Children on reality game shows the case of constructing of little adults in the voice kids of vietnam

VIETNAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY, HANOI UNIVERSITY OF LANGUAGES AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES FACULTY OF LINGUISTICS & CULTURES OF ENGLISH SPEAKING COUNTRIES GRADUATION PAPER CHILDREN ON REALITY

VIETNAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY, HANOI UNIVERSITY OF LANGUAGES AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

FACULTY OF LINGUISTICS & CULTURES OF ENGLISH SPEAKING COUNTRIES

GRADUATION PAPER

CHILDREN ON REALITY GAME SHOWS: THE CASE OF CONSTRUCTING OF “LITTLE ADULTS” IN THE VOICE

KIDS OF VIETNAM

Supervisor: Nguyen Hai Ha (M.A)

Student: Nguyen Thi Thu Thao

Course: QH2016.F1.E32

HA NOI – 2020

ĐẠI HỌC QUỐC GIA HÀ NỘI TRƯỜNG ĐẠI HỌC NGOẠI NGỮ KHOA NGÔN NGỮ VÀ VĂN HÓA CÁC NƯỚC NÓI TIẾNG ANH

KHÓA LUẬN TỐT NGIỆP

TRẺ EM TRÊN TRUYỀN HÌNH THỰC TẾ: TRƯỜNG HỢP TẠO DỰNG “LITTLE ADULTS” TRONG GIỌNG HÁT VIỆT NHÍ

Giáo viên hướng dẫn: Nguyễn Hải Hà (M.A)

Sinh viên: Nguyễn Thị Thu Thảo

Khóa: Q H2016.F1.E32

Hà Nội – 2020

ACCEPTANCE PAGE

I hereby state that I: Nguyễn Thị Thu Thảo, QH2016.F1.E32, being a candidate for the degree of Bachelor of Art, accept the requirements of the College relating to the retention and use of Bachelor’s Graduation Paper deposited in the library

In terms of these conditions, I agree that the origin of my paper deposited in the library should be accessible for the purposes of study and research, in accordance with the normal conditions established by the librarian for the care, loan or reproduction of the paper

Signature

Date

Besides, I am wholeheartedly thankful for Ms Phung Ha Thanh, my lecturer She is the most erudite teacher I've ever had, and she also inspired me to conduct my research During the first stage when I had numerous difficulties in research orientation, she gave

me constructive suggestions on how to develop a researchable problem and build a valuable thesis

I also would like to dedicate this work to our family, especially my Mom She always stands by and encourages throughout the entire process I have been blessed by endless support, significant incentive, and understanding from my beloved family

ABSTRACT

The main purpose of this thesis is to examine the extent to which the reconstruction of

“Little Adults” is relevant to the study of reality television in a non-Western country like Vietnam In particular, the case study selected is The Voice Kids of Vietnam, one of the most popular reality gameshows for children over the last decade The research locates

“Little Adults” as a cultural phenomenon that is appropriate for the Vietnamese

contemporary society The transplantation and formation of “Little Adults” in Vietnam are analyzed through a series of historical conditions, along with political, economical, and social changes, that affect the notions of Vietnamese children/childhood over time This thesis reveals that “Little Adults” in the contemporary context is conceptualized as

a balanced, dynamic tenet that represents both children’s aspiration of their abilities and adults’ expectations on children The case the Voice Kids of Vietnam is brought in as a visual illustration of how “Child Star”, as a subset of “Little Adults”, is differently

cultivated The researcher argues that, while The Voice Kids of Vietnam seems to share neoliberal criteria in the logic of choice, competition and “self” promotion, it still

demonstrates adaptability and highlights national characteristics; hence, the programme not only differs from the Western interpretation but also aligns with state agenda As The Voice Kids of Vietnam is a music show, the research will be methodically

approached with the interdisciplinary ethnomusicology to examine music from the cultural and social aspects of the people who make it, instead of only its isolated sound component

LIST OF TABLES

1 Performances of Nha Thy (Cam Ly’s team, The Voice Kids of

TABLE OF CONTENT

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 0

Background Of The Study 0

Research problems and questions 6

Theory 9

Mode Of Inquiry 13

Overview Of The Chapters 14

CHAPTER 2: THE RECONSTRUCTION OF “LITTLE ADULTS” 16

Conceptions Of Childhood/Children Over Time 16

Vietnamese Notions Of Children/ Childhood 18

Vietnamese Children In Wartime 19

Vietnamese Children In Globalizing Era 21

The Reconstruction Of “Little Adults” In Vietnam: A Summary 27

CHAPTER 3: “LITTLE ADULTS” IN THE VOICE KIDS OF VIETNAM: THE CULTIVATION OF “CHILD STARS” 29

How “Little Adults and “Child Stars” converge 29

The social construction of “Child Stars”: “Child Stars” as a manifestation of “Little Adults” 29

“Child Stars” As A Singular Discourse In The Voice Kids Of Vietnam 33

Different Strategies, Different Routes To Stardom 38

Cam Ly - a “preservationist” of the customary values 39

Luu Thien Huong - a rigorous trainer in musical techniques 45

Vu Cat Tuong - a breath of fresh air and “self” promotion 49

Bao Anh - the exploitation of contemporary hits 54

Influences Of The Coaches On Their Child Performers: A Summary 58 CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSION 61 REFERENCE 63

Background Of The Study

Originating from Western countries during the 1990s, Reality Television (RTV) refers

to an extensive television category possessing a variety of subgenres that are concerned with documenting ordinary people and testing their capability in contrived settings (i.e.,

an island or a stage), as Hill (2005) puts it “ a catch-all category that includes a wide

range of entertainment programmes about real people Sometimes called popular factual television, reality TV is located in border territories, between information and entertainment, documentary and drama” (p.02) The attraction of RTV comes from the

combination of entertainment and “authenticity” – real people, real events, real emotions, and real experiences with a focus on self-awareness and self-improvement, thereby stimulating its viewers to learn, practice and overcome difficulties in life to better themselves The emergence of RTV was essentially attributed to the transformation in the economy and entertainment industry, in particular, the deregulation and marketization (mostly in the USA and Western Europe) of media industries, and even the dominance of commercialism in the media environment (Hill, 2005) Upon first glance, it seems that RTV might be merely relevant to Western social contexts, but with the proliferation of media globalization of which the global trade of television entertainment formats is one of the most visible examples, RTV is in many ways becoming one of the most prominent features of modern global consumer culture (Moran, 2009) After having achieved great success in Western countries by attracting a

huge number of audiences and generating a profusion of profits, the "wave" of RTV began to spread across national borders to Asian countries, including Vietnam

