THE SECOND ADMINISTRATION OF THOMAS JEFFERSON potx

OF THECHAPTER L A SECOND time President Jefferson appeared attheCapitol,escorted with due formalities by a procession of militia-menand other citizens; and once more he delivered an inau

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\

THE SECOND ADMINISTRATION

OF

THOMAS JEFFERSON

18051809

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Dimma THS sicomIBMIKISTRATION OF

BY CHAELES SCKIBNEE'S

SONS-Copyright, 1918

BY HENRY ADAMS

CONTENTS OF VOL. I.

I. INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT 1

II. MONROE'S DIPLOMACY 22

III. CABINET VACILLATIONS 34

VII. JOHN RANDOLPH'S SCHISM 147 VIII. MADISON'S ENEMIES 172

IX DOMESTIC AFFAIRS 197

XII ESCAPE PAST FORT MASSAC 288XIII. CLAIBORNE AND WILKINSON 295XIV COLLAPSE OF THE CONSPIRACY 318

XV. SESSION OF 1806-1807 844

XVII MONROE'S TREATY 892XVIII BEJECTION OF MONROE'S TREATY 415

OF THE

CHAPTER L

A SECOND time President Jefferson appeared attheCapitol,escorted with due formalities by a procession

of militia-menand other citizens; and once more he

delivered an inaugural address, "in so low a Toicethat not half of it was heard by any part of thecrowded auditory."1 The second Inaugural rousedneither the bitterness nor the applause which greeted

the first, although in part it was intended as a cry

of triumph over the principles and vanishing power

of New England.

Among Jefferson's manuscripts he preserved acurious memorandum explaining the ideas of thisaddress As the first Inaugural declared the princi-ples which were to guide the government in Repub-lican hands, the second should report the success

of these principles, and recall the results alreadyreached The task deserved all the eloquence and

loftinessof thought that philosophy could command; 1

DiaryofJ Q.Adams (March4, 1805), i 373.

2 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. CH i.

for Jeffersonhad made a democratic polity victorious

athome and respectable in the world's eyes, and theprivilege of hearing him reaffirm his doctrines andpronounce their success was one that could never berenewed The Moses of democracy, he hadthe glory

of leading his followers into their promised and quered Canaan

con-Jefferson began by renewingthe professions of hisforeignpolicy:

soundly calculated, will ever be found inseparable fromour moral duties; and history bears witness to the factthat a just nation istaken onitsword, whenrecourseis

hadtoarmaments andwars to bridle others."

The sentiments were excellent; but many of ferson's followers must have asked themselves in

Jef-what history they could find the fact, which thePresident asserted, that a just nation was taken on

per-plexed to name the nation, just or unjust,which was

taken on its word by any other in the actual tion of the world Without dwelling on this topic,

councils of his Cabinet, Jefferson,passingto practicalquestions involved in redemption of debt, advanced

a new idea.

thereby liberated may, by a just repartition among theStates and a corresponding amendment of the Constitu-

be intime to rivers, canals,

1805. INTERNAL

arts, manufactures, education,

withineachState. In oficar, if injustice, byselvesorothers^must sometimesproduce war,

our-as the samerevenue will be increased bypopulationconsumption, and aided by other resources reserved forthat crisis, it maymeetwithin the year all the

of the year without encroaching on the rights of futuregenerations by burdening them with the debts of thepast. War will then be but a suspension of usefulworks, and areturn to a state of peace a return to theprogress of Improvement/'

Tenyears earlier,inthe mouth of President

Wash-ington, this sentiment would have been generallydenounced as proof of monarchical designs. That

Jefferson waswilling not onlyto assume powers forthe central government, but also to part from Ms

States-rights associates and to gratify the Northerndemocrats by many concessions of principle, his first

Administration had already proved; but John

Ran-dolph might wonderto seehim stride so fast and fartoward what had been ever denounced as Romanimperialism and corruption; to hear him advise achange of the Constitution in order to create anannual fund for public works, for the arts, for edu-cation, and evenfor such manufactures as the people

the States, thus putting in the hands of the centralgovernment an instrument of corruption,and making

the States stipendiaries ofCongress Everyprinciple

of the past or to come,was put to

4 HISTORY OF THE UOTTED STATES. CH i.

noughtbya policywhichcontradicted thefamoustiment of Jefferson's first annual message:

sen-"Sound

principles will not justify our taxing the industry of

our fellow-citizens to accumulate treasure for wars

to happen we know not when, and which might notperhapshappen but from the temptations offered bythat treasure." Yet pregnant as this new principle

Union, its bearing on foreign affairs was more ling* Jefferson, the apostle of peace, askedfor awar

start-fund which should enable his government to wage

indefinite hostilities without borrowing money!

Quitting this dangerous ground, the Presidentspoke of the Louisiana purchase Then followed aparagraph upon religion. Next he came to the sub-ject of the Indians, and chose this unusual medium

for enforcing favorite philosophical doctrines. The memorandum written to explain his address de-clared the reasons that led him to use the mask ofIndian philanthropy to disguise an attack upon con-servatism.1

ob-if theywould be overborne, andbarbarism, bigotry, anddespotismwouldrecover the groundtheyhavelost bytheadvance of the publicunderstanding Ihave thoughttheoccasionjustifiedsomediscountenanceof theseanti-social

In truth, under tlie lead of Napoleon and Pitt,

Europe seemed bent on turning back the march oftime and renewing the bigotry and despotism of theMiddle Ages; but this occasion hardly dignifiedJefferson's method of bearing testimony against thedanger,by not committing himself to direct warfare

uponit, butby applying to Indians the homily which

by inference included the churches ofNew England.

"The aboriginal inhabitants of these countries," saidthePresident tohisgreat audience,"I

have regardedirith

the commiseration theirhistory inspires. Endowedwiththefacultiesand the rights of men, breathing an ardentlove of libertyand Independence, and occupying a coun-

trywhich left them no desire buttobeundisturbed, thestream of overflowing population from other regionsdirected itself on these shores."

If the Boston newspapers were not weary of

ridi-culingJefferson's rhetoric, this sentencewas fitted torouse their jaded amusement; but in afew moments

they had reason to feelother emotions He said that

he had done what humanity required, and had tried

to teach the Indians agriculture and otherindustries

inordertoprepare themfornew conditions of life,

a claim not only true, but also honorable to Mm.

Unfortunately these attemptsmet with,obstaclesfrom

6 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. CH 1.

"They are combated by the habits of their bodies,prejudice of their minds,ignorance, pride, andtheinflu-

ence of interested and crafty individuals among them,

who feel themselves something In the present order ofthings, and fearto become nothing in anyother. Thesepersonsinculcatea sanctimonious reverence for the cus-toms of their ancestors; that whatsoever they did must

be done through all time; that reason isa false guide,andto advance underitscounsel, in theirphysical, moral,

or political condition, is perilous innovation; that their

dutyis to remain as theirCreator madethem, ignorance

being safety, and knowledge full of danger In short,

myfriends, among them is seen the action and action of good sense and bigotry; they too have theiranti-philosophers,who find an interest inkeepingthings

counter-in their present state, who dread reformation, and exert

all their faculties to maintain the ascendency of habitover the dutyof improving our reason and obeying its

mandates."

Gallatin remonstrated invain against this allusion

resistthe temptation to strike oncemore his old mies Gallatin, "whose sense of humor was keenerthan that of Jefferson, must have been amused by

ene-the travesty of New England under the war-paintand blankets of the Choctaws and Kickapoos; butJefferson was never more serious than in believingthat the people of Massachusetts and Connecticutwere held in darkness by afew interested "medicine-men," and that he could, without committing him-

1805. INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 7

self in directwarfare, insult the clergy,lawyers,and

keen-witted squirarchyof New England,thus held up

political weapon He urged "

doubting brethren

"togive up their fears and prejudices, and to join withthe mass of their fellow-citizens " In the meantime

let us cherish them with patient affection; letus dothem justice, and more than justice, in all compe-

titions of interest." Finally, as though to silence

the mouth of so earnest a deist, an invocation of

"that Beingin whose hands we are, who ledourfathers, as Israel of old," to the "country flowingwith all the necessaries and comforts of life, .

in supplications."

The Second Inaugural strode far beyond the first

in the path of democracy, away from the landmarks

of Virginia republicanism, betraying what Jefferson'sfriends and enemies alike thought a craving for

If this instinct sometimes led him to

8 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. CH 1.

forget principles he had once asserted, and which

was so amiable as to cover many shortcomings; but

its influence on national growth could not be

dis-puted Jefferson cherished but one last desire,

to reach the end of his next term without disaster

He frankly expressed this feeling in a letter ten to General Heath soon after the autumn elec-

writ-tion of 1804, which gave him the electoral vote ofMassachusetts:

"I sincerely join you,'* said he, "in congratulations

onthe return of Massachusettsintothe fold of theUnion.This is truly the case wherein we may say,

'

This ourbrotherwas dead, and is alive again; and was lost, and

isfound.' It is buttoo true that ourUnioncouldnotbepronounced entirelysoundwhile so respectable amember

as Massachusetts was under morbid affection. Allwill

nowcometo rights . The new centuryopened itself

by committing us on a boisterous ocean; but all is now

subsiding; peace is smoothing our path at home andabroad; andifweare not wantinginthe practice of jus- tice and moderation, our tranquillityandprosperity may

bepreserveduntilincreasing numbersshall leave us ing to fearfrom abroad. With Englandwe arein cordialfriendship; with Franceinthe most perfect understand-ing; with Spainwe shall always be bickering, but never

noth-at war till we seek it. Other nations view our coursewithrespectandfriendly anxiety. Shouldwe be able topreserve this state of public happiness, and to see our

citizens,whom wefoundso divided,rallytotheirgenuine

I shallhope the comfort of that

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 9general good-willwhich lias been so unfeelinglywrestedfrom me, and.to sing at the close of my term theNunc

dimittiS) Domine^with a satisfaction leaving nothing todesire but the last great audit."1

He could notforgive the New Englandclergy their

want of feeling in wresting from him ever so small

a share of the general good-will,and he looked

for-ward with impatience to themoment when he shouldenjoy universal applause and respect. In Decem-

ber, 1804,when this letter was written,hefelt

confi-dent that his splendid triumph would last unchecked

to the end of his public career; but the prize ofgeneral good-will, which seemed then almost won,continually eluded his grasp The election ofNovem-

ber,1804,was followed bythe session of 1804-1805,

a spirit of faction amonghis oldestfriends His augural Address of March, 1805, with its mixture

In-of bitter-sweet,was answered within a fewweeks by

Massachusetts At the April election the Federalistsreversed the result of November, andre-elected CalebStrong as governor bya vote of about 35,200 against33,800, with a Federalist majorityin the Legislature.

Evenin Pennsylvania divisions among Jefferson's

fol-lowers increased, until in the autumn of 1805 Duane

and Leib set up a candidate of their own choice forgovernor,and forced McKean, Dallas, and Gallatin'sfriends to unite with the Federalists in order to re-elect McKean. Jefferson balanced anxiously between

10 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. CH 1.these warringfactions,tryingto offend neitherDuanenor John Randolph, nor even Burr, while he still

drewthe massof moderateFederalists to sympathize

and Robert Smith asked to be transferred fromthe

After some hesitation Jefferson yielded to Smith'srequest and consented to the transfer As Smith'ssuccessor inthe Navy Department Jefferson selectedJacob Crowninshield, a member of Congress fromMassachusetts,who wasthen atWashington Crown-inshield, in consequence of his wife's objection toleaving her family, declined the offer,Jan 29, 1805,2

but the President nevertheless sent the nomination

to the Senate, March 2, 1805, together with that ofRobert Smith, "now Secretary of the Navy to beAttorney-General of the United States." The same

day the Senateconfirmed both appointments, and thecommissions were regularlyissued,March 3, Robert

any legal authority over the Navy Department.Nevertheless Crowninshield persisted in declining

