INTRODUCTION
Research Rationale
Indigenous peoples (IPs) play a crucial role in preserving the world's heritage through their rich traditional knowledge and ecosystem management skills, making them vital stewards of the environment Many of the most biodiverse areas are located on indigenous lands, where a deep connection between culture and environment fosters a strong commitment to preserving traditional territories Unfortunately, this relationship is threatened by forced removals, violence, and development initiatives, as well as the increasing frequency of natural disasters linked to climate change As a result, many IPs are compelled to migrate, leading to displacement as a response to these challenges.
Forced migration is predominantly a crisis affecting developing countries, as highlighted by the World Bank (2016) These forced migrants often belong to disadvantaged groups, facing limited socioeconomic resources due to lower levels of formal education and poorer health outcomes (Ortensi, 2015) Displacement involves the movement of large populations from their original settlements to new locations, which can occur voluntarily or under duress (Akpanudoedehe, 2010).
Migrants often relocate and establish themselves in urban centers within their home countries, as noted by Wilkinson (2016) However, evidence presented by Sather (1995) indicates that these migrants frequently face marginalization in these urban environments (Hoogervorst, 2012).
The Sama-Bajaus, often referred to as Sea Gypsies, are indigenous people traditionally living along the coastal areas of the Philippines, particularly in southwestern Mindanao In recent years, they have migrated to various cities and provinces in Luzon The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) recognizes their unique cultural heritage and challenges.
(2016) attested that IPs in urban areas face unemployment, and inadequate housing Further, UNPFII also reported that IPs may experience discrimination, and loss of cultural heritage and values
Teenage life is a crucial time for dreams, career preparation, and shaping the future (Simigiu, 2012) However, this period is challenging as teenagers navigate the complexities of identity formation and the quest for independence (Villanueva, 2015).
“poverty, homelessness, and unemployment as well as cutbacks in educational, preventative, and health services have disproportionately negative impacts on teenagers and their families” (Leadbeater & Galmbos, 2000, p.1)
Due to the challenges faced by internally displaced persons (IPs), it is crucial to conduct a study that explores the lifestyles of Sama-Bajau teenagers in San Andres, Manila, Philippines.
3 phenomenological research that used purposive sampling method, with seven respondents The data were analyzed through Collaizi method.
Significance of the study
This study highlights the experiences of Sama-Bajau teenagers in their current living conditions, aiming to inform policymakers about their needs By sharing these narratives, the research seeks to inspire the development of effective programs, laws, and policies that enhance the welfare of these young individuals.
This research aims to offer valuable data for various scientific fields, including Anthropology, Human Ecology, Philippine Studies, Social Sciences, and Environmental Science The findings will serve as a comprehensive database, providing new evidence to enhance the understanding of the lifestyles of displaced Sama-Bajau teenagers Additionally, this study is crucial for higher education institutions, academics, and researchers, serving as a reference to enrich the existing body of knowledge.
This study aims to highlight the experiences of Sama-Bajau teenagers, providing valuable insights into their current circumstances By sharing their stories, it fosters a deeper understanding and appreciation of the Sama-Bajau community.
Objective of the Study
This research aims to narrate the ways of life of displaced Sama - Bajau teenagers Specifically, the study objectives are as follows
1 To describe the daily routine of the Sama – Bajau teenagers
2 To illustrate the accessibility and mechanisms to acquire basic needs and;
3 To determine if the current ways of the Sama – Bajau teenagers enables them to be stewards for protecting and conserving the environment.
Research Questions and Hypothesis
This research aims to answer the focal questions,
1 What are the daily routine of the Sama – Bajau teenagers?
2 What are their means of securing basic needs, and its accessibility?
3 Are their current ways of life enables them to protect and conserve the environment?
Scope and Limitations
This study explores the experiences and lifestyles of displaced Sama-Bajau teenagers in their new settlement, utilizing participant observation for data collection and analysis through the Collaizi method It is important to note that the findings are specific to the perspectives of the teenagers within the Sama-Bajau community and may not represent the views of all Bajaus or other Indigenous Peoples (IP) groups in the Philippines.
Operational Definition of Terms
Basic Needs: Basic material needs most often by humans, such food, shelter, clothing
Displacement: The movement of large number of people from the original settlement to a new settlement (Shahril, et al., 2012)
Purposive Sampling: Incorporation of specific criteria met by the participants at the moment of selection (Padilla-Diaz, 2015)
Sama – Bajau: Refers to several Austronesian ethnic groups of Maritime Southeast
Asia with their origins from the southern Philippines They usually live a seaborne lifestyle, have migrated to neighboring Malaysia, and to the northern islands of the Philippines (Sama Bajau Peoples, n.d.)
Teenagers: Refers to the age, starting with thirteen all the way over to nineteen, and ending there (Quora, 2017)
Way of Life: It is the practices of living for the day (Osler, 2013)
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES
Displacement
Displacement is often a last resort for individuals facing violence, severe rights abuses, or other significant risks, as they reluctantly leave their homes and sever social and economic ties only when all other options have failed (Refugee Studies Centre, 2012) This process involves moving from one’s original residence to a new location, where individuals must adapt to different biophysical, social, and administrative systems (Shahril et al., 2012) In 2017, the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) reported 30.6 million new internal displacements due to conflict and disasters across 143 countries, highlighting the Philippines as one of the most affected nations in East Asia, alongside China and Vietnam.
In the 21st century, migration trends indicate a significant shift from rural areas to urban centers within countries (CMRP, 2008) This internal displacement poses serious challenges for host states, which often lack the necessary capacity and institutional frameworks to support these populations (Asplet, 2013) Furthermore, the regions receiving Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) are frequently ill-equipped and under-resourced to handle the sudden increase in population, thereby constraining the economic opportunities for both IDPs and their new communities (IDMC, 2018; World Bank).
Displaced individuals in urban areas often face marginalization, as highlighted by Wilkinson (2016) and Sather (1995) Additionally, displacement contributes to environmental challenges, including water, soil, and air pollution, which result in environmental degradation The rapid urbanization and settlement of internally displaced persons (IDPs) exert pressure on limited resources such as water, energy, and food, leading to issues like uncontrolled waste disposal (United Nations Environment Programme, 2016).
Displacement significantly impacts both the states of origin and the life patterns of internally displaced persons (IDPs) (López et al., 2011) For many communities, particularly Indigenous Peoples (IPs), their biodiverse territories serve not only as vital economic resources but also as essential elements of identity, spirituality, and culture.
Indigenous peoples (IPs) successfully conserve their natural environment through traditional practices and sustainable land use systems (Painemilla et al., 2010) However, they face threats from government actions, terrorist groups, and private companies, leading to the displacement of communities from their lands (Kipuri, 2009) This displacement results in the loss of environmental stewards and the erosion of traditional knowledge related to land and biodiversity management, which are essential for the preservation and sustainable management of their territories (UNESCO, 2016).
Internally displaced persons (IDPs) are individuals forced to leave their homes due to armed conflict, violence, human rights violations, or disasters, without crossing international borders (United Nations Human Rights, 2018) They often face extreme vulnerability, with their basic needs frequently neglected, regardless of where they settle (Refugee Studies Centre, 2011) IDPs are often viewed as either highly vulnerable or as potential threats to their host communities (RSC, 2011) Even when services are available, the influx of IDPs can lead to discrimination and limited access to education (Asplet, 2013) Additionally, the loss of personal documentation can hinder their access to government services (Kọlin et al., 2008), while finding work and financial stability remains a challenge for both IDPs and local residents (Asplet, 2013).
A study by Senturk (2014) supports Asplet's (2013) findings, revealing that rural to urban migrants in Ankara, Turkey, often recount experiences of poverty, hunger, inadequate shelter, and death during their time in the metropolitan area.
According to the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) (2018), over five million internally displaced persons (IDPs) are currently residing in rural camps, informal settlements, and urban slums in Sudan, where living conditions are often overcrowded and unsanitary These areas face severe shortages of food and water, high insecurity, and limited livelihood opportunities While IDPs may not be prioritized by national governments, their situation poses a significant contingent liability that impacts the economic and developmental stability of countries over time (IDMC, 2018).
Displacement of civilians is a critical humanitarian issue in developing countries (Hines & Balletto, 2002) Displaced communities experience various vulnerabilities and insecurities as they navigate unfamiliar environments, often losing their traditional systems of social protection and livelihoods (Guiam, 2013).
A phenomenological study by Van Der Aa (2016) on displaced South Sudanese teenagers highlighted that their daily routines often involve working as vendors and helpers, reflecting a lack of choices and opportunities that force them to engage in these activities for survival Similarly, Bracamonte et al (2011) found that Sama-Bajau children in Iligan City routinely beg by knocking on vehicle windows, sitting on sidewalks, or going door-to-door, illustrating the harsh realities faced by marginalized youth.
The Sama-Bajau children creatively use improvised drums made from pipes, known as tambol, to create rhythmic music, while some dive for coins tossed by boat passengers Their dependence on the public water system of neighbors for essential needs such as drinking, laundry, and bathing is evident, often requiring a fee for access Waste disposal poses challenges, as they lack sanitary toilets and rely on a communal pay-per-use toilet Additionally, exposure to urban life has led the Sama-Bajaus to embrace modern entertainment options, including television, cell phones, and karaoke, reflecting their adaptation to a rapidly changing global environment.
Causes of Displacement
Conflict IDMC (2018) estimates 11.8 million new displacements triggered by conflict and violence, a much greater number compared to the 6.9 million IDPs back in 2016
Armed conflict, as defined by international humanitarian law, occurs when populations face the threat of attack, potentially involving disputes between States, non-State actors, or both (Asplet, 2013) In Myanmar's Kachin, Shan, and Chin states, the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMP) reported nearly 22,000 new displacements, primarily affecting ethnic minorities (IDMP, 2018).
11 have been in armed conflict with the Myanmar government for nearly seven decades
The conflict in Marawi, Philippines, marked a pivotal moment in the nation's recent history, representing the most significant instance of urban warfare as the armed forces clashed with ISIL affiliates This intense battle commenced in May and spanned five months, resulting in over 350,000 individuals being displaced before the government announced its military victory (The National, 2017).
Communal violence refers to acts of violence that occur between different ethnic, religious, or communal groups, which do not reach the level of a non-international armed conflict This type of inter-communal violence often intersects with political violence, where one form of violence can provoke or escalate the other (IDMP, 2018).
In 2017, Myanmar's Rohingya minority faced severe violence in Rakhine state, triggered by attacks from the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army on police stations This led to a brutal military response and widespread inter-communal violence, resulting in over 655,000 Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh, sparking allegations of ethnic cleansing.
Political violence refers to the use of force by groups driven by political motives, often occurring during electoral processes, civil unrest, riots, state repression, or demonstrations This phenomenon arises in contexts that do not reach the level of a non-international armed conflict, highlighting the complex interplay between political objectives and violent actions.
Criminal Violence It is the homicides, threats, extortion and a general atmosphere of violence due to drug cartels, organized crime, or gang violence, in a
The Global Report on Internal Displacement by IDMP (2018) highlights that, despite certain situations not reaching the threshold of a non-international armed conflict, there has been a significant rise in displacement due to conflict and violence, increasing from 436,000 in 2016 to 457,000 in subsequent years.
2017 Mirroring previous years, countries like El Salvador, Colombia and Mexico were among the most affected IDMP (2018) also stressed that criminal violence was also widespread in Guatemala, Honduras and Venezuela
Development projects often involve direct control by developers over land previously occupied by other groups, particularly for natural resource extraction, industrial parks, and infrastructure initiatives like highways and dams (Narayanan, 2017) In developing countries, the scale of development-induced population displacement has surged due to the urgent need for infrastructure to support rapidly growing populations (Terminski, 2015) This displacement is recognized as a social issue affecting various levels of human organization, from tribal communities to urban areas (Challa, 2013) For instance, Cernea and Guggenheim (1995) highlighted the displacement of 40,000-50,000 people in Indonesia for a Jabotabek urban development project and noted that the modernization of Shanghai’s sewerage system resulted in the displacement of 15,000 urban residents.
Disasters, particularly those linked to climate change, are increasingly recognized as significant drivers of global displacement According to the Asian Development Bank (2012), in Asia and the Pacific, millions are displaced annually due to extreme weather events such as floods, droughts, and cyclones, with impoverished populations facing the brunt of these impacts The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) reported 18.8 million new displacements across 135 countries in 2018, primarily due to weather-related hazards, with floods causing 8.6 million displacements and storms, especially tropical cyclones, accounting for 7.5 million.
In July 2010, Pakistan experienced devastating flooding in the Indus River basin due to heavy monsoon rains, displacing over 10 million people and submerging about 20% of the country The disaster resulted in approximately 2,000 fatalities, and the international aid response was deemed inadequate, leaving millions of farmers in refugee camps while crops and livestock were destroyed Similarly, in December 2011, Typhoon Washi struck the Philippines, displacing more than 300,000 individuals, primarily in the cities of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan.
Impact of Displacement on Teenagers
Displaced teenagers were faced with a whole range of losses: their homes, familiar environment, educational setting, social network, and usual patterns of family life among others
The loss of a home significantly impacts children's identity formation and development, as they are often displaced with minimal personal belongings and face severe psychological consequences Many of these children not only lose their homes but also lack a place to return to, highlighting the profound effects of displacement on their lives (Adjukovic & Adjukovic, 1998).
Living with distressed adults from displaced families presents significant challenges, as these individuals often face multiple stressors, including anxiety, depression, and substance abuse, particularly in the context of warfare (Moro & Vidovic, 1992; Joshi & O'Donnell, 2003) The loss of employment and social status contributes to feelings of degradation and helplessness, leading to financial dependency These cumulative stressors not only impact the adults but also have disturbing consequences for their children (Joshi & Cullins).
Loss of traditional way of living Many children, especially those from rural areas, go through the acculturalization process during which they lose contact with
The erosion of traditional values and lifestyles in indigenous communities significantly impacts children, creating a profound sense of loss This shift not only disrupts their connection to cultural heritage but also poses challenges when adapting to urban environments or reintegrating into their original communities.
Displaced children and teenagers often face inadequate educational structures, leading to poorer learning conditions, particularly due to high spatial density in temporary housing Although all displaced and refugee children eventually enrolled in school, many struggled to adapt to their new educational environments, yearning for their previous schools This transition also resulted in increased psychological difficulties and challenges in adjusting to their new surroundings.
Many displaced individuals face inadequate living conditions, with around 20% residing in collective centers while the remainder are in individual or family placements Often, multiple families, including those with children, are forced to share a single room, leaving many children without their own beds Additionally, most collective centers lack designated areas for play and learning activities (Ajdukovic, 1993).
Malnutrition significantly affects children during both the preflight and displacement phases, as highlighted by Ajdukovic (1993) A study conducted by Gruguric and Hirsl-Hecej (1993) found that one-third of displaced children in Zagreb, Croatia, experienced a notable degree of malnutrition Additional research supports these findings, emphasizing the urgent need for improved access to adequate nutrition for vulnerable children in crisis situations.
16 one of every two children who were displaced longer than six months were malnourished (Svob, 1993).
Displacement and Indigenous Peoples
Indigenous peoples, as defined by the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) of 1997, are groups recognized through self-identification and acknowledgment by others, sharing common language, traditions, and cultural traits The IPRA also acknowledges those who have resisted the political, social, and cultural impacts of colonization According to CARE (2013), indigenous communities in the Philippines face significant challenges in improving their livelihoods due to their remote locations and reliance on natural resources Furthermore, they often have limited access to education, financial services, and safety nets, which hinders their development opportunities (Dhir, 2015).
Indigenous peoples have long safeguarded their lands and the abundant resources they harbor, employing customary laws and traditional practices for management These traditional territories are rich in natural resources and may encompass up to 80 percent of the Earth's biodiversity (Global Environment Facility, 2007) However, Painemilla et al (2010) noted that these indigenous lands are frequently located in areas undergoing swift social and economic transformations, highlighting the urgent need to secure their basic human rights and land rights.
17 access to the natural resources they depend upon is increasingly affected, by the shocks and stresses induced by such as climate change, violent conflicts and natural disasters
A significant number of indigenous peoples globally continue to reside in rural regions, yet there is a growing trend of migration to urban centers, driven by both voluntary and involuntary factors This shift has been acknowledged by the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPRFII).
Indigenous peoples migrating to urban areas encounter unique challenges, including high unemployment rates, restricted access to essential services, and substandard housing Additionally, they often face discrimination, struggle to maintain their language, identity, and culture, and find it difficult to educate future generations These factors contribute to the erosion of indigenous heritage and values.
A 2007 UN study in Mexico found that the urban indigenous population without formal education is four times more prevalent than their non-indigenous counterparts, as they enter the job market earlier This trend results in a significant portion of the indigenous community, approximately 50%, being employed in low-skilled, poorly paid jobs, with earnings averaging between $150.
A study by Yanes (2007) revealed that indigenous peoples living in urban areas often face substandard housing conditions, typically consisting of just one room and featuring asbestos sheeting This highlights the pressing need for improved housing solutions for these communities, as they are often subjected to inadequate living environments.
Migration and displacement can have positive effects, offering indigenous peoples better access to education and employment opportunities (UNDP, 2015) Income generated by urban indigenous individuals often supports their families back in their communities (Patrinos & Skoufias, 2007) Many have successfully adapted to urban life, preserving their identities while benefiting from city resources (UN, 2007) For instance, in Tanzania, 90% of Maasai men migrating to Dar es Salaam work as security guards, earning approximately $40 a month, which typically limits them to living in slums on the city's outskirts (Kaunga, 2002).
The migration and settlement of indigenous peoples in urban areas can lead to diverse outcomes; while some individuals successfully adapt and enhance their circumstances without sacrificing their cultural identity, many face predominantly negative consequences According to the CMRP (2008), these negative impacts include discrimination, exclusion, violence, and unemployment, as highlighted by the UN (2007).
Phenomenological Approach on a Qualitative Study
Qualitative phenomenological research aims to describe and understand lived experiences of specific phenomena, providing a rich and comprehensive depiction of human experiences and meanings This approach focuses on developing clear descriptions that enhance our understanding of particular human experiences, highlighting the diverse ways individuals interpret their realities.
Research on consciously experienced phenomena, including emotions, decisions, and activities, spans various disciplines and academic fields The insights derived from this research contribute to the creation of more humane workplace practices and policies, while also enabling the inductive development of experience-based theories regarding these phenomena (Bliss, 2016).
Phenomenological research delves into the significance of human experiences, aiming to uncover individuals' common sense understanding and the meanings they derive from their own and others' experiences (Larkin et al., 2011) This study will adopt a descriptive or hermeneutical phenomenology approach, which focuses on analyzing personal experiences and necessitates a detailed description or interpretation of the meanings associated with the phenomena encountered by participants (Padilla-Diaz, 2015).
Participant observation, a widely utilized method in phenomenology, involves learning through direct engagement in the everyday activities of participants within a research setting This approach enhances the validity of the study by allowing researchers to witness events that informants might not disclose, fostering a deeper understanding of cultural contexts, and building a rapport between the researcher and respondents.
This study examines the lifestyles of displaced Bajau teenagers through participant observation to gain insights into their experiences and circumstances The findings aim to contribute to a database that will inform the creation of targeted development programs to support these adolescents effectively.
Related Studies Using the Phenomenological Approach
In 2013, Wa-Mbaleka conducted a descriptive phenomenological study on the education systems of the Mangyan indigenous community in the Philippines Utilizing unstructured in-depth interviews with both Mangyan students and their teachers, Wa-Mbaleka also employed participant observation to gain insights into the classroom dynamics.
To effectively educate katutubo learners, schools must adopt a holistic approach that encompasses both human and community development By establishing high standards and offering the necessary support and assistance, they can help students achieve their educational goals.
In December 2017, Dator et al (2018) conducted a phenomenological study on the lived experiences of street children in Cabanatuan City, Philippines The research focused on their daily routines and the reasons they return to the streets despite the government's efforts to provide better living conditions in relocation sites Utilizing qualitative phenomenological methods, the study employed interview guides and observation checklists, with findings analyzed through the Colaizzi method The results indicated that the majority of street children were between the ages of 10 and 12 years.
In Cabanatuan, 21-year-old male Grade 3 students engage in daily routines that include attending school, assisting with household chores, and caring for their siblings Many of these children, particularly those who do not attend school, resort to begging on the streets to support their families This challenging lifestyle is largely a consequence of the poverty faced by their families after relocating to the area.
Phenomenological studies have significantly enhanced our understanding of the diverse experiences of individuals across various fields and living conditions It is essential to investigate the lifestyles of displaced Sama-Bajau teenagers to ensure that their stories are heard and understood by the public, academics, and lawmakers.
Conceptual Framework of the study
Figure 1 The Conceptual Framework of the Study
Indigenous peoples (IPs) play a crucial role in preserving culture, enhancing agriculture, and protecting the environment through their traditional beliefs and practices However, they often face displacement due to natural disasters, conflicts, and violence, leading many to migrate to urban centers within their own countries, whether by necessity or choice.
Displacement is a pressing global issue that requires urgent attention While it can offer employment opportunities and improved access to education, the overall impact is predominantly negative, particularly for Indigenous Peoples (IPs) who often lack the skills needed for their new environments This transition disrupts their traditional ways of life as they navigate unfamiliar territories, exacerbating their existing vulnerabilities.
METHODOLOGY
Research Materials and Instruments
This qualitative study explores the lifestyles of Sama-Bajau teenagers through participant observation and informal interviews, utilizing tools such as notebooks, pens, and audio recorders for data collection.
A laptop was also used to transcribe, and analyze data from recordings and journals.
Time and Place of the study
This study took place in San Andres, Manila, Philippines from April to July of
In 2018, San Andres emerged as one of the 16 administrative districts of Manila, recognized as a significant settlement area for displaced Sama-Bajaus Local Government Units (LGUs) and social workers from the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) in San Andres estimate that approximately 260 families reside in this community.
800 residents are of Sama – Bajau group from Zamboanga
Figure 2 Location Map of the Research Area Note Adapted from Map of Manila by Balingit R (2012).Copyright by Creative Commons 3.0
The Research Design
This qualitative study employed phenomenological methods to explore the lifestyles of Sama-Bajau teenagers Conducted in a natural setting, it utilized participant observation and informal interviews to gain insights into their daily perspectives and behaviors Primary data were gathered from audio transcripts, field notes, and the researcher's journal Following established literature, significant statements and observations were extracted and thematically analyzed using Collaizi’s method, with the findings presented in tables and detailed narratives.
Data Collection Process
Data gathering began by obtaining necessary permits from the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) and the Department of Social Welfare and Development – Manila (DSWD) to ensure field assistance and security A presentation was held with the barangay chairman to facilitate the process To gain a deeper understanding of the lives of displaced Sama-Bajau teenagers, the researcher conducted frequent visits to their community, fostering rapport and observing their ways of life in natural settings The study employed a purposive sampling method, selecting seven respondents based on specific criteria: they must be legitimate members of the Sama-Bajau community.
The study focused on Sama-Bajau teenagers aged 13 to 19, aligning with Creswell's (1998) recommendation of 5 to 25 participants and Morse's (1994) suggestion of at least 6 respondents for phenomenological research Participant observation and informal interviews were conducted from 5 AM to 11 PM, allowing the researcher to fully engage with the teenagers' daily lives Throughout the day, informal, unstructured interviews were recorded using an audio recorder and field notes to capture significant statements and scenarios, which were later compiled into journals to enhance the data collected The analysis of this data revealed key themes and significant statements, which were further validated through focus group discussions with the respondents, leading to necessary adjustments based on their feedback.
Figure 3 The Selected Sama - Bajau Respondents Note From left to right, top row Respondent A, Respondent B, Respondent C, and Respondent D From left to right bottom row Respondent E, Respondent F, and Respondent G
Data Analysis
The interview data was transcribed and analyzed using Collaizi’s method, which is effective for capturing the lived experiences of individuals in phenomenological studies (Shosha, 2012) This analysis involved extracting significant statements and phrases relevant to the study's objectives and integrating them into emerging themes, ultimately creating a detailed and descriptive portrayal of the participants' experiences.
Note Adapted from Employment of Colaizzi’s Strategy in Descriptive Phenomenology by Shosha, G A
(2012) European Scientific Journal, Vol 8, No.27
1 Read and review respondent's verbatim transcripts, notes, and/or journals
2 Significant statements or phrases are extracted from respondent's transcripts pertaining directly to the research phenomena
3 Formulated meanings are constructed from the significant statements
4 Formulated meanings are arranged into themes
5 Incorporation of the results into a rich and exhaustive description of lived experience
6 Validation of the exhaustive description from the participants involved in the research
7 Incorporation of any new pertinent data from participant's validation
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Daily Routine of the Displaced Sama – Bajau Teenagers
Given the extreme marginalization of the respondents, prioritizing their protection is essential in this study To ensure their security while exploring their personal lives, the researcher has kept their identities confidential by assigning unique codenames to each participant.
Respondents A and B began their day with household tasks, highlighting a shared routine Both were also engaged in babysitting their younger siblings and children Respondent A, a young mother, incorporated preparing and taking her eldest child to school into her morning routine However, she expressed challenges in managing the care of her three children, indicating the stress associated with her responsibilities.
Caring for my energetic children often leaves me feeling utterly exhausted, to the point of tears, as they demand constant attention and care Unfortunately, this relentless energy means I struggle to find time for rest during the day while looking after them.
At 9:30 AM, respondent A (RA) dropped her child off at school before starting her house cleaning at 10:30 AM, where she organized old toys and bedding Meanwhile, respondent B (RB), the eldest of six siblings, took on household responsibilities after waking up at 8:00 AM, refilling a 5-gallon water container and noting that his mother assigns him tasks when he has free time By 9:00 AM, RB was caring for his youngest sister, emphasizing her reliance on him Respondent C (RC), a grade 7 student, followed her morning routine by having breakfast, similar to respondents A, D, and E.
F, and G RC also attends to her personal hygiene by washing her face, and brushing her teeth in a communal poso similarly to what respondents D, E, F, and G practices every morning These routines of RC was followed by commuting to school at 6:30am, since class starts at 7:00am while she stressed that “I wash this uniform every day since I only have one, and school was five days a week” Meanwhile, upon waking up at 9:00am and following the same routine of RC, respondent D (RD) made a visit to her father who works as a vendor to claim her daily allowance amounting to php
Respondents E, F, and G dedicate their mornings to playing basketball at the sports complex, engaging in games that typically last around two hours Each basketball game involves three players, with the objective of scoring 13 points to secure a win Before the game, they participate in minor activities such as enjoying a cup of coffee, brushing their teeth, washing their faces, and changing into suitable playing attire.
Table 2 Summary Table of the Sama – Bajau Teenager’s Morning Routine
Babysits younger siblings, and own children
“I am not able to take a rest during the day since I have to look after them”
“She is always with me since she cries all the time”
“I wash our clothes twice a week”
“She is used to being taken care of me”
“Every morning, we are outside as I held my youngest sister in my arms”
“I always help my mother clean the house, since I am the eldest”
“My mother hands me tasks”
Babysits siblings, and own children
Goes to school Significant Statements
“I wash this uniform every day since I only have one, and school was five days a week”
“I will go to my father who is at work”
“Since I have nothing to do,
“I play basketball since I get to move, and sweat”
My back was pained because of the opponent”
Note The numbers corresponds to the sequence of activities of a Sama – Bajau teenager in the morning
All seven respondents shared lunch with their families Respondent A manages her children in the afternoon, as shown in Table 3 After her two younger children fell asleep, she took a bath in a communal poso, a detail supported by significant statements in Table 3.
At around 3:30 PM, RA and her children visited her mother's home, where RA enjoyed time with her younger siblings while watching a TV show, expressing that it sometimes made her emotional Similar to RA, respondents B, E, F, and G included napping as part of their afternoon routine At 3:00 PM, RB woke up, quickly grabbed a towel, and took a bath before preparing to beg for food After 15 minutes, he dressed in an oversized shirt and green shorts, sharing a past incident where he was injured by a jeep Despite the challenges he faces on the streets, RB emphasized his determination to provide for his family, stating, “Even if I am having a hard time in the streets, I will do everything for us to have something to eat.” He then began his walk at around 4 PM.
San Andres to Roxas Boulevard as he stated that “I’ll be climbing on jeeps to beg”
RC completed her classes at 12:45 PM and arrived home by 2:00 PM, where she borrowed a tub from a neighbor to wash her school uniform with soap and water By 4:00 PM, she was tasked with overseeing their food stall, which offered items like turon and pancit.
RC was actively selling boiled eggs, demonstrating her commitment to supporting her family during challenging times, as she expressed, “I always help my mother, because our family is having a difficult time since we got nothing to eat.” After two hours of serving customers from her wooden chair, RC continued to fulfill their needs Meanwhile, her sister RD, a grade 10 student, left the house at 12:15 PM to make it to her 1:00 PM class.
RD expressed that seeing an airplane motivates him to pursue a career as a flight attendant Meanwhile, respondents E, F, and G engaged in a morning basketball game, which led them to recharge with a nap, as illustrated in Table 3 After lunch, respondent E utilized a communal comfort room to bathe and brush his teeth before resting alone at approximately 1:30 PM.
After the basketball game, respondents F and G took a nap, with RF waking up around 2:30 PM to have lunch and stroll through the community, where he met a friend and made plans to drink alcohol later He returned home by 3:30 PM to shower before heading to his kuliglig parked by a food stall, expressing his commitment to working to support his father In contrast, RG, who works as a vendor, woke up past 2:00 PM, completed his morning routine, and left for work by 3:00 PM with his goods He credited his older brother for teaching him to sell and emphasized his responsibility to provide for his pregnant wife, stating he could not rely on his mother.
Table 3 Summary Table of the Sama - Bajau Teenager's Afternoon Routine
Babysits siblings and/or own children
Sleeps Works as driver and vendor
“Every time they are sleeping, that is my time to take a bath”
“We watch Eat Bulaga because we are avid fans of Aldub”
“Sometimes I get emotional because of Contessa and its story”
“Even if I am having a hard time in the streets,
I might be engaged in an accident, I will do everything for us to have something to eat”
“I climb on jeeps to beg”
“I always help my mother, because our family are having difficult time since we got nothing to eat”
Note The numbers corresponds to the sequence of activities of a Sama – Bajau teenager in the afternoon
Babysits siblings and/or own children
Sleeps Works as driver and vendor
“Every time I see an airplane, it inspires me to be a flight attendant”
“Since I got nothing to do, I just sleep”
“I chose to work in order to help my father provide”
“I always sleep after the game because of exhaustion”
“My older brother taught me to sell goods”
“My wife was pregnant, and I should not be dependent on my mother”
At 8:30pm, RA and her family went home from her mother’s residence As seen on Table 4, RA babysits her children in the evening supported by the observation where RA changed the clothes of her two boys before going to bed At 9:30pm, RA laid beside the youngest child as she gently taps her child’s thigh to put her to sleep, while her husband was next to her Around 10:00pm, while her husband and children silently slept, R1 made herself comfortable while she shared that “I make sure all of them are asleep before I can finally rest”
At around 9:30 PM, RB returned home soaked from the rain to find his siblings and father resting on the wooden floor After quickly having dinner, he expressed his responsibility as the eldest child to support his family, stating, “Even if I get sick, I must beg because we must have something to eat.” He earned PHP 130 that evening and gave PHP 80 to his mother By 10:00 PM, RB lay in bed next to his youngest sister while his father slept in a hammock, highlighting that begging has become a routine part of RB’s life, as illustrated in Table 4.
Respondents C, E, and G visited a computer rental shop, each paying PHP 10 for approximately 40 to 50 minutes of computer use At around 8:30 PM, RC requested permission from her mother to go to the nearby computer shop, and after receiving approval, she expressed that her mother might have allowed her to play on the computer because she had already assisted her earlier.
Accessibility to Basic Needs
Table 5 reveals that Respondents A, B, C, D, F, and G share a common experience of accessing food through their own labor or that of a family member For instance, RA's husband, a vendor, earns between PHP 0 to PHP 200 daily, which is insufficient to meet the needs of their family of five With an 8-month-old child to care for, RA expressed the challenges they face in providing for their family.
RA's financial struggles highlight the challenges of young motherhood, particularly in providing for her children amidst limited resources She relies on her mother's support for meals, often sharing small portions of food, such as rice and fried galunggong, with her family RA's experience is compounded by her husband's inability to contribute financially, forcing them to skip meals and depend on relatives for sustenance This situation mirrors findings from Senturk (2014), which revealed that rural-to-urban migrants in Ankara faced similar issues of poverty and hunger In this context, individuals like Respondents B and F serve as crucial financial safety nets for their households, underscoring the importance of extended family support in times of need.
Both RB and RF’s families, whose fathers work as kuliglig drivers, often purchase food from stalls, although they also prepare dishes like galunggong, tilapia, and tulingan at home Respondents C and D, being high school students, rely on their parents for support Respondent C’s family operates a food stall, which not only provides income but also ensures they have meals, as leftover goods are consumed by her and her six siblings For instance, they had pancit for dinner due to unsold stock Meanwhile, RD regularly dines with her mother while her father sells eyewear during the day RD's family prefers buying food from stalls for convenience and cost-effectiveness, as it eliminates the need for condiments and gas She also mentioned, “I get hungry every now and then, that is why I always have a biscuit with me.”
Respondent E comes from a separated family, with his father selling sunglasses and his mother volunteering at a local NGO He emphasized that their combined income is insufficient to meet all his needs.
Living with his mother, who relies on tips from her job, RE struggles to maintain a regular eating schedule His father only visits twice a week, providing him with minimal financial support of PHP 100 to PHP 200 These experiences align with Asplet's (2013) findings that internally displaced persons (IDPs) often encounter difficulties in securing employment, which restricts their access to financial resources.
5, RE tends to eat food in which he owe to food stalls, as he admits that at some point,
Since he became uncertain about consuming food categorized as debt, he skips his meals, knowing he can only settle the payment once his father arrives.
G works as a vendor who earns php150-500 a day, RG and his family’s meals are regularly sustained RG also shared that his wife and him loves to eat agal – agal
(seaweeds) and fish such as galunggong that they usually bought from food stalls
All seven respondents and their families primarily cook rice at home, as they can only afford chicken once or twice a month The teenagers reported that they often consume cheaper foods like fried eggs, hotdogs, fish, and canned goods to stay within their limited budget This frequent reliance on low-cost food items may lead to malnutrition among Sama-Bajau teenagers, supporting Adjukovic's (1993) findings that internally displaced persons often lack access to adequate nutrition.
Table 5 Summary Table of Sama - Bajau Teenager's Access to Food
“My aunt gives us food”
“Sometimes we only get to eat once a day”
“His earnings were not enough since we have a baby to prioritize”
“We get to eat through my mother’s expense”
“We often eat fish such as
“We eat the unsold goods as it will not go to waste”
D 1 “We just buy in food stalls”
“If my father won’t come, I will not be able to eat”
“The food we eat are listed as debt in food stalls”
“We have been living this kind of life”
“My father ensures we get to eat, however, because of school, I eat at irregular times.”
“Typically fish and rice are served in the table”
Note Numbers were used to illustrate sources and access to food of a Sama – Bajau teenager
Based on Table 6, respondents A, and B stays with their relatives They shared the same experience of being homeless as they arrived from Zamboanga six years ago
RA shared her experiences of sleeping in Raja Sulayman, recalling, "We had nowhere to go." She described how they often found themselves sleeping on the side streets, facing confrontations with the police, which led to some being arrested, leaving them without any resources to change their situation.
RB shared that his family often spent time in the side streets, where they would relax near their pedicab Additionally, RA and RB contributed PHP 500 to their activities.
45 for electricity every month Meanwhile, RC and her family of eight stays on the street, as they have a pedicab where her younger siblings sleeps As displayed in Table 6,
RC expressed, “We are not used to sleeping in side streets,” reflecting the struggles faced by displaced individuals, as noted by Adjukovic (1993), who found that many lack even a bed of their own R3 highlighted the challenges her family faces in acquiring housing, especially with her father in jail With her father detained, RC revealed that her mother bears the sole responsibility of providing for the family, prioritizing food over shelter due to the immediate need to combat hunger, which they perceive as more pressing.
On the other hand, respondents D, and E stays with their relatives However,
RD expressed discomfort during her free stay with relatives, feeling constantly observed, and emphasized her family's commitment to saving for a proper home Similarly, RE's uncle provided temporary accommodation for him and his mother on the second floor of a four-story house, but RE noted their limited resources suggest they may be there for an extended period Respondents F and G, along with their families, rent rooms, as shown in Table 6 RF's family of nine lives in a room for PHP 3,000 per month, including electricity, while RG's family of three occupies a small room on the second floor of the same house for PHP 2,000 monthly.
Table 6 Summary Table of Sama - Bajau teenager's Access to Shelter
Rents for a room and/or house
“We used to sleep in Raja Sulayman, back in the day when we got nowhere to go”
“We often sleep on the side streets as the police confronted and arrested some us, and we did not have the means to do anything”
“My aunt offered this house because we have nowhere to stay”
“We are not used sleeping in side streets”
“We stay here in a pedicab until we get to have a house”
“My family saves money for us to rent a house that we can really call home”
“It looks like we will be staying here for a long time”
“This was owned by my uncle He just offered a place for us after the accident”
“We chose to rent after the fire accident because we have no choice”
“I stayed here because I have my own family, and our house was burned last year”
Note A Sama – Bajau teenager’s access to shelter was denoted by number
According to Table 7, respondents A, B, E, F, and G reside in wooden houses, supporting Yanes' (2007) findings that the housing quality of indigenous peoples in urban areas is affected by their structural choices.
47 generally lower Only two respondents, RD, and RE are living with a house made up of concrete while they have a faucet in their own places Nevertheless, respondents
A, B, D, E, F, and G lives in a house roofed with metal However, one respondent,
RC lives in a pedicab on a side street, illustrating the challenges faced by Indigenous Peoples (IPs) who migrate to urban areas According to the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII, 2007), these individuals often encounter inadequate housing, limited access to essential services, and high unemployment rates.
In a study involving seven respondents, it was found that only two, RD and RE, have private comfort rooms in their homes, which they share with relatives The remaining five respondents lack individual restrooms and sinks, relying instead on a communal poso for bathing, laundry, and dishwashing This situation reflects findings from a study by Bracamonte, Boza, and Poblete, highlighting the inadequate sanitation facilities experienced by many households.
A study conducted in 2011 highlighted the dependence of Sama-Bajau children in Iligan City on the public water system for various household needs, including drinking, washing, and bathing The research also found that these households lacked sanitary toilets, relying instead on communal facilities, with some individuals resorting to using plastic bags for waste disposal Additionally, in line with Yanes (2007), it was noted that many internally displaced persons (IDPs) in urban settings often live in cramped conditions, with some respondents indicating that their single-room shelters serve multiple purposes, such as a living room, dining area, and bedroom Notably, one respondent reported sleeping and eating on the street, underscoring the challenging living conditions faced by this community.
Adjukovic (1993) wherein he resonated that IDPs may live in poor physical environment, with no place for leaning, and may not even have a bed of their own
Table 7 Description of the Sama - Bajau Teenager's Shelter Respondent
A Wood Wood Metal None None 1 None
B Wood Wood Metal None None 1 None
C None None None None None None None
D Concrete Concrete Metal 1 None 2 None
E Concrete Concrete Metal 1 None 2 None
F Wood Wood Metal None None 1 None
G Wood Wood Metal None None 1 None
The Current Ways of Life and the Sama – Bajau Teenagers as Stewards of
Indigenous peoples (IPs) and their biodiversity-rich territories serve as vital sources of identity, spirituality, and culture (Notes, 2018) Additionally, traditional practices of IPs are recognized as effective methods for sustainable resource management (Painemilla et al., 2010).
“Since our transfer here in Manila, I did not continued my studies due to the lack of needed documents for school”
“Even if I want to, I have to focus on my children, now that my eldest is a kindergarten student”
B 1 “Since I always skip my classes to beg, I decided to quit school”
“I was awarded by a scholarship from an NGO”
“Without the educational assistance, I think I will just be like my siblings who are out of school”
“I am studying because I want to help my family when time comes”
“I did not enrolled this school year because my uniform was burned last year, and we do not have the means to buy one”
“My parents’ earning were not enough to support my daily allowance”
“I quit school and worked as a driver to help my family”
“I do not have any choice I have my own family,
I should not depend on my parents So if I will be schooled, I will not have time to work”
The daily lives of displaced Sama-Bajau teenagers have shifted significantly as they adapt to urban environments, moving away from culture-related activities Instead, they are involved in various jobs such as driving, selling goods, and babysitting, alongside entertainment options like watching television and using the internet Despite their traditional Muslim background, only one teenager consistently engages in religious practices, highlighting a decline in spiritual observance For instance, RG, a young father, mentions that work commitments hinder his ability to follow the daily prayer schedule, emphasizing the pressures of providing for his family These findings reflect the broader challenges faced by the Sama-Bajau community in maintaining cultural and religious practices amidst urbanization.
In 2005, research indicated that internally displaced persons (IDPs) from rural areas experience a loss of traditional lifestyles and indigenous heritage due to acculturation in urban settings This situation aligns with UNESCO's 2016 findings, which highlight that the erosion of traditional practices among displaced indigenous peoples leads to the decline of their cultural stewards and the invaluable traditional knowledge that is essential for sustainable management and protection of their heritage.
The displacement of the Sama-Bajau community has resulted in significant environmental concerns, particularly regarding waste disposal and management As highlighted in section 4.2.2, a majority of the respondents lack access to sanitary toilets, leading to the improper disposal of human waste in plastic bags, which are discarded in garbage bins and on the streets This situation reflects the findings of UNEP (2016), which indicates that settlements of internally displaced persons (IDPs) can lead to uncontrolled waste disposal, contributing to soil, air, and water pollution and ultimately causing environmental degradation.