While it has been consistently criticized, since the early days of this genre, that RTV for children is just a follow-up of adult versions to satisfy the producers' desperation for profit, I would argue that this explanation is indubitable but rather simplistic In other words, this is not to say that the rapid expansion of RTV for children does not involve financial factors, but neglecting cultural, historic and social forces might prevent

thorough understandings The elucidation given by Kraidy and Sender (2011) is that

most imported RTV formats have been significantly modified and adapted to communicate local traditions, values, and aesthetic standards Should imported TV programs not embody appropriate cultural and aesthetic elements, premature death is an inevitable result The concept of globalized formats, therefore, enables us to expand the scope of television studies beyond its industrial and technical dimensions; rather, it underscores diverse, reciprocal, and ensuing social discourses through television formats RTV for children in Vietnam has not stood outside this indispensable

localization, and imperative localized changes stem from child-centered incentives

Following the realm of research on children in screen-based media, I investigate the claim that Vietnamese RTV promotes a set of criteria that can be traced back to the notions of childhood/children in corresponding social contexts In my thesis, I would like to use the lens of media literacy and culture studies to examine how and to what extent reality shows for children in contemporary Vietnamese society has helped to reconstruct - what I suppose - the notion of children as “Little Adults” In order to carry out the research, I have selected “The Voice Kids of Vietnam” to be the main case study along with the purposive samples of four outstanding coaches

Vietnamese programs for children: from “Little Flowers” to reality game shows

In the process of television socialization brought by the post-Reform context of accelerating marketization and globalization, Vietnamese reality programs have

developed both horizontally and vertically Not only diversifying into new genres, but the Vietnamese RTV has also been extended to target a broad range of audiences irrespective of ethnic origins, genders, employments, and ages The last ten years have witnessed the focus of Vietnamese media corporations on children and youngsters as major sources of their income generation In some cases, children appear in reality programs together with adults, while in other cases, they participate in programs unique

to them—usually the modifications of what has been successfully applied to adults These days, children appearing on TV shows is supposed to be an assurance to bring great emotion, attract audiences, and increase ratings

Before flourishing in the RTV genre, Vietnamese television for children had gone through at least three different stages The first stage is marked by the release of "Little

Flowers" (“Những bông hoa nhỏ”) whose first episode was premiered in 1970 – also the

year when Vietnam Television – the first television station of the Democratic Republic

of Vietnam was officially established Other notable programs in this group are “The

Garden Of Fairy Tales” (“Vườn Cổ Tích”-1997) and “Good Night Baby” (“Chúc bé

ngủ ngon”-2007) An outstanding common feature of the first group is simply a

playground for children and targets young audiences, in which children’s bulletins, kid songs and plays, cartoons, and daily story-sharing are dominant elements All encapsulates a miraculous world of fantasy and innocent childhood Next, the second program group is quiz shows where children answer questions in different competitive formats This group specifically focuses on school education, since the questions revolve around comprehensive knowledge in the national curriculum to separate winners from losers in such a way that the academic proficiency supposedly represents individual differences among the contestants Highlights of this group can be listed as

“Vietnam's Brainiest Kid” ("Chinh phục”-2013), “The Kids Are All Right” (“Trẻ em

luôn đúng”- 2011) and "Are You Smarter Than a 5th Grader?" (“Ai thông minh hơn học sinh lớp 5?”-2009)

The third category is the one that is currently blooming: reality game shows, or talent shows Breaking out of the school education formula, reality game shows for children have managed to cultivate diverse aptitudes namely music (“Đồ Rê Mí”-2007, “The Voice Kids of Vietnam”-2013, “Vietnam Idol Kids"-2016), role-play ("Your Face Sounds Familiar- kids version"-2014), cooking (“Master Chef Kids Of Vietnam”-2016) and business start-up as the latest (“Kiddie Sharks”-2019) In these reality game shows, schooling is a non-significant factor in the success or failure of participants; instead, individual abilities and characteristics of the participants are more influential in the outcome of the game Rather than just a playground, each reality program is a journey of self-improvement and competition, where children get the opportunities to practice, perform, compete, and “transform” throughout episodes

About The Voice Kids of Vietnam

In the recent frenzied competition among Vietnamese television stations in adapting various Euro-American reality shows into localized programs, The Voice Kids of Vietnam, as a version for children of The Voice of Vietnam, was introduced to the Vietnamese market in 2013 and has run seven seasons so far Produced by Cat Tien Sa Media Company and Vietnam Television (VTV) after purchasing the copyright from The Voice Kids of Holland, The Voice Kids of Vietnam packages itself as a singing contest open to any Vietnamese child between the age from 9 to 15 who want to follow his or her dream of performing in front of a vast audience The contestants of the program are provided with training in vocal techniques, performance styles, and stage communication skills, which assists them to conquer many challenges to reach the highest position Moreover, The Voice Kids of Vietnam, because of a high level of musical professionalism, can be considered as a stepping stone for the candidates who

intend to pursue a singing career in the future: “It [The Voice Kids of Vietnam] can

provide an excellent platform for young people to realize their dream” (Ho, 2014) With

regard to the marketing campaign, like most of the contemporary RTVs around the world, The Voice Kids of Vietnam launches an online social media presence on

Facebook and YouTube where its episodes are regularly uploaded on the official

entertainment account of VTV named “Giọng hát Việt nhí/ The Voice Kids of Vietnam”

Since its first season in 2013, The Voice Kids of Vietnam has demonstrated its extraordinary popularity Throughout its journey to find the winner, the competition has always attracted a great deal of public attention, evidenced by continuous high viewership and enormous numbers of votes from audiences (Flypro Coop., 2019)

The fact that the Voice Kids of Vietnam has achieved high ratings in the domestic market is attributed to the combination of compelling format and Vietnamese adaptation One main reason is that its rules, which share the commonality with Western predecessors, are unprecedented in the history of Vietnamese popular programs for children In terms of format, these editions all have blind auditions, battle rounds, and final live performances, in which the unique blind audition is the most attractive factor

To some extent, audiences look forward to the moment the judges turn their chairs around to face the contestants for the first time In terms of the competition rules, these editions, by adhering to the principle of fairness and openness, follow the same standards that the contestants are judged only on the power, clarity, type, and uniqueness of their singing prowess, instead of their appearances and other background factors The second essential element is the high quality, as the producers put forth their best effort to nurse everything including preliminary work, lighting engineer, live sound, the outline of the script, stage setting, audio post-production to coaches, bands, and technicians

Besides strictly transplanting the original format, localization is another key for The Voice Kids of Vietnam to achieve success Since The Voice Kids of Vietnam is premiered in an Asian country with a different cultural background, the programme has

to go through a process of careful adaptation, aiming to fulfill the psychological and aesthetic demands of Vietnamese audiences without sacrificing the core format of the show Firstly, the music itself decides whether a singing talent show can become a success or not Accordingly, one notable localized change is the majority of Vietnamese

songs, especially broad popular traditional categories, namely folk songs (dân ca),

“yellow music” (nhạc vàng); “red music” (nhạc đỏ) or revolutionary music (nhạc Cách

mạng) which demonstrates a firmly intact Vietnamese identity and tradition As for the

themes of the songs, the Vietnamese edition minimizes the theme of romantic relationships; therefore, songs about love, if selected, are likely to be modified to child-centered topics such as patriotism, family affection, and friendship Another visible adaptation is the inherent presence of at least one duo coach throughout seven seasons, which is probably to emphasize the magnitude of the family in child-rearing The duo coaches such as Ho Hoai Anh-Luu Huong Giang, Pham Quynh Anh-Duong Khac Linh, and Vu Cat Tuong-Soobin Hoang Son symbolize the roles of parents who not only mentor but also take care of the contestants They frequently exploit this discourse about

the essence of families to gain advantages, for example, “when you come to my team,

you will receive comprehensive attention, if one is busy, then there is still the other.”

(Luu, 2015) The third notable localization in The Voice Kids of Vietnam is the

storytelling part, since “not only the good voice should be remembered, but also the

voice’s owner” (Lu Wei,2005, as cited in Wang,2012) In addition to emphasizing vocal

performances, the show provides contestants with opportunities to share their music stories Though not affecting the decisions of the judges, these stories can strike a chord

in the hearts of many audiences and make the contestant memorable

In general, The Voice Kids of Vietnam distinguishes itself from other Vietnamese music programs for children in not only the competitive nature but also the presentable modification The popularity of The Voice Kids of Vietnam generates a series of interesting issues concerning the localization of a transnational format and the appeal of RTV in a particular social and cultural context Based on the degree of fidelity to the original edition, Moran (2009) proposes the concept of “closed” versus “open” adaptation Yet The Voice Kids of Vietnam can be categorized as neither straightforward “closed” nor “open” adaptations, as the show has demonstrated both substantial similarities to and deviation from the original format

Research problems and questions

The main purpose of this study is to examine the role of the popular reality game show

“The Voice Kids of Vietnam” in accounting for the idea of children as “Little Adults” Although The Voice Kids of Vietnam encompasses many components that remarkably contribute to shaping “Little Adults”, this study concentrates on analyzing the influences

of the coaches To be specific, the selection of notable coaches in the program to examine their discourses, strategies, and mentorships fruitfully manifests the diversification in the construction of “Little Adults”

This focus on the coaches is rationalized by two key factors: 1) the major role of the coaching system based on the original format, and 2) the localization which reflects the Vietnamese music scene, mixing contemporary vibrancy with traditional beauty Firstly, the novel format that allows for significant engagement of coaches is a singular feature

of The Voice Kids In the first round, contestants have the right to choose a coach/ a duo coach The coaching system has many merits First, after joining the team, the contestant will directly receive professional guidance from the coach to further improve singing ability and make preparations to pursue their own musical dreams Additionally, those coaches will compete with each other to win the best contestants The competition among well-accomplished coaches adds to the dramatic effect of the reality show After the show, the coaches can continue to work with contestants as advisors as well This arrangement not only develops new talents but also introduces outstanding original musical works to stimulate the national music scene Different coaches will carry out a variety of training strategies, showing different perspectives on cultivating child stars Secondly, regarding the matter of adaptation, the localized factor contributing to the impressive achievements of The Voice Kids of Vietnam does not fall far from its wholehearted exploitation of singing practice that has become a prominent feature of Vietnamese children's culture throughout history From a social perspective, child music has functioned to partly reflect the movements of contemporary society Since ancient

times, Vietnamese people have handed down various children’s folk songs (đồng dao)

Up to now, the development of child music and singing movement at schools, cultural clubs, and on media all over the country has passed a 65-year journey which accumulates a highly textured treasure of music for children (Hoang & Hoang, 2019) Notably, the period from 1954 to the great victory of spring 1975 gave rise to the

“Golden Age of Vietnamese child music”, with a series of songs by eminent musicians

Compositions for children in this period were extremely diverse on topics: from the country and family affection, school, and friendship, to the childhood’s innocence through the images of personified animals

Nonetheless, The Voice Kids of Vietnam has witnessed a minimization of Vietnamese songs characterized for children; instead, most of the vocal performances in the show are songs that require professional techniques, love songs that are tailored to suit small ages, and foreign songs There are two opposing streams of reactions from musical experts and the “insiders” toward this phenomenon Opponents strongly criticized that children singing adult music is both inappropriate in terms of content and detrimental to their voices in the long run On the contrary, many “insiders” including producers and coaches of the program share their opinions in a positive way They argue that the selection of so-called adult songs is due to children’s interest, as those are genres that children access every day via social media Moreover, child music in the last century is considered ineffective in optimizing contestants’ singing abilities in a professionalism-

oriented singing contest like The Voice Kids “We and our little contestants don’t want

to perform this kind [old songs for children] because there is no land to show their beautiful voice Now children are very competent, they can sing many types of music, and even sing well”, said Lam Truong – the coach of The Voice Kids of Vietnam 2014

(Phuong Giang,2014) Similarly, Ho Hoai Anh, the coach as well as the music director

of the program, asserts: “It is paramount that a song can empower children to express

their techniques and skills." (Phuong Giang,2014)

Making great efforts to select appropriate songs and stage alluring performances, the coaches have helped to create a colorful Vietnamese music tapestry, with a wide range

of genres, from folk to youth songs, as well as both traditional and modern performing styles The show has popularized many musical works, spread common knowledge about music, and influenced the artistic aesthetics of the public As a prominent figure in the contemporary Vietnamese show business, each coach has showcased his/her style through staging repertoires for contestants; as a result, “Little Adults” is constructed in correspondence with the coach as a role model In general, researching "Little Adults" in The Voice Kids of Vietnam through analyzing the coaching system allows for an exploration of the different ways that music talents are cultivated for the Vietnamese music industry

The aim of the study is therefore to scrutinize the following research question:

- How do the four coaches of The Voice Kids of Vietnam, namely Cam Ly, Vu Cat Tuong, Bao Anh, and Luu Thien Huong implement different coaching strategies and influence the performance of the contestants on the show?

In the first attempt to answer the aforementioned question, I have framed initial arguments to guide the research The first argument embedded throughout the research process is the conceptual framework assuming childhood as a social and historical artifact, rather than simply a biological entity Thus, children can actively shape and be shaped by the world around them Particularly, “Little Adults” is a cultural phenomenon defined by both “Little” and “Adults” The concept presents accepted standards of childhood experience imposed by adults in our culture and simultaneously demonstrates children’s ideal of how they aspire to be

The second argument is the extent of correlation between RTV and the notion of childhood Although The Voice Kids of Vietnam in specific and other reality shows in general produce and reinforce a certain set of ideas about children, there is still room for variance, particularly in the way the adults treat children in the programs In other

words, within an exclusive space of the neo-liberal paradigm, coaches and judges

“meander” individually These two arguments again justify the analysis of the coaches and their profound influences in subsequent sections

Theory

1 De-Westernizing Media Studies

In their book titled “De-westernizing Media Studies” (2000), Myung Jin Park and

James Curran attempt to broaden the global media theory and enhance the importance of media studies in different geographical settings outside the Western Anglo-American circle (as cited in Malko,2013) The authors offer a vigorous critique of Western-generated theories, explain how these theoretical discussions do not reflect the operation

of media in non-western societies, then they articulate hybrid paradigms of media and media studies generated primarily from the non-western world

Since the 1950s media theories have mainly been debated by Western philosophers, which consequently contributed to the perception of the world through “Western eyes” Soon after, theorists argued that the rest of the universe should imitate the West in order

to repeat the successful system of media communication and step into the era of

“modernization” (Park & Curran, 2000) However, this approach caused the problem of Western media homogeneity Media imperialism during the 1960s received strong critiques due to its negative influence on national identities Tomlinson (1991, as cited

in Psarras,2017) verifies that media imperialism is the USA’s domination of cultural spaces In other words, dominant cultures infiltrate indigenous cultures in terms of spatial—not temporal—relations Culture is a fundamental aspect of people’s identities and ways of life, so culture changes due to external forces (i.e media imperialism by way of globalization) in accordance with Western cultural values arouses disconnect and uncertainty in individuals about their identities and culture Therefore, a new idea of a

“decentered” global society came forward

In response to these arguments, Jin Park and Curran believe that to make progress, media studies have to look outside the Western context and preserve the national ones,

since nations, with distinctive identities, serve as “markers of difference” in

constructing media communication systems (Jin Park & Curran,2000) In another finding, Straubhaar (2002, as cited in Psarras,2017) reinforces the fact that the nation-

state structures the basic rules of media, which includes the “national market structures,

ownership rules, production incentives and subsidies, financial rules, frequency assignments, technical standards, and content rules” (p.686) For that reason, Jin Park

and Curran’s book offers a number of essays describing the media systems in various countries, aiming to support the authors’ main argument that media studies should pay equal attention to the rest of the world instead of a few selected Western societies, which have excessively influenced the understanding of global media organization already (Jin Park & Curran, 2000, p.15)

2 The Relation Between Television and Culture

According to Newcomb and Hirsch (1983), “television acts as a cultural forum, in

which televisual communication is the process of ritualized negotiation of cultural reality” (p.247, as cited in Miller,2007) Television culture is unique as television

allows for the constant display of simplistic stories easily recognized and translated due

to formulaic structures and content (Silverstone,1988, p.20-47, as cited in Miller,2007) Certeau (1984, as cited in Miller,2007) asserts that narratives have powerful social and cultural significance, particularly in relation to television Thus, because television narratives are so pervasive and easy to transcend cultural boundaries, television acts as a mediator between culture, society, and the audience Specifically, Fiske and Hartley (2003) identify seven functions of television as an influential mass medium:

(1) to state or illustrate the established cultural norms regarding reality;

(2) to entice members of society and culture into dominant value systems by

“exchanging a status-enhancing message for the endorsement of the message’s underlying ideology”;

(3) to reinforce socio-centrality;

(4) to assure a culture of its practicality by reaffirming dominant ideologies and

mythologies;

(5) to reproduced with permission of the copyright owner;

(6) to convince the audience of their place within culture; and

(7) to “transmit by these means a sense of cultural membership” (p.66-67)

As a notable TV genre, RTV is a means by which television programmers attempt to portray a constructed reality, one in which the reality gratifies the needs of the audience Based on the ability of RTV to represent issues and identities towards which audiences

feel a particular affinity, Cardo (2014) argues that RTV could be seen as “the evolution

of the Public Service Broadcasting rationale As such, it appropriates notions of reality, ordinary people, and audience engagement with the aim of representing its audience.”

(p.148) For example, the younger generation negotiates their cultural, ethnic, and gender identities through watching a talent competition show, becoming its fans, engaging in heated debates about it, supporting and imitating the young stars, and forming online

virtual communities Therefore, it is important to analyze the ways these stories have

been reproduced in society to form their values and main beliefs Besides, stories produced on RTV, that are supposed to illustrate reality, should be examined to

understand how they “provide mental schema and templates that mold our ways of

perceiving, knowing and believing” (Gillespie & Toynbee, 2006, p.82, as cited in

Malko,2013)

3 Cultural Proximity and Glocalization in Transnational Programmes

Glocalization is a basic tenet behind the global circulation of television, referring to the

adoption of foreign products to “bridge transnational economic interest and national

sentiments of belonging” (Waisbord, 2004, p.368, as cited in Psarras,2017) A global

genre such as RTV also has resonance in particular regions because the contents are extensively re-designed to reflect the shared beliefs, values, and norms of different cultures through the process of glocalization On the one hand, the audience can observe the transplantation of the sets of values and narratives associated with neoliberal economic ethos along with RTV namely teamwork, individuality, mass participation, the American dream, and competition, by showcasing individuals achieving what they wish via talents and a willingness to work hard, regardless of their circumstances (Couldry,2008) On the other hand, according to Sender and Kraidy (2011, as cited in Consentino,2016), thanks to the spread of technology and audience practices associated

with the genre, “reality TV might be well placed to (…) rework ideas of national identity

and belonging” (p.6) RTV could thus provide both contestants and audiences with the

ability to represent and negotiate their identities, which gives rise to a new kind of

“Mediated Politics”, combining both local and global symbols, values, and attitudes, as

“Reality TV encourages national and ethnic allegiances… and forces to rethink the idea

of a national and regional public through a mediated lens” (Sender, 2011, p 6, ass cited

in Consentino,2016)

The necessity of a local cultural adaptation of a trans-local format is consistent with the notion of “Cultural Proximity” “Cultural Proximity”, which was introduced by Straubhaar (later developed further together with La Pastina), is regarded as an important theoretical construct for explaining the audience’s gravitation toward media produced for their cultural space in the context of the transnational media content The term “Proximity”, therefore, includes a sense of belonging to an imagined community (Straubhaar,2007, ass cited in Suna,2018) La Pastina and Straubhaar (2005) summarise

the core idea of the theory of “Cultural Proximity” as follows: “Audiences will tend to

choose to watch television programmes that are closest, most proximate or most directly relevant to them in cultural and linguistic terms” (p.273) Therefore, stories and

protagonists with local cultural connotations that evoke cultural comprehensibility and closeness to the viewer's local environment are preferred

Despite the initial focus on language as the only determinant, further research explores more discrete variables determining “Cultural Proximity” La Pastina and Straubhaar

claim, ‘‘there are other levels of similarity or proximity, based in cultural elements:

dress, ethnic types, gestures, body language, definitions of humor, ideas about story pacing, music traditions, religious elements, etc.’’ (La Pastina & Straubhaar, 2005, p

274) In addition to these factors, authors sometimes include gender representation, lifestyle, values, education, family, religion, and organizational affiliations (Straubhaar,

2001, 2003, as cited in Ksiazek & Webster,2008)

All in all, the local adaptation of trans-local formats is convinced to be an indispensable element in the making of TV programs, as it helps to create local cultural proximity in the audience via local participants and their emotional performances, and accordingly, the audience should feel the locality or perceive the programme as locally appealing The ability of a single reality TV show format to appeal to different nations thanks to localization is noteworthy, which consequently makes it an interesting field of research

Mode Of Inquiry

As I have mentioned in the previous section, the case study “The Voice Kids of Vietnam”, specifically four coaches namely Cam Ly, Luu Thien Huong, Vu Cat Tuong, and Bao Anh, is the main “subject” of this research The Voice Kids of Vietnam has been broadcasted for seven seasons with fifteen coaches /duo coaches so far, so sampling to focus on a limited number of notable coaches is necessary for feasibility and profundity After I have watched all seven seasons, these above four coaches are evidenced to converge necessary factors that clearly and thoroughly display the construction of “Little Adults”; hence, this is a purposive selection In specific, the selection of the coaches is based on two criteria: a discernible training strategy, and a recognizable style in staging Vietnamese songs

Conducting an extended research process, I have been open to an abundance of materials mostly in three aspects, which deal with the main ideas in the aforementioned Background section: Vietnamese conceptions of childhood/ children, the significance of RTV for children, Vietnamese music throughout history and how these themes intertwine and express in the show The Voice Kids of Vietnam Any relevant accessible materials are worth studying, namely videos, speeches from contestants, comments from coaches and interviews both within and after the contests

Significance Of The Study

This scrutiny of Little Adults will bring about opportunities to see the transplantation of

a Western notion into the Vietnamese social context in general, as well as the Child Stars cultivation in an imported reality show Regarding scholarly contributions, to my knowledge, this is the first study that employs the approach of ethnomusicology to explore the construction of child performers in Vietnam

Overview Of The Chapters

The proceeding chapters address the research question of the study by analyzing how differently “Little Adults” is made, which essentially enables an understanding of the complexity behind the adult’s idealization and acceptable boundaries of childhood Chapter 2 traces the historical antecedents to the Vietnamese notions of childhood since the twentieth century and highlights the arbitrary nature of the construction of “Little Adults” in the neoliberal context The conceptualization of “Little Adults” is described

in reference to the fact that the transformations of the society coincided with changing attitudes towards childhood, with children being differently regulated and expected In general, this chapter aims to contextualize the current construction of “Little Adults” in Vietnam as a result of social, political, economic, and mediatic influences over the last hundred years, thus demonstrating this notion as a prominent figure of a cultural phenomenon

In chapter 3, I conduct an empirical investigation of the construction of “Little Adults”

by exploring the case study The Voice Kids of Vietnam

The first part of this chapter analyzes “Little Adults” through the narrative of “Child Stars” By identifying how RTV creates and promotes its child stardom, certain symbolic features are mapped which may determine the significance of “Child Stars” as

a manifestation of “Little Adults” by transgressing both “normal” childhood and adulthood.

The second part addresses the research question by splitting it into four subsections, corresponding to the four chosen coaches The four coaches with their respective music expertise and mentorship add unique colors to the overall richly textured picture of Vietnamese music in The Voice Kids of Vietnam, which profoundly influences the performance styles, and even long-term music direction of the young talents

Generally, chapter 3 elucidates why “Child Stars”, as a manifestation of “Little Adults”

in a reality talent show, occupies such a significant position in our cultural landscape, thus offering a wider understanding of children’s initiative and passivity in reinforcing collective normative standards about children and childhood

Finally, Chapter 4 summarizes the strands of analysis in the preceding chapters, considers the findings of the research in relation to the initial questions posed in this chapter and discusses the limitations of the study

CHAPTER 2: THE RECONSTRUCTION OF “LITTLE ADULTS”

“Little Adults” is not a newly emerging idea; rather, this conception has been evolving from medieval times, experiencing different perspectives on children throughout history,

to the present In different temporal and spatial settings, “Little Adults” is perceived with divergent significance and characteristics In this study, I locate “Little Adults” as a cultural phenomenon that is appropriate for the Vietnamese contemporary society in general and previous notions of Vietnamese children in particular Therefore, while acknowledging the explicitness of this concept in the mainstream, I believe that the elucidation of the “importation”, construction, and formation of “Little Adults”- whose origin belongs to the Western world, in a non-Western context is necessary for the rationality of the whole study

This chapter lays the groundwork for my thesis by describing the current conceptualization of “Little Adults” in Vietnam as a result of social, political, economic, and media influences over the last one hundred years In terms of media, the relation between RTV and “Little Adults” is clarified, because television programming illustrates the current ideologies held within our society, and RTV is the focus of this research

Conceptions Of Childhood/Children Over Time

Having originated in the European Middle Ages, the primordial “Little Adults” was a conception literally considering children as miniature adults with whom medieval parents had little if any emotional connection and children (especially girls) were driven

as quickly as possible out of the home and into adult roles Medieval children to some extent were treated like adults apart from their different appearances and incompetent

skills There was “no territory called “childhood” that was inhabited by children”; instead, “children simply meshed into the adult world” (Cunningham, 2006, p.28)

Thus, “childhood” was defined as “becoming”, and childhood education was expected

to equip children with the essential grounding for maturity

The aforementioned perspective was then challenged by the positivist view in the eighteenth century which was based on biological evidence to manifest the physical and mental immaturity of children Central to the change in how childhood was understood

mid-in a positive light was the work of the philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau whose

publication “Emily, Or On Education” (1979) maintained that children are innately

innocent, only becoming corrupted through the experience of the world The encounter between Positivism and Romanticism in the “Golden Age” of children’s literature”1 that idealized childhood as especially close to God and a force for good resulted in the development of the “Cult of Childhood”, in which childhood innocence, freedom, goodness, and frankness were the subjects of adults’ adoration In contrast to “Little Adults” in the medieval era, that childhood was not a stage to be hurried through to achieve adulthood is an enormously influential perspective throughout this period This positivist theory and romantic movement were considered as the premise to justify the

assumption that children were “emotionally priceless yet economically useless”

(Zelitzer,1998,p.82 cited in Boesveld,2014), thus needing excessive protection The positivist perspective emphasized that children were not only different from but also naturally inferior to and dependent on adults Adults were always more competent, more experienced, more knowledgeable, and more powerful As a consequence, this positivist paradigm intertwined two relevant ideas: “normal children” and “control of knowledge” which played a vital role in regulating the basis of childhood education Irrespective of distinction in races, social classes, and cultures, the notion of “normal children” was tied

to the obsession with commonality, standard, and standardization As children were considered innocent and vulnerable, they were also passive entities that could not make

1 “Golden Age” of children’s literature: a period dating from around 1880 to the early twentieth century when children's books prevailed, and children's literature grew in popularity, with some of the finest works of art for children ever created

their own decisions What children should learn and know depended on how adults expected them to grow up (Shmueli, 2015) However, working as a psychiatrist, Benedict (2005, as cited in O’Connor,2008) asserted that the concept of the discontinuity between childhood and adulthood in which children belonged to the powerless side did not necessarily mean the children embodied these characteristics, but

they are projected onto children by the particular social world

Since the 1950s, a postmodernist view has recalled the idea of “Little Adults” in a more nuanced and progressive way They argued that children, while different from adults, were not subservient and totally dependent; rather, children were individuals intrinsically valuable for who they presently are This conception negated the positivist notion of a child’s passivity As they are active, children are capable of shaping their own world and culture Moreover, being active means that children are not left behind

by adults in knowledge acquisition Thanks to the advance of technology and social media, children can easily get chances to set foot in the adult world In the twenty-first century, the media and leisure industries have become significant in the cultural definition of childhood (Shmueli, 2015) As the generation boundaries blur, age becomes less important in creating human abilities and role expectations

The brief review of chronological ideas about children in this section plays an imperative role in directing the understanding of "Little Adults" throughout this study Accordingly, "Little Adults" analyzed in my thesis is the postmodernist perspective in which childhood is not imposed on universal, homogeneous experiences, neither are there fundamentally “normal” children who are completely submissive to adults

Vietnamese Notions Of Children/ Childhood

The formation of perspectives on Vietnamese children, including the “integration” of

"Little Adults" from the West to a Southeast Asian country does not fall far from two basic forces: 1) the transformation of internal cultural values and practices in response to the fluctuations of the contemporary social context, and 2) the comprehensive

globalization and international integrating processes as a friendly welcome to external elements

In order to examine the changing notions of Vietnamese children, I focus on the view from the war era in the 20th century to the present - a period of time that clearly proves the concern for children in a vivid way In general, children in this period are perceived

in a combination of two factors: rights of children/ adults’ efforts to protect the innocence and obligations of children/ adult’s expectations of children’s abilities These factors vary in different temporal contexts with different corresponding social conditions

Vietnamese Children In Wartime

On one hand, the obligations of children during wartime were shaped by social circumstances Millions of Vietnamese people were afflicted when the war struck For children, their lives were fraught with severe challenges, misery, and desperation, especially with young children in the cities who had to evacuate to the countryside Without much choice, children quickly became acquainted with the new life and equipped themselves with numerous abilities Growing up in wartime, Vietnamese children were taught the very first survival lessons of digging shelters, trenches, braiding straw hats, raising chickens, cooking, and other skills for an independent life Not only did they learn how to adapt to protect themselves, but children in wartime also contributed greatly to the National Revolution via nationwide campaigns namely “Small

Plans” (Kế Hoạch Nhỏ) and “Thousands of Useful Actions” (Nghìn Việc Tốt) (Phuong

& Ngoc, 2016) The harshness of war was a lever for children to reinforce their resilience and competence:

"We grew up like the young sprout in the stormy wind In retrospect, I do not

intend to compare with the modern time, but to demonstrate that Vietnamese children have always been competent, always willing to overcome difficulties full

of optimism" (Nguyen, 2016)

As opposed to the notion that these skills and roles automatically imposed the

“miniature adults" concept on children in wartime, the purity and the innocent world of childhood were always emphasized as national agenda:

“In our country, as the French invaded, they burned our houses and killed our

people cruelly, both adults and children had to join the Resistance I love you all very much I promise you that: on the day of defeating the French invaders, when the Resistance War gains the victory, I and the Government will try to give you a life of prosperity, happiness, a life that you can play and be educated.” (Ho,

1950)

The discourses on Vietnamese children in the wartime were materialized through the instructions of President Ho Chi Minh who always gave boundless attachment and special attention to younger generations In particular, the two most prominent notions

are: "Children Are The Future Of The Country" (“Trẻ Em Là Tương Lai Đất Nước”) and "Young Age Shoulder Small Tasks" (“Tuổi Nhỏ Làm Việc Nhỏ”) The first notion

“Children Are The Future Of The Country” was echoed in most of President Ho Chi Minh's speeches/essays on children, expressing his pride and expectations for the "Phu Dong’s Descendants” (Ho,1950, as cited in Nguyen,2019) As the powerful successors

in the Vietnamese revolution and the future masters of the country, the younger generations have the responsibility to succeed in the revolutionary cause and realize the glorious historical mission that their predecessors handed to them Marking the start of the first school year in the new regime, he sent a letter to encourage students in the country The letter went,

“Today we have to restore the country inherited from our ancestors and catch up

with other countries around the globe In this reconstruction process, our country expects great contributions from you Whether the Vietnamese country will become beautiful and whether the Vietnamese nation will be glorious and well-

matched with the superpowers in the five continents, mostly depends on your learning.” (Ho, 19452)

On the other hand, that children are highly valued and expected does not mean they are under pressure from being "Little Adults" Ho Chi Minh always emphasizes the magnitude of "Young Age Shoulder Small Tasks" that children have the right to enjoy their wonderful childhood when they can learn and play effectively Particular, “Small tasks” refers to activities that are not only meaningful but also appropriate with children’s abilities, namely self-improvement regarding all physical health- personalities-knowledge, and the contribution to community-development campaigns

such as donating books and clothes to the underprivileged He emphasized, "Don't teach

them to be little adults Make sure your child is disciplined but still happy and proactive instead of being reserved, dependent, and passive.” (Ho, 1955, as cited in

Nguyen,2019)

To combine these above perspectives, "Children Are Like Spring Buds On A Branch"

(“Trẻ Em Như Búp Trên Cành”) was another core concept of President Ho Chi Minh

about Vietnamese children and child-rearing in this period The buds on the branches are young, beautiful and full of vitality, but vulnerable, so they have to be cherished, and

also be shaped Similarly, children, due to their young age, should only “shoulder small

tasks”, but also need a conscientious education to become “the future of the country”

Vietnamese Children In Globalizing Era

The triumph Global Integration: Children’s Rights to Participation and Initiative

Post-reform Vietnam has experienced globalization in all aspects In terms of centered issues, Vietnam is the first Asian country and the second country in the world

child-to sign and ratify the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) The

2 Translated by Nguyen Dinh Hoa: Nguyen Dinh Hoa (2007), Ho Chi Minh’s Thought on education and training of

future revolutionary generations

UNCRC proposed new perspectives on children as “active decision-makers and agents

of change” (Quach,2015) Accordingly, the right to participation is one of the four

essential rights groups of children Despite being vulnerable people who need the protection and support from their families, society, and the state, children can form and express their ideas, participate in the decision-making process and influence solutions, intervene as collaborators in the path of social change, and democracy building Furthermore, UNCRC emphasizes the “magnetic needle” for child participation in Article 12, paragraph 1:

"States Parties shall assure to the child who is capable of forming his or her views the right to express those views freely in all matters affecting the child, the views of the child being given due weight in accordance with the age and maturity of the child” (1989)

Vietnam, as a state member, must enforce a legal system on children's rights, including the rights to participate, in accordance with the spirit and content of the Convention Specifically, the rights of children to participate as a citizen is expressed in Vietnamese

legal documents: “Children have the right to access information appropriate with them,

the right to express their opinions and aspirations on issues of concern”, cited Article

20, Clause 1 of the Law on Child Protection, Care and Education 2004 The above documents constituting an important legal basis not only confirm the active role of children in society but also instruct families, agencies, and organizations to provide child-centered practical activities Children are involved in relevant issues through a wide range of public events such as forums, conferences, seminars, contests; through organizations representing children's voices and aspirations such as the Ho Chi Minh Young Pioneers and the Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Union; and through children's clubs, teams and groups that are legally established For instance, in the nationwide program "National Actions For Children" (2001-2010), the year 2009 marked the first

“National Children's Forum” organized by the Ministry of Labor, Invalids and Social Affairs, and five international organizations on children in Vietnam With the theme

"Children and goals for children”, the forum provided an opportunity for representatives

of children all over the country to voice their own opinions and discuss the implementation of the following 10-year "National Actions for Children" program (2011-2020) Since then, the “National Children's Forums” have been held every two years, from 2011 to 2019

In general, it can be acknowledged that accumulating the significant position of Vietnamese children throughout the twentieth century, the viewpoint of the globalizing era optimizes the initiative and vital roles of children Children's rights to participation are legislated on the mission of ensuring children's best interests and respecting their opinions on relevant issues, thus promoting their contribution to society as future masters of the country

The triumph of Neoliberalism: Notions of child-rearing to adapt to “Neoliberal subjects”

Along with changes brought by globalization, Post-reform witnessed the waning of socialist ideals with the pervasive pace of marketization Neoliberalism is a market-based ideology that often describes the change in economic liberalization Specifically, neoliberal policies include privatization, free trade, the abolition of regulations, and the reduction of government control In Vietnam, neoliberal rationality has been given in the form of governance transfers from the state to private, corporate, and transnational,

as well as the dissemination of market criteria to assess health, education, and aesthetics (Montoya,2012; Schwenkel,2012) New discourses of personal conduct, responsibility, and work rationalize the new social formations recognized under the term neoliberalism Neoliberal imperatives also extend to childhood education Under the paradigm of neoliberalism, labor forces and schooling systems have undergone a shift that has redefined the norms of work and education in advanced economies, which has the potential to generate appropriate institutional crises of legitimacy In the age of shifting employment demands, the new model of the agile, adaptable and inquiring learners is

increasingly imperative both to meet neoliberal economic demands and to legitimate them; as a result, a distinctive “Neoliberal Subject” is axiomatically required As Couldry (2008) aptly observes:

“[Neoliberalism] requires of its participants continuous loyalty, submission to surveillance and external direction even within the deepest recesses of private life, yet demands of those same individuals acceptance of the fragility and impermanence of the opportunities it provides.” [p.3]

For Walkerdine (2003), the neoliberal subject embodies introspection, flexibility, regulation, and self-transformation In addition, Francis and Skelton (2008, as cited in

self-Widle,2010) added ‘entrepreneurism, assertion, self-confidence, “drive”, self-reliance,

risk-taking, competition, and indeed individualism itself’ (p.315)

As a result, childhood education, in its attempt to create a “Neoliberal Subject”, has inclined toward accelerating two functions: “Social Efficiency” and “Social Mobility”

In particular, “Social Efficiency” is the perspective of taxpayers and employers, from which education is seen as a public goods designed to prepare workers to fill the structurally necessary market “Social Mobility” is the perspective of the individual educational consumer, from which education is seen as a private good designed to prepare individuals for successful social competition for the more desirable market roles

Stories of little geniuses and the reconstruction of “Little Adults”

This period has seen the increasing emergence of prodigies who are regarded as the most successful achievements of the modern education system – also called “The Ideal

Children" (“Con Nhà Người Ta”) The stories of little geniuses are not only for

admiration but also raise public debates, thereby contributing to creating diverse perspectives on children and child-rearing

When it comes to Vietnamese little geniuses in this modern time, Do Nhat Nam is undoubtedly an outstanding example Born in 2001, Do Nhat Nam is famous for his English language proficiency, which made him become the youngest Vietnamese translator at the age of seven At eleven years old, Nhat Nam was awarded the

"Youngest Autobiographical Writer in Vietnam'' for his English-Vietnamese bilingual books Additionally, Nam has won numerous prizes in English examinations, and many times stood on the stages of prestigious international conferences Particularly, at the age of 13, Nhat Nam, on behalf of Asian children, attended the TEDxKID conference as

a speaker Then, in 2014, he started his journey to study in the USA and excelled at receiving scholarships and gaining many other impressive achievements Several years

ago, there was a heated controversy about one of his statements: "Comics is a worm that

damages the soul" The prodigy with his miraculous ability and extraordinary

accomplishments divided social networks at that time Many people said that Nam did not have a true childhood, while others argued that it depends on what is perceived as “a true childhood” Although the story of Do Nhat Nam has led to a lot of controversies surrounding the acceptable boundary of childhood, it is unarguable that his superiority, compared to his peers, is the result of non-traditional childhood education methods and

is a concrete demonstration for the increasing status of children in today's globalized and neoliberal context - corresponding to the significance of the Children’s Right of Participate and “Neoliberal Subjects” Having a considerable influence on the maturity

of Nhat Nam, his mother often shares her perspectives about child-rearing, among

which a method to empower child participation and initiative is emphasized: "Parents

had better give our children more “power” by consulting: How do you feel? Do you have any ideas? Do you have a solution ?" (Phan, 2016)

Traditionally, "Childhood" was narrowly defined as a period of time under parental protection, with the main tasks temporarily being "to eat, to sleep, to study" Childhood

is playing games, being mischievous, making mistakes, and being taught by adults In

Vietnam, the term “Little Adults” (“Ông Cụ Non/ Bà Cụ Non”) used to negatively refer

to children possessing not so-called innocent mindsets However, the case of Do Nhat Nam and other similar succeeding stories namely Do Kim Hao (a little inventor)3 and Phan Dang Nhat Minh (a mathematical genius)4, have raised questions about the entrenched idea of “Little Adults” and the dangers of unusual precocity An increasing presence of exceptional children on public media, achieving popularity and admiration, has illustrated that childhood does not necessarily mean safe, mischievous, and anxiety-free Rather, each person is a unique individual; thus it is not feasible to make a comparison across spatial and temporal contexts, which means adults cannot equate one’s childhood with another and also with their own childhood many years ago

