The routledge handbook of the governance of migration and diversity in cities

european port cities as a case study Paul van de Laar 12 3 urban migration histories Marlou Schrover 22 4 learning from history: city governance of migration and diversity in brit

goveRnance of MigRaTion and

diveRsiTy in ciTies

how have immigration and diversity shaped urban life and local governance?

The Routledge Handbook of the Governance of Migration and Diversity in Cities focuses on the

ways migration and diversity have transformed cities, and how cities have responded to the lenges and opportunities offered strengthening the relevance of the city as a crucial category for the study of migration policy and migration flows, the book is divided into five parts:

con-a wide rcon-ange of disciplines con-a vcon-alucon-able resource for students con-and scholcon-ars working in politiccon-al science, policy studies, history, sociology, urban studies and geography

Tiziana Caponio is associate Professor in the department of cultures, Politics and society at

the university of Turin and fellow at collegio carlo alberto

Peter Scholten is Professor in Public administration at erasmus university of Rotterdam Ricard Zapata-Barrero is full Professor at the department of Political and social sciences,

universitat Pompeu fabra, barