual meeting

of the Association for Asian Studies (AAS)

in Asia, Kyoto, Japan, in 2016, on the

intangible cultural heritage elements on the

UNESCO’s lists

In Vietnam, the cultural heritage has been

paid attention to long before the 2003

Convention Most of the heritage is tangible

such as a historical vestige (di tích lịch sử), a

communal hall, or a temple dedicated to a

spirit The country rectified the 2003

Convention in 2005, becoming the 22nd state

party of the Convention (so far, 174 State

Parties have either ratified or approved it)

Vietnam also amended its Law on Cultural

Heritage in 2009 adapting some articles from

the Convention on the identification of ICH

and its safeguarding measures The

Convention has established three lists: the

List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need

of Urgent Safeguarding, the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, and the Register of Good Safeguarding Practices Presently, in Vietnam, there are 11 elements, nine of which have been inscribed on the Representative List of ICH of Humanity2, two on the List of ICH in need of urgent safeguarding3

To illustrate how the heritage making in Vietnam goes beyond the objectives of the Convention and causes controversies, the paper will make some points of the Convention in order to have a better picture

of the issue In the conformity with the Convention, the inscription aims at the enhancement of the awareness of ICH in general and of sustainable development Also, the inscription of the elements contributes to ensuring visibility and awareness of the significance of the intangible cultural heritage and to encouraging dialogue, thus reflecting cultural diversity worldwide and testifying

to human creativity For example, the inscription of the Worship of Hung Kings

in Phu Tho (Tín ngưỡng thờ cúng Hùng

Vương ở Phú Thọ) (inscribed in 2012)

provides a basis for consolidation of respectful attitudes towards the past and enhancement of hope for the future among the communities of the Phu Tho region People recognise clearly the worship of Hung Kings as their cultural heritage to be maintained and transmitted to the following generations, and take part self-consciously

as a means of safeguarding cultural spaces and worship sites This inscription reaffirms the vitality of the symbol of national origin, the pride of the national philosophy of

“drinking water, one should remember the source”, creating the power for building the national unity in Vietnam Through the

worship of Hung Kings, Vietnam is able to

convey to the world a powerful message on

the veneration towards the ancestors as a

valuable source of psychological strength in

the contemporary society However, at the

national level, the inscription enforces the

power and leading role of the Vietnamese

government in the management of the

Death Anniversary of Hung Kings on the

10th of the third lunar month

Another example is the element of

Practices of Viet Beliefs in the Mother

Goddesses of Three Realms (Thực hành tín

ngưỡng thờ Mẫu Tam phủ của người Việt),

which was inscribed by UNESCO on the List

of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity

in 2016 At the local level, the inscription of

the element would help people in all levels of

the society understand the values and

significance of the worship of Mother

Goddesses It would enhance the social

awareness of spirit possession rituals, and

ensure harmony among individuals, groups

and local communities At the national level,

the inscription would enhance awareness and

visibility of the beliefs and their value for the

society in regard to the spiritual life, culture,

arts, and social behaviours It would foster

respect for the veneration of mothers and for

those who have gained merits by aiding the

nation and its people At the international

level, the inscription would enhance

understanding of the importance of beliefs in

Mother Goddesses, who are symbols of

compassion and grace These beliefs are

significant for connecting individuals, groups

and communities of the Viet people in

Vietnam and overseas, as well as other ethnic

groups in the world However, today, the

spirit mediums are making use of the

inscription to legitimise their practice of “lên

đồng” (spirit possession ritual) in dialogue

with the State and the world religions such as Buddhism and Catholicism

Through the two examples, in Vietnam and elsewhere, it is seen that the understanding of the inscription sometimes goes beyond the objectives of the 2003 Convention In Vietnam in general, the inscription of the elements makes them become globally recognised, and they are placed in higher positions than those recognised at the national and local levels Also, the UNESCO-inscribed elements are expected to receive much more attention by the government, authorities or international organisations who financially support them From these points of view, their inscription

on the UNESCO’s list goes beyond the 2003 Convention’s objectives Taking the Festival

at Giong and Soc Temples as an example, the material structures of the element such as the worshiping buildings or temples are expected to be maintained, expanded, or rebuilt, and the festival is to be organised on a larger scale Also, different actors (authorities, scholars, cultural managers and other stakeholders) work out a project to develop sustainable tourism in order to benefit from the element On the other hand, the element becomes the pride of the nation and localities, and so on Thus, the element has been made up with something more meaningful, more solemn, and more imposing than it is used to be

In fact, the ICH elements have been created, practiced, safeguarded and transmitted for hundreds of years by their bearing communities, and their visibility continues to be ensured by their cultural carriers The communities decide on the safeguarding measures and how their elements would be promoted The government and authorities guarantee that

the elements have their support in terms of

the legal framework, guidance and direction,

not by means of direct involvement and

participation in their practices

However, today, there is a discussion on

the effect (hiệu ứng) of ICH in Vietnam in the

media that provinces are now trying to

compete against one another and striving to

find the ways to have their local elements

inscribed by UNESCO As indicated by the

Operational Directives of the 2003

Convention, at least one file per submitting

state should be processed during the two-year

circle within the agreed number of

nominations per biennium, in conformity

with paragraph 34 of the Operational

Directives [12] This leads to the situation

that many elements within a country deserve

to be inscribed and many communities and

provinces want their elements to be submitted

to UNESCO This causes the competition

among provinces within a State Party on what

elements shall be recommended to the

Secretariat of the 2003 Convention for the

evaluation in the subsequent year

In the context of Vietnam, the National

Committee of Cultural Heritage has the

functions and duties to provide advisory to

and counsel the Prime Minister on heritage,

including the ICH Thus, Vietnam has its

national potential list that has been approved

by the Office of the Government in 2012 The

document included ten approved elements

that were supposed to be submitted to

UNESCO during the period of 2012-2016

The approved list by the Vietnamese

government did not go through, and not all of

the listed elements were submitted to

UNESCO By now, only two elements on the

list have been inscribed, namely Vi and Giam

Folk Songs of Nghe Tinh (Dân ca Ví, Giặm

Nghệ Tĩnh) (inscribed in 2014) and the

Practices of Viet Beliefs in the Mother

Goddesses of Three Realms (Thực hành tín

ngưỡng thờ Mẫu Tam phủ của người Việt),

the original title of which was the Chầu Văn ritual of the Viet And some elements on the

list have been approved for the compilation of the files and submission, to UNESCO, including the Art of Bai Choi of the Viet in

South Central Vietnam (Nghệ thuật Bài Chòi

miền Trung Việt Nam) (to be inscribed in

2017), The Art of Xoe of the Thai (Nghệ

thuật Xòe Thái), the Then Ritual of the Tay (Nghi lễ Then của người Tày), the Art of

Small Stone Caves of the Minorities in Ha

Giang province (Nghệ thuật canh tác hốc đá

của các dân tộc thiểu số ở Hà Giang) The

other elements, namely the Art of Dong Ho

Woodblock Painting (Nghệ thuật tranh khắc

gỗ Đông Hồ), the Initiation Ritual of the Dao

people (Nghi lễ cấp sắc của người Dao), the

Art of the Traditional Pottery Making of the

Cham (Nghệ thuật làm gốm truyền thống của

người Chăm), the Art of Du Ke of the Khmer

people in the South (Nghệ thuật Dù Kê của

người Khmer Nam bộ), have not been

considered for the compilation of the files for submission to UNESCO Meanwhile, the inscribed elements of the Art of Don ca Tai tu

Music and Song in Southern Vietnam (Nghệ

thuật Đờn ca tài tử Nam bộ) (2013) and the

Tugging Rituals and Games (Nghi lễ và trò

chơi kéo co) (2015) were not on the

government-approved list

As per Article 16 of the 2003 Convention, the objective of the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity is to ensure better visibility of the intangible cultural heritage and awareness

of its significance, and to encourage dialogue which respects cultural diversity And as per Article 17, the objective of the List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need

of Urgent Safeguarding is to take

appropriate safeguarding measures That is

to say, the inscription is for the very noble

objectives in the sake of cultural diversity,

open dialogue and mutual understanding,

rather than the hierarchy or ranking

The noble objectives of the 2003

Convention sometimes go beyond the

understanding about the inscription and the

need of the local communities Today, in

Vietnam, the local communities such as in

Nghe An and Ha Tinh provinces with the Vi

and Giam Folk Songs, and Phu Dong and Soc

Son communities with the Giong Festival

expect that their elements are to be supported

and paid attention to by international and

governmental authorities and with financial

support and that of human resources They

want the elements to be known widely

nationally and internationally, and more

tourists to come, and the elements to bring

about benefits Therefore, here I can see the

gap between the UNESCO’s objectives of the

inscription and the local discourse [11]