1 Jefferson toRobert Smith,Jan.3,1805; JeffersonMSS

* Crowninshield to Jefferson, Jan. 29, 1805; Jefferson MSS

June 15, to John Julius Pringle of South Carolina,who declined He then offered it, July 14, to John

Thomson Mason, who also declined August 7,

Jefferson wrote to Senator Breckinridge of

Ken-tucky, asking him to accept the office of general, and a temporary commission was the same

attorney-day issued to him

When Congress met, Dec. 2, 1805, Breckenridge

was attorney-general under atemporary commission,

and Eobert Smith, who had ceased to be Secretary

of the Navy on the confirmation of his successor,

March 3,was acting as secretary under no apparent

authority Dec.20, 1805, the President sent a sage to the Senate making nominations for vacan-

commissions hadbeen granted "to the persons hereinrespectivelynamed." One ofthese persons was John

Breckinridge of Kentucky to be Attorney-General

of the United States, and the nomination was duly

confirmed Breckenridge's permanent commission

bore date Jan 17, 1806

that Bobert Smith, who had ceased to be Secretary

of the Navy, March 3, 1805, ceased necessarily to

be attorney-general on the confirmation of

Breckin-12 HISTOKY OF THE UNITED STATES. CH 1.

ridge, and continued to actas Secretary of the Navywithout authority of law The President did notsend his name to the Senate, or issue to him a newcommissioneither permanent or temporary. On the

official recordsof the Departmentof State,not Robert

his successor was appointed, although Jacob

Crown-inshield died April 15, 1808, and Robert Smith neverceased to act as Secretary of the Navy from his ap-pointment in 1801 to his appointment as Secretary

of State in 1809 During the whole period of ferson's second administration, his Secretary of the

Jef-Navy acted by no known authority except the verbal

request or permission of the President.

In perfect quiet, disturbed only by rumors of warsabroad, spring crept forward to summer, summer

ripened toautumn Peace was restoredwith Tripoli;

$14,000,-000; the Treasury was near a surfeit; no sign peared of check to the immense prosperity which

ap-diffused itself through every rivulet in the ness, and the President could see no limit to its

wilder-future increase In1804 he had sent out an

expedi-tion under Captain Meriwether Lewis to explore theLouisiana purchase along the courseof the MissouriRiver May 14, 1804, Lewis and his party begantheir journey from St. Louis, and without seriousdifficulty reached the Mandan towns, sixteen hun*dred and nine miles from the

fj) INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT.

*y Nov.1,1804,they wentintowinterquarters. April 8,

<f 1805, Lewis resumed his journey to the westward,sendingthe report of his wanderingsto Washington.This report told only of a vast region inhabited byIndian tribes and disturbed bythe restless and mur-derous Sioux; but it served to prove the immen-

sity of the new world which Jefferson's governmenthad given to the American people. Other explora-

tions had been begun along the line ofthe Eed andWashita rivers. In such contributions to humanknowledge Jefferson took keen interest, for he had

\ no greater delight than in science and in whatever

tt tended to widen the field of knowledge

These explorations of theterritory beyond the

Mis-sissippi had little immediate bearing onthe interests

of commerce or agriculture; butthe government was

actively engaged in measures of direct value. July

4, 1805, William Henry Harrison, Governor of theIndiana Territory, closed a bargain with the Wyan-

dots, Ottawas, and other Indian tribes, by which theIndian title over another part of Ohio was extin-guished The Indians thenceforwardheldwithin the

. north of the old line fixedby the treatyof Greenville

*(*}Withinthe year the Piankeshawtribe soldfor a smallannuity atract of land insouthern Indiana,alongtheOhio River, which made the United States govern-

ment masterof the whole north bank of the Ohioto

its mouth These concessions, of the utmost value,were obtained atatrifling cost. "The average price

