Clearly, sport and tourism phenomena can be viewed and analysed through a narrow or broad lens. A narrow approach may focus on discretionary leisure tourism as it relates to sports and may incorporate engagement in recrea- tional sport while on holiday (e.g., skiing, kayaking, windsurfing) as well as participation and spectatorship at competitive and elite sports. Viewing sport through a wider lens, the approach adopted in this book, allows for a broader conceptualization of tourism, which includes leisure travel and business travel as well as various manifestations of long-term travel, circulation, migration and other forms of contemporary mobility. Such an approach incorporates patterns of circulation, tourism and mobility on a range of spatial scales including local, regional, domestic, international and global scales as well as various temporal scales, ranging from hours and days to years and decades.
In adopting a broad lens approach to the definition of tourism and mobility, this book also advocates an inclusive approach to the definition of sport (see Chapter 1, Sport and tourism: Globalization, mobility and iden- tity). In an increasingly globalized world, patterns of sport-related mobility have rapidly diversified and now extend far beyond the long-established tradition of international representation involving outbound and return travel on competitive tours. Sport-related mobility spans a broad range of spatial and temporal scales as well as an ever diversifying range of compet- itive motivations, business and media interests and tourist/spectator expe- riences (Weed & Bull, 2004; Hinch & Higham, 2004). In terms of its spatial dimension, sport-related mobility incorporates the local, often daily or weekly, movements involving all age ranges. It extends through regional, domestic and national mobility in pursuit of interests in sport to trans- national mobility relating to spectatorship, competition or the business of sports. Similarly within the temporal dimension, engagements in sport-
The Extent of Sport-Related Mobility 51
related mobility range from several hours (to engage in or support local sports participation) through to the patterns of repeat travel, circulation and tourism associated with migrants and diasporic communities. Thus, participation in school sports now ranges from weekend local competition through to club representation at world events. Domestic competitions have become one level of aspiration as national competitions have merged into new scales of transnational and continent-wide leagues (e.g., UEFA, SANZAR). These now commonly occupy a new strata of competition between national and world championships. Professional competitions have expanded into minor leagues, college leagues, qualification tours and professional circuits (international and regional), all of which are associated with new mobilities in sport.
Contemporaneously, the phenomenon of sport labour migration has emerged as a significant consequence of the forces of globalization. The phenomenon of sports people migrating to take up professional player contracts is not new. Williams (1994), for example, describes the outward migration of Welsh rugby players to rugby league clubs in the north of England, noting that of 227 home union internationals who changed codes from rugby union to rugby league between 1895 and 1990, 156 were Welsh.
Williams estimates that non-international players changing codes out- numbered internationals at the rate of 12–1, suggesting that over 2000 Welsh rugby players migrated to the North of England to play rugby league in the post-1895 period. This outward migration was symptomatic of economic trends in Wales where, particularly during the 1920s and 1930s, unem- ployment was consistently 10% above the national average (Williams, 1994).
Interestingly, the revival of the post-war Welsh economy, leading to increased capital investment and employment in the 1960s, resulted in a reversal of this outward migration and the ‘second golden era’ of Welsh rugby in the 1970s. The historically close relationship between economy and sports labour migration is reconfirmed, however, by the fact that during the Thatcher years (1978–1990) and with the decline of coal mining, steel working and manufacturing since 1979, the outward migration of the interwar years was re-established and the ‘second golden era’ came to an end.
While sport labour migration is clearly not new, the transitory and highly mobile nature of sports talent as athletic labour is a relatively recent phenomenon (Maguire, 1999). As business professionals have become increasingly mobile (Jamieson, 1999), so is the case in sport. Maguire (1999:97) notes that ‘today, the migration of sports talent as athletic labour is a major feature of the ‘‘new global cultural economy’’ ’. Bale and Maguire (1994:1) note that ‘athletes are on the move’; a statement that applies to professional athletes (e.g., football, baseball, basketball and ice hockey
players) as well as coaches (e.g., ski instructors), managers, fitness trainers, dieticians and sports administrators. When Arsenal played Crystal Palace in an English Premier League fixture on 14 February 2005, it was notable for the fact that for the first time in the club’s long history it fielded a team that did not include a single English-born player.
Sports labour migrations have become a common feature of the ‘new global cultural economy’. The migration of athletic talent between countries and continents is most evident in professional sports such as American football, baseball, basketball and football (Maguire, 1999). Some small island states have long-standing traditions as nurseries for star athletes in specific sports. Examples of such links between professional sports and athletic talent include Cuba and baseball, Samoa and Rugby Union and Tonga and Rugby League. Reference is made to the term ‘brawn drain’ to describe the loss of outstanding athletes from these countries as they migrate in search of professional sports careers. For many these migrations extend throughout their competitive careers and may continue into retirement from competition.
At other temporal scales, sports such a cricket and skiing involve movements and migrations that are determined by sports seasons. Maguire (1999) refers to the natural rhythms of sporting seasons which, although increasingly subject to interference through the development of sports- capes, continue to dictate the seasonal context of many sport mobilities.
Athletes who compete in other sports may experience even more transient forms of migration as they search for competition. Bale and Maguire (1994) describe the interweaving of seasonal and transitory migration patterns in sports such as golf and tennis. Those who compete profes- sionally in these sports are subject to a constantly shifting workplace as determined by competition seasons and tournament schedules. Maguire (1999) explains that in 1996, while in search of a world ranking, Tim Henman played in 25 ATP tournaments in fifteen countries requiring over 65,000 miles of travel. Such short-term movements of athletes led Maguire (1999:98) to describe tennis and golf professionals as ‘the nomads of the sports labour migration process with constantly shifting workplaces and places of residence’.
CONCLUSION
Contemporary mobility is the second of three overarching themes that provide a general context for the discussions presented in Chapters 5–13 (see Chapter 1, Figure 1.1). McCutcheon (2002) notes that some restrictive
Conclusion 53
practices in sport that would be intolerable in other sectors of the market economy do still exist. These include non-recognition of coaching qualifi- cations, national quotas and transfer deadlines. However, the reality for many is that the processes of globalization have reduced travel barriers and advanced various manifestations of mobility, including personal and professional mobilities (Hall, 2004). Viewing sport and tourism through the lenses of globalization and mobility provides rich veins of analysis and inquiry. For instance, the evolution of new sports offers opportunities to create strong ties between emergent sports and specific places (Hinch &
Higham, 2004). The transportability of sports and sports resources allows destinations to ‘adopt’ sports and events, temporarily or permanently (Bale, 1989). The reproducibility of the sportscape facilitates the transportation of sports resources, some more so than others. This may represent a threat to specific destinations (Hinch & Higham, 2004). Yet, that threat can perhaps be countered with consideration given to unique, place specific and, there- fore, non-transferable sport/tourism experiences (Morgan, 2007).
Place competition has become a central element of the globally compet- itive events bidding process (Cornelissen, 2006). In association with successful bids, it is not uncommon for second tier locations to feverishly develop their sports resource base to meet the criteria to host teams and/or competition events. They seek to host competitors or entire teams as they prepare for competition or acclimatize (Chalip, 2002) (see Chapter 5, Globalization and the mobility of elite competitors). Others may alterna- tively seek to attract the interests of tourists who visit destinations to experience large-scale sports events (Wright et al., 2007). Clearly, the mobility of sports resources, as well as the mobility of people who want to have a first-hand experience of their chosen sports, creates opportunities for the development of sports, the hosting of events and the pursuit of interests in tourism and hospitality (Higham, 2005).
The high mobility of sports, environments, amenities and resources, as well as sports people and tourists, has challenged the historical links between sports and places. Retaining and enhancing the idiosyncrasies and elements of uniqueness associated with a tourism site are important strategies to mitigate this threat (Bale, 1989:171). Many major sports are increasingly embedded within their historical contexts, with emphasis given to auras of tradition, perhaps as a strategy to counter the threat of athletic (individual), team and amenity mobilities. This has been successfully achieved at major events such as grand slam tennis tournaments, the golf majors (where little mobility between venues exists) and equestrian and horse racing events.
Thus, place names like Wimbledon, St. Andrews, Aintree and Flemington have become synonymous with specific and iconic sports. The opposite is the
case in Formula 1 (F1) motor racing where commercial rather than tradi- tional values reign. Consequently, cities hosting F1 live under the constant threat of relocation. These manifestations of high contemporary mobility in sport and tourism provide an important overarching context for the discus- sions presented in the chapters that follow.
Conclusion 55
C H A P T E R 4
Culture and Identity
Globalization and increased mobility have changed us. We are no longer who we once were. Traditional reference points have disappeared. Our personal and collective worlds have expanded through exposure to new ideas, new activities, new people, new places and new forms of consumption. These changes have shaken the foundations of our personal and collective identities and in some cases have destroyed them.
But as old foundations fall, new foundations are constructed. In this chapter we argue that globalization has resulted in a ‘crisis of identity’.
Sport and tourism represent important strategies that are being used to address this crisis. They represent manifestations of culture in a global world that are actively being used to build personal and collective narratives, which can ultimately provide the basis for the (re)construction of identity.
Prior to the 1991 World Cup rugby union semi-final match between Scotland and England, a Scottish player was quoted as saying that the match was not ‘so much to do with rugby but nationhood’ (Maguire, 1993:293). While the statement was apparently uttered in jest, Maguire suggests that it rang true in that it captured an important undercurrent of the competition. He used this issue of British/English culture and identity to raise questions about the ‘crisis of identity’ as it has emerged in the 1990s world of sport. It is this crisis of identity to which we now turn, with an examination of its roots in terms of the erosion of traditional reference points for identity formation. Typical responses to the crisis are then considered in terms of the emergence of fragmented and pluralistic identities. Finally, it is argued that a culture of leisure-based consumption has emerged as an important strategic response to this crisis.
Sport and Tourism
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C O N T E N T S
The crisis of identity Culture, sport and tourism
Negotiating identity Conclusion
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