From the local perspectives, the

practitioners of the heritage elements relied

on the inscription for the legitimacy of their

practices which satisfied their own needs

For years, the spirit possession rituals have

been under the strict management and were

condemned as “social evils” The

inscription serves as the tool to let the spirit

mediums have their more freedom in their

practices For the space of the gong culture,

the inscription provides the local

communities with opportunities to satisfy

their own cultural, economic, and political

interests They make use of UNESCO’s

inscription of their gong culture to establish

gong clubs and to perform a mixture of

gong and modern music shows to attract

tourists The inscription goes beyond its

objectives to safeguard the viability and visibility of heritage elements for future generations, as it is being used by the local community members to pursue their own agendas For the Art of Don ca tai tu Music and Song in Southern Vietnam, the singers use the inscription for their performance at restaurants and hotels to make money for their life and to use it to fill the dossiers to apply for the titles of people’s and emeritus folk artists I would like to stress that the UNESCO inscription goes beyond the objectives of the 2003 Convention, which is aimed at safeguarding and promoting the awareness of intangible cultural heritage in general At the national and local levels, the inscription meets very specific and practical purposes of the State Party and local community

2 The politics of making heritage in Asian contexts

Today in Vietnam and in Asian contexts, the politics of making heritage becomes a controversial issue With focuses upon Asian contexts, in this part, my paper demonstrates the process of heritage making, its consequences and controversies The paper examines the different elements, forces, and impacts of heritage making in ethnographic contexts including China, Hong Kong, Korea, and Indonesia Through the examination of the five presentations given at the annual meeting of the AAS in Asia in Kyoto, in

2016, including the presentations entitled

Beyond the Politics of Heritage: Intangible Cultural Heritage in China by Chang Jung-a

[3]; The Making of an Intangible Cultural

Heritage in Hong Kong: Tai O Dragon Boat Water Parade by Tik ‐Sang Liu [6]; New

Issues of Cultural Heritage in the Old Village

of Sambe: Between and Betwixt Cultural

Practices and Cultural Politics by Hahm

Hanhee [4]; Cultural Heritage as

Commodity: Production and Consumption of

Traditional Textiles in Indonesia by Ayami

Nakatani [8]; Cultural Heritage and Creative

City Safeguarding through Development by

Han Kyung-Koo [7]

The five presentations study the hemp

weaving, dragon boat water parade, the

batik, the folk culture and heritage

resources in general, and thus share some

similarities and, however, also dissimilarities

The different presentations are focused on

the following issues that reveal the politics

of making heritage

2.1 National, ethnic and regional

cultural identities

The paper by Chang Jung - a makes an

interesting case on the heritage making in

China from folk culture to intangible cultural

heritage, demonstrating the diversity and

richness of the Chinese culture The paper

argues how ICH is engaged with constructing

the identity of what he refers to as

Chineseness The author makes a strong case

about the ICH that reconstructs this

Chineseness The ICH protection movement

shows the process in which the values of the

ICH change The paper makes contributions

with new observations on how to analyse the

process of what makes folk culture elements

be of Chineseness The author furthermore

provides insights on the shift in the meaning

of folk culture, in which its perception has

been dramatically changed: from the

destruction by elites who perceived the

practices as superstition to what it is today, in

which the folk cultural heritage is perceived

as an important resource for spreading the Great Chinese Culture throughout the world The issue on the transformation of ICH from an old and backward element into the national cultural heritage is examined in more detail in the paper by Tik-Sang Liu Drawing on a case in Tai O, the Dragon Boat Water Parade, his paper provides evidence of how these kinds of cultural practices are no longer regarded as backward, and, instead, how they are today perceived as exciting “national events” that contributes to the cultural identity of the citizens of Hong Kong The author emphasises in this paper how, since Hong Kong returned to China in 1997, local cultural elements have become increasingly important in the construction of the identity for the Hong Kong citizens Furthermore, the Tai O Dragon Boat Water Parade was inscribed in the national list of ICH in 2011, with which it has become part of the ICH for Hong Kong The event proves to contribute to sense of cultural identity, providing the citizens of Hong Kong with a sense of pride for the Dragon Boat guilds Ayami Nakatani, in the presentation on the traditional textile of the Balinese

songket, similarly interprets how these

practices in Indonesia can be perceived as a manifestation of their regional-cum-ethnic identity She, however, also emphasises how this creates a larger market for the urban consumers beyond their original locality Drawing on a case on the revival of the hemp weaving in the old village of Sambe in the Republic of Korea (South Korea), Professor Hahm Hanhee shows how the Korean government has similarly started to re-appreciate these folk cultures of remote old

villages Over the last fifty years, the Korean

government has paid more attention to the

elite’s cultural heritage and individuals’ best

practices Through the case of the hemp

weaving, the author examines the intersection

of the macro-and micro-politics and policies

inside and outside the village The author

provides these insights via introducing the

story of the women of the village, which

explains how they decided to revive the hemp

weaving collectively by raising funds and

organising it through a collective weaving

organisation The story shows how they could

sell these products, which enabled them to

receive more assistance and funding

Drawing on the case, the author demonstrates

how the micro-politics in the village has

played an important role in the

re-consideration by the government of their

cultural policies This shows the importance

of the 2003 Convention that emphasises the

active role of the community in identifying

and safeguarding their own heritage

2.2 Community members, tourists, and

mediators

As aforementioned, Hahm Hanhee shows

the importance of the micro-politics through

looking at the roles of the old women

weavers in the Sambe village in the revival

of its traditional weaving The case

introduced by professor Tik-Sang Liu

showed how, in contrast in the development

of the Tai O Dragon Boat Water Parade for

tourists, the protecting of ICH can also lead

to the losing of the local members and local

participants The story about the Dragon

Boat Water Parade is made as the standard

version of the traditional events, so they

become easy for tourists to understand In

this (macro-political) process of heritage revival/protection, the practices actually have lost their religious meaning The parade has become a tourist attraction, and participants pay more attention to the spectacle of the colourful folk performances, rather than its religious meaning Tik-Sang Liu raises an important question on how to safeguard ICH

in a way that it remains a meaningful cultural practice for the community members

The presentation by Ayami Nakatani also provides the evidence of how authenticity can

be lost in the process of heritage making

After the Indonesian batik was inscribed on

the Representative List of the ICH of Humanities in 2009, it helped revitalising a

stagnant market for batik The market revived

due to mass-produced fabrics printed with

batik-like motifs that have replaced the

time-consuming and expensive hand-waxed and hand-stamped batik textiles Many

customers turned the batik fabrics into

Western-type clothing, and they no longer care about the authenticity However, the

Balinese songket with its dyeing techniques

and ancestral motifs are still used by designers and tailors to produce jackets and dresses for the wider market and urban consumers The author has emphasised on

how, in the process of producing the batik

as part of a larger market, mediators play an important role by attempting to intervene with the design and marketing of the traditional textiles She points out that the transformability and the potential for wide-ranging usage are vital elements for

facilitating the “commodification” beyond the

original context The paper anticipates that the precariousness and transient nature of the

market may bring the sustainability of

authentic batik at risk She demonstrates the

lack of the active roles of the local

community members and weavers in the

process of marketing and producing the batik

The paper by Han Kyung-Koo addresses

another interesting case, introducing the

process of application of Jeonju City, South

Korea, for the UNESCO Creative City

Network (UCCN) The network encourages

the emergence of “Creative Cities” by using

their cultural resources to identify, rediscover,

and redefine them and develop their potential

for economic growth Professor Han

Kyung-Koo suggests that more attention be paid to the

UNESCO Creative Cities Network for a

number of reasons, among which is that the

network will help raise general awareness of

cultural heritage and sustainable development

The author furthermore raises also the question

on the modification of cultural heritage as to

make tourists more comfortable or pleased

The use of the ICH for commercialisation and

the tourism industry for the benefit of the local

communities is a problematic aspect

mentioned by UNESCO In the Operational

Directives for the Implementation of the

Convention for the Safeguarding of the

Intangible Cultural Heritage that was updated

in 2012 UNESCO suggests applying the

additional safeguarding measures to prevent

the negative impacts of commercialisation and

tourism on ICH All the issues of tourism and

national pride, or the benefits of the elements,

lead the safeguarding of ICH and the

involvement by actors/outsiders to go beyond

the Convention

3 Beyond the 2003 Convention

As analysed, Ayami Nakatani in the case of

Indonesia shows that the Balinese batik goes

beyond its authenticity by adapting the Western style of fabrics for the tourism market and making cheap products for better sales Meanwhile, as said earlier, Tik-Sang Liu and Han Kyung-Koo furthermore raise the question on the modification of cultural heritage as to make tourists more comfortable or pleased The article by Chang Jung-a goes beyond the manipulation of the ICH by the Chinese government by

emphasising Chineseness She points out the

gap between the cultural heritage of the local bearers and the “refined and outstanding culture” as propagandised by the Chinese government Her statement is associated with the other cases in South Korea and Vietnam when these two State Parties hail the ICH with the greatest and outstanding values At the community level, Hahm Hanhee shows the importance of the micro-politics via looking at the roles of the old women weavers in Sambe village in reviving its traditional weaving