14 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. CH 1.paidforthe Indian lands within the lastfour years/*wrote the Secretary of War,1 "does not amount toone cent peracre." The Chickasaws and Cherokeessold a very large district between the Cumberland and Tennessee rivers in Tennessee, so that thence-forward the road from Knoxville to Nashville passedthrough no Indian land. In Georgia the Creeks wereinduced to sell an important territory between theOconee and Ocmulgee rivers In these treaties pro-vision was also made for horse-roads through theCreek and Cherokee country, both from Knoxville

Besides the manymillions of acres thus gainedforimmediate improvement, these treaties had no little

strategic value in case of war No foreign countrycould fail to see that the outlying American set-

tlements were defenceless in their isolation. Even

the fort and village at Detroit were separated fromthe nearest white village by a wide Indian countryimpassable to wagons or artillery; and the helpless-ness of such posts was so evidentas toimpress everyobserver

" The principles of our government," said Jefferson

when danger at last arose,2 "leading us to the ment of suchmoderate garrisons in time of peaceas may

employ-merely take care of the post, and to a reliance on the

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 15neighboring militia for its support in the first moments

of war, I have thought it would be important to obtainfrom the Indians such a cession in the neighborhood ofthese posts as might maintain a militia proportioned to

this object."

This "principle of our government" that the tlers should protect the army,not the army the set- tlers, was so rigorously carried out that every newpurchase of Indian lands was equivalent to providing

set-a new army. The possession of Sandusky broughtDetroit nearer its supports; possession of the banks

of the Ohio strengthened Indiana. A bridle-path to

New Orleans was the first step toward bringing thatforeign dependence within reach; and although thispathmust necessarilypass through Spanishterritory,

hear from Louisiana within six weeks from the spatch of an order

de-Inspite of these immense gains, the militarytion was still extremely weak The Indians held

situa-in strong force the country west of Sandusky Theboundary between them and the whites was a mere

line running from Lake Erie south and west acrossOhio, Indiana, and Illinois to the neighborhood of St.

Louis Directly on this boundary line, near

Green-ville, lived the Shawanese, among whom a warrior

named Tecumthe, and his brother called the Prophetwere acquiring an influence hostile tothewhite men.

These Indians, jealous of the rapid American

en-relations with the British

16 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Os I.

officials in Canada, and in case of a war betweenthe United States and England they were likely toenter into aBritish alliance. In this case unless theUnited States government could control Lake Erie,

nothing was more certain than that Detroit and

every other post on the Lakes beyond must fall intoBritish hands, and with them the military posses-sion of thewhole Northwest Whether Great Britaincould afterward be forced to surrender her conquestsremainedtobe seen

Ten-nesseeEiverandthe Mississippi still belonged to theChickasaws; andsouth of the Tennessee River as far

as the Gulf of Mexico,and east to the Ocmulgee, all

belonged to Cherokees, Creeks, and Choctaws, who

could not boast, like the Chickasaws, that "they had

neverspilttheblood of a white man." These tribesmaintained friendly relationswith the Spanish author-

ities at Mobile and Pensacola, and, like the nese and Northwestern Indians, dreaded the graspingAmericans, who were driving them westward Incase of war with Spain, should New Orleans givetrouble and invite a Spanish garrison, the Indians

government might be required to protect a frontiersuddenlythrust back from the Ploridas to the Duck

River, within thirty miles of Nashville

The President might well see with relief every

new step that brought him within nearer reach ofbis remote military posts and his proconsular proY-

1805. INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 17ince at New Orleans That he should dread war was

natural, for he was responsible for the safety of thesettlements on the Indianfrontier, and he knew that

in caseof suddenwarthe capture of these postswas

certain, and the massacre of their occupants more

than probable. New Orleans was an immediate and

incessant danger, and hardly a spot between New

Orleans and Mackinaw was safe.