RTV as a cultural form of neoliberalism

The changing approach of Vietnamese television for children, from a fantasy world to

"Reality", is corresponding to the transformation in the notions of children/ childhood

In particular, the conceptualization of “Little Adults” among prevailing modern notions

of childhood is wielded by the media, in which factual television or RTV performs a vital role

In the Post-reform era, Vietnamese television, instead of being utilized predominantly as political propaganda like the previous period, has inclined toward exploiting extensive aspects of factual daily living, which paved the way for the proliferation of diverse channels and ordinary people-oriented programs, namely documentaries, talk shows, quiz shows, and reality shows The development of reality genres in Vietnam generated spaces for the neoliberal paradigm based on the practice of personal choices and

3 Nguyen Duong Kim Hao: a child prodigy in information technology and a little inventor of Vietnam Since his elementary school years, he has created many practical technological inventions, such as a software for calculating marks at school or smart control panels for electrical devices He has won many domestic and international awards

in innovation and invention (Nguyen, 2014)

4 Phan Dang Nhat Minh: a mathematical prodigy of Vietnam He can read and calculate from the age of 18

months, and possesses a superb memory In 2013, he became the champion of the TV program "Vietnamese Brainiest Kid" - an intellectual competition for secondary school students This championship offered Nhat Minh a 4-week study at University of Cambridge, UK (Nguyen, 2014)

individual competitions, which was significantly different from the previous moralist language of socialism that prioritized the role of community and public products

As neoliberal order is characterized by the role of “private”, “individual” actors, RTV

culturally manifests this feature by promoting the image of “Self” ( display, improvement, self-actualization, self-regulation), competition, risk-taking ability, flexibility, and stardom Game shows for children, though designed to minimize competitive factors, still carry the notable characteristics of RTV For instance, with the same practice of singing, the approaches of imported game shows and domestic programs are completely different While in the domestic competitions, the main purpose is to find out the best voice and performance, the foreign game shows extend their focus on the competitive formats and drama effects For example, in “The Voice Kids of Vietnam”, The Blind Audition round always evokes curiosity and surprises for the viewers, the jury, and the contestants The judges turn their backs to the stage to hear the singers' voices without knowing what the contestants look like The design of the stage as an arena in the Battle Round also makes the performances more dramatic and more attractive

self-The Reconstruction Of “Little Adults” In Vietnam: A Summary

"Little Adults" is a notion of children, whose meaning has been reconstructed in modern time In Medieval European society, “Little Adults” was literally understood that children were simply miniature adults, so they could shoulder the same work as adults Today, based on the neoliberal paradigms, "Little Adults" still involve the transgression

of children into the adult world, but it indicates not only adults’ high expectations of children’s ability but also the children’s increasing independence Thanks to the universality of information technology and progressive perspectives in child-rearing, age is no longer a matter of capacity limitation The maturity of children beyond their age also diversifies attitudes about acceptable childhood norms

The "Little Adults" used and analyzed in this research is the viewpoint of neoliberalism

By studying the historical and socio-cultural conditions of Vietnam in this chapter, the migration and dissemination of a Western view in Vietnamese society is evidenced to be not contradictory; rather, it is a natural harmony of both internal and external factors On the one hand, although the term "Little Adults" is derived from the West, its features are somewhat similar to the characteristics and expectations of Vietnamese children in history, namely wartime On the other hand, the remarkable influences of globalization and neoliberalism on the country since the Post-reform have raised the importance of children’s rights to participation and “Neoliberal Subjects” which majorly reinforce

"Little Adults" in contemporary society

CHAPTER 3: “LITTLE ADULTS” IN THE VOICE KIDS OF VIETNAM:

THE CULTIVATION OF “CHILD STARS”

The previous chapter has clarified the construction of "Little Adults" in Vietnamese society, thereby explaining the rationality of the transplantation of a Western notion into

a Southeast Asian country Among the current approaches, media, especially RTV, is a crucial means of creating and promoting "Little Adults" in the community As The Voice Kids of Vietnam is an imported reality program, the success of the show in Vietnam proves its adaptability to the “Vietnamese”- cultures, morals, and aesthetics for instance For example, I assume that, while committing to the mission of its original edition of Holland, The Voice Kids of Vietnam can still create a unique locality in how

to nurture young musical talents

To demonstrate the above hypothesis, this chapter is split into two main parts The first one clarifies how “Child Stars”, as a product of the media, is also one part of the story of

“Little Adults” The second section focuses on analyzing different strategies to cultivate

“Child Stars” in the program, which simultaneously addresses the question: what is

“Vietnamese” about The Voice Kids of Vietnam?

How “Little Adults and “Child Stars” converge

“Becoming a star”/ “becoming famous” is a phrase that has been constantly repeated

throughout the seven seasons of the Voice Kids of Vietnam Before examining how the discourse is presented in the program, I would like to lay the groundwork by spelling out the concept “Child Stars” to clarify why and how the concept is embraced in the story of “Little Adults” in The Voice Kids of Vietnam

The social construction of “Child Stars”: “Child Stars” as a manifestation of

“Little Adults”

In her book “The Cultural Significance Of The Child Star” (2008), the author Jane O’Connor demonstrates her thorough understanding of how children’s identities are defined and influenced by media, of which the “Child Star” seems to be an outstanding embodiment Two major statements clarified throughout are: 1) the category ‘Child Stars’ is conceptualized as a media product and 2) its eternity and popularity are linked with the universal desire for an idealized image of children Both statements contribute toward illustrating the significance of “Child Stars” as a complex cultural phenomenon

In terms of descriptive definition, in comparison to its primordial narrow definition invented in the Western context which particularly referred to the young performers in Hollywood films of the 1920s and 30s, the modern concept of “Child Stars” extends to embody children who have achieved reputation and recognition in the entertainment industry through public performances (mostly acting and singing) Jane O’Connor claimed this period as the “Age of Child Stars” that reflects the increasing presence of children in public media and their impressive achievement What’s more, there are apparently specific characteristics that propel this group both actively (children’s aspiration to portray themselves) and passively (adult’s ideal of what they expect

children to be like) To investigate a comprehensive definition of “Child Stars”, it is

imperative to consider identities that are considered "normal" of children and charisma

of "star", so that "Child Stars" can be categorized and conceptualized based on its

commonality and distinctions from two above mentioned groups:

“In contemporary culture, the term ‘child star’ has become synonymous with a particularly deviant type of childhood The answer appears to be by creating an image of the child star as totally unlike other children—as gifted, wise, with almost magical qualities—children who were ‘too good’ for a normal life, whose purpose was to bring joy and happiness to audiences.” (O’Connor, 2008, p.01)

From this, it is interpreted that the construction of the child stardom in the media emphasizes what constitutes acceptable, ‘natural’ behaviors for “normal” children and