In Vietnam’s context on ICH and the five other cases examined in this paper, I can see that the understanding of the ICH elements, especially the inscribed elements, goes beyond the 2003 Convention The elements are made by outsiders [1], different actors (government, local authorities, researchers, managers of the cultural sectors) who share their common politics to make up the

elements with something “imposing” (hoành

tráng), the appropriation (chiếm đoạt, [9,

pp.311-346]), producing benefits, getting elevated to the world level, and so on That reveals that the inscription is seen to be more

of material value than intangible value as stated in the objectives of the Convention regarding cultural diversity, open dialogue and the local bearers’ creativity

In this paper, I would like to raise two

points First, while the 2003 Convention

emphasises the cultural identity and the

functions of the ICH for its community and

the skills and knowledge of the community

members, it is observed that some

governments, managers of the cultural

sectors, scholars, and other actors still

misinterpret the Convention They still tend

to attach some of the criteria from the 1972

Convention to it, in particular, the one on the

universal excellence One example of this is

the paper by Chang Jung-a, that indicates the

excellent and authentic features of the

cultural heritage that makes the “Great

Chinese culture.” The “excellence” is

interpreted as “distinctiveness in China of

diverse ethnic groups and regions.” The

author raises the question on “the universal

excellence of Chinese culture”

Directives includes an inappropriate

glossary that was previously used, such as

references to authenticity, masterpieces,

original, unique, exceptional, correct,

ancient, the world heritage of humanity,

labelisation, branding, and so on One

example of this is the paper by Han

Kyung-Koo, in which he mixed up the 2003 and

1972 Conventions and uses still the

vocabulary of “unique”, “the outstanding

cultural resources” without the distinction

either in the 2003 Convention on the ICH or

the 1972 Convention on the world heritage

I would like to stress that the focus of the

2003 Convention has been shifted, and we

should use the appropriate vocabulary that

follows the spirit of the most recent

interpretation of the Convention such as

those in the UNESCO’s Aide-mémoire and

the Operational Directives

4 Conclusion

The UNESCO 2003 Convention and its lists, namely the representative list and the list of ICH in need of safeguarding, entail contradictions and controversies They contribute to safeguarding of ICH in general and ensuring its vitality for the future At the same time, they involve much of the politics

of recognition and safeguarding Sometimes, they impede the living culture and transform the meanings of the cultural elements after their inscription The case of Vietnam’s context and the five elements of other Asian countries and territories presented in the annual meeting of the AAS in Kyoto in 2016, which were of the heritage in mainland China, Hong Kong, Indonesia, and South Korea, reflect the dynamics and politics of the heritage making process I believe that the topic on how to adequately engage in heritage making is still open for further debate It needs much more critical discussions of the UNESCO’s 2003 Convention and lists as part

of future meetings and many other conferences and publications to come

Notes

2 This list includes Nh nh , Vietnamese Court

Music (Nhã nhạc cung đình Huế) (2003), Space of Gong Culture in the Central Highlands (Không gian

văn hóa Cồng, Chiêng Tây Nguyên) (2005), Quan

h Folk Songs of Bac Ninh (Dân ca Quan họ Bắc Ninh) (2008), Giong Festival of Phu Dong and Soc

Temples (Hội Gióng ở đền Phù Đổng và đền Sóc) (2010), Worship of Hung Kings in Phu Tho (Tín

ngưỡng thờ cúng Hùng Vương ở Phú Thọ) (2012),

Art of Don ca tai tu Music and Song in Southern

Vietnam (Nghệ thuật đờn ca Tài tử Nam Bộ) (2013),

Vi and Giam Folk Songs of Nghe Tinh (Dân ca Ví,

Giặm Nghệ Tĩnh) (2014), Tugging Rituals and

Games (multinational nomination) (Nghi lễ và trò

chơi kéo co) (2015) and Practices Related to Viet

Beliefs in the Mother Goddesses of Three Realms

(Thực hành tín ngưỡng thờ Mẫu Tam phủ của người

Việt) (2016)

3 This list includes Ca tr Singing (Hát Ca trù)

(2009) and Xoan Singing of Phu Tho Province (Hát

Xoan Phú Thọ) (2011)

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[11] http://www.tapchicongsan.org.vn/Home/truyen thong-hientai/2013/21075/Vinh-danh-tin-nguong-tho-cung-Hung-Vuong-o-Phu-Tho-voi.aspx [12] https://ich.unesco.org/en/decisions/11.COM [13] https://ich.unesco.org/doc/src/ICH-01-aide-mémoire-EN.doc