Anxiety caused by these perils had probablymuch

to do with the bent of the President's mind towardinternal improvements and democratic rather thanVirginia principles In1803 the United States gov-

the States themselves, and which at its most

impor-tant point contained a foreign population governed

bymilitary methods Old political theories hadbeenthrown aside both in the purchase and in the or-ganization of this New World; their observance in

its administration was impossible. The Louisianapurchase not only required a military system of

national territory, and through it on the States intheir relations to Washington New England was

New York and Pennsylvania, GeorgiaandTennessee,

Virginia, holding the power and patronage of thecentral government,had every inducement to satisfythese demands

18 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. CH,

So it happened that Jefferson gave up hisVirginiadogmas, and adopted Gallatin's ideas. They wereboth jealous of the army and navy; but they werewilling to spend money with comparative liberality

on internal improvements; and the wisdom of thiscourse was evident Even in a military point ofview, roads and canals were more necessary thanforts or ships.

The first evidence of change was the proposedfund for internal improvements and war purposesdescribed in the second Inaugural Address The

suggestion was intended to prepare the public for

a relaxation of Gallatin's economy Although the

entire debt could not be paid before 1817, only ten

and a half millions of bonds remained to be ately dealt with By the year 1809 these ten and

immedi-a half millions would be discharged; and thereafterGallatinmight reduce his annual payments of princi-pal and interest from $8,000,000 to 14,500,000,free-

ing an annual sum of 13,500,000 for use in otherdirections During the next three years Gallatin

was anxious to maintain his old system, and pecially to preserve peace with foreign nations; butafterthe year 1808 he promisedto relax his severity,

es-and to provide three or four millions for purposes

of internal improvement and defence The rapid

increase of revenue helped to create confidence inthis calculation, and to hasten decision as to theuse of the promised surplus The President had

to convert it into a

re-INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 19serve fund He lookedforward tothemoment when,

as he expressed it, he could "begin upon canals,roads, colleges, etc."

l He no longer talked of "

awise andfrugal government which shall restrain menfrom injuring one another, which shall leave them

otherwisefree to regulate their own pursuits oftry and improvement, and shall not take from the

proposed to devote a third of the national revenues

to improvements and to regulation of industries.This theory ofstatesmanship wasbroader thanthat

proved the liberality and elevation of his mind; and

if he did this at some cost to his consistency,he did

with the movementof their time So far ashe could

see, at the threshold of his second term, he had

every reason to hope that tt would be more ful than his first. He promised to annihilate oppo-sition; and no serious obstacle seemed in his path

success-No doubt his concessions to the spirit of nationality,

in winning support from moderate Federalists and

self-interested democrats, alienated a few State-rightsRepublicans, and might arouse uneasiness among oldfriends; but to this Jefferson resigned himself Heparted company with the "mere metaphysical sub-

tleties" of JohnRandolph. Except in his aversiontomilitary measures and to formal etiquette, he stood1

Jefferson to Gallatin, May 29, 1805 j Gallatin's Writings,

20 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES CH 1.

nearly where President Washington had stood tenyears before.

at heart Massachusettswas already converted Onlywith the utmost difficulty, and at the cost of avoid-ing every aggressive movement, could the Federal-

ists keep control of their State governments. John

per-sonal authoritywere removed fromthe scale,Virginia

mistaken So long as Virginia held power, she was

certain to use it. At no time since the Declaration

of Independence had the prospects of nationality

the stride of the lastfour years as a standard for thefuture,no man could measure the possible effects of

na-tion. Gallatin alreadymeditated schemes of internalimprovements, which included four great thorough-faresacross the Alleghanies, while Fultonwas nearly

ready with the steamboat The Floridas could notescape the government's grasp Even New England

must at last yield her prejudices to the spirit ofdemocratic nationality.

No one couldwonder if Jefferson's head was

some-what turned bythe splendors of sucha promise guine by nature, he felt that every day made more

San-secure the grandeurof his destiny He could scarcely

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 21

ofMs services, for in all modesty he might bly ask what name recorded in history would standhigherthan his ownfor qualities of the noblest order

reasona-in statesmanship Had he not been first to conceiveand to put in practice the theories of future democ-racy? Had he not succeeded in the experiment ?Had he not doubled the national domain? Was

not his government a model of republican virtues?With what offenceagainst the highest canons of per-sonal merit could he be charged? What ruler ofancient or modern times, what Trajan or Antonine,

what Edward or Louis, was more unselfish or was

truer to the interests intrusted to his care? Who had proposed to himself a loftier ideal? Among all

the kings and statesmen who swayed the power ofempire,where could one be foundwho had looked sofar into the future,and had so boldly grappled with

its hopes?

CHAPTER II.

Madi-son, the national government was in the main trolled by ideas and interests peculiar to the regionsouth of the Potomac, and only to be understood

con-from a Southern stand-point. Especially its foreignrelations were guidedbymotives in which the North-ern people felt little sympathy The people of theNorthern States seemed almost unwilling to know

whatthe people of the Southern States werethinking

or doing in certain directions, and their

indiffer-ence was particularly marked in regard to Florida.

Among the variedforms of Southern ambition, none

was so constant ininfluence asthewish toacquire theFloridas,which atmoments decided the action of the

the Northernpublic,though complaining of Southernfavoritism,neitherunderstood nor cared to study thesubject, but turned impatiently away whenever theFloridas were discussed,as though this were a localdetail which in no way concerned the North If

Florida failed to interest the North, it exercised the

more control over the South, and over a

govern-ment Southern in character and Neither

MONBOE'S DIPLOMACY. 23the politics of the Union nor the development ofevents could be understood without treating Florida

as a subject of the first importance During the

summer and autumn of 1805, a periodwhich John

Re-publican administration, Floridaactuallyengrossedthe attention of government

Onarriving at Madrid, Jan 2,1805, MonroefoundCharles Pinckney waiting in no happy temper for adecision inregard to himself Pinckney's recall was

then determinedupon, andhis successor chosen He

was anxious only to escape the last humiliation ofbeing excluded from the newnegotiation by Monroe.From this fearhe was soon relieved Monroesharedhisviews; allowedhimtotake partinthe conferences,and toputhis nameto the notes The twoministersactedinharmony

Nearly a month was consumed in the necessarypreliminaries Not until Jan.28, 1805, were matters

so far advanced that Monroe could present his firstnote.1 Followinghis instructions, heput forward all

the claims which had been so often discussed, theSpanish andFrench spoliations ; the losses resulting

from suppression of the entrepdt at New Orleans in

1802; the claimof West Florida, and thattothe RioBravo With the note the two envoys enclosed theprojet of atreaty, to whichcould bemade only the

usual objection to one-sided schemes, thatitrequired

1 Monroe and Pinckney to Cevallos, Jan. 28, 1805 ; State

24 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Cn.2.

Spain to concede every point,and offered no

Horidas,and also Texas as far as the Kio Colorado,leaving the district between the Colorado and the

tied. She was to create a commission for arrangingthe spoliation and entrepdt claims; and this com-mission should also take cognizance of all claims

United States government

To this note andprojet Don PedroCevallos quicklyreplied

1

Availing himselfof aninadvertent sentence

in Monroe's opening paragraph,to the effect that it

was necessary to examine impartially the severalpoints at issue in each case, Cevallos informed the

proceed to negotiation. He proposed to begin withthe claims convention of August, 1802.

Commonly nothing gratified Americandiplomatistsmore than to discuss questions which they wereordered to takeincharge Yet the readiness shown

by Cevallos to gratify this instinct struck Monroe as

a bad sign; he sawdanger of lowering the nationaltone, and even of becoming ridiculous,if he allowedthe Spaniards to discuss indefinitely claims whichthe United States had again and again asserted to

be too plain for discussion He felt too the

influ-1

Cevallos to Monroe and Pinckuey, Jan. 31, 1805; State

MONROE'S DIPLOMACY. 25ence of Pinckney,who had never ceased to urgethatnothingcould be done with the Spanish government

except through fear or force He could not refusediscussion,but he entered into it with the intention

of promptly cutting it short.1

To cut the discussion short was precisely what

Cevallos meant should not be done; and a contestbegan, in which the Spaniard had every advantage

imposing an ultimatum at once.2 t;We consider it

our duty to inform your Excellency that we cannotconsent to any arrangement which does not providefor the whole subject" of the claims, including the

by the answerwhich you give,to fix at once the lations which are to subsist infuture between thetwo

re-nations." Cevallos, leaving the ultimatum and the

the conditions whichthe King had placed onhis sentto ratifythe claims conventionof 1802.8

con-Taking

up firstthe Mobile Act, he expressedin strong termshis opinionof it, and of the explanation given to it

by the President. Nevertheless, he withdrew his

demandthatthe Actshouldbeannulled The King's

"well-foundedmotives

ofcomplaint inrespecttothat

1 Monroe and Pinckney to Madison, May 23, 1805; State Papers, ii 667.

26 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. CH 2.

Actstillexist," he said,"andhis Majesty intends tokeep themin mind,that satisfaction maybe given bytheUnited States; but as it relates to ratifyingtheconvention of August, 1802,his Majesty agrees from

this time to be satisfied in this respect." The

question of French spoliations he reservedfor rate discussion

ultima-tum, and byinvitingdiscussion of the boundary tion; but Cevallos, instead of taking up the matter

ques-of boundaries in his next note,discussed the French

spoliation claims and the right of deposit at New

Orleans.1 To rebut the first, he produced a letter

from Talleyrand dated July 27, 1804, in which poleon announced that neither Spain nor the UnitedStates must touch these claims, under penaltyof in-

Na-curring theEmperor's severe displeasure In regard

to the right of deposit, Cevallos took still strongerground :

suspend-ingthe deposit of American produce inthatcity, did notinterrupt, norwasit the intention to interrupt, the navi-gation of the Mississippi; consequently these pretended

injuriesare reducedto this smallpoint, that for ashorttime the vessels loaded in the stream instead of taking

in their cargoes at the wharves. If the erroneousopinions whichwere formed in the United States, if thecomplaints published in the papers of your country,

1 Cevallos to Monroe and Pinckney, Feb. 16, 1805 ; State

to internalcauses,such as the writings beforementioned,

filled with inflammatory falsehoods, the violence of thusiastic partisans, and other occurrences which onthose occasions servedto conceal the truth. The Gov-ernmentof Spain, so farfrom being responsible for theprejudices occasionedbythese errorsanderroneousideas,oughtin justiceto complainof the irregular conductpur-sued by various writers and other individuals in theUnitedStates, whichwas adaptedto exasperateand mis-lead the public opinion, and went to divulge sentimentsthe most ignominious, and absurdities the most false,against the governmentofhisMajesty andhis accreditedgood faith."

en-Not satisfiedwiththis rebuttal, Cevallos addedthatthe persons who complained of this trifling inconve-nience "had been enjoying the rights of depositforfour years more than was stipulated in the treaty,and this notwithstanding the great prejudice it oc-

casioned to Ms Majesty's revenue, by making NewOrleans the centre of a most scandalous contrabandtrade, the profits of which it is not improbable butthatsome of those individuals have in received.5*

28 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.

Finally,he affirmed the Intendant's right to prohibitthe deposit.

Onreceiving this paper, Monroe hesitated whether

tobreak off the negotiation; but quickly came to thedecision not to do so. His instructions expresslyauthorizedhimto abandon the entrepdt claims; while

a rupture founded on the French spoliations, in theface of Talleyrand'sthreats, was rupture with Prance

as well as with Spain, and exceeded his authority

He concluded to go on, although he saw that every

new step involved new dangers.

Before Monroe had prepared a replyto the sharp

letteronthe claims convention, Cevallos wrote again.1

In this letter, dated February 24, he discussed the

West Florida boundary, and contented himself withstating the Spanish case as it stood on the treaties

and public evidence His argument contained no

new points, but was evidently intended to lure the

obliged to follow where Cevallos led. February 26

he replied to the Spanishnote onthe claims ning with complaints that Cevallos had not metwithdirectness the American proposals; branching intoother complaints that he had renewed propositionswhichMonroe had already declared incompatible with

Begin-the rights of the United States; thathehad charged

double payment for the same loss, and had branded

1

Cevallos to Monroe and Pinckaey, Feb. 24, 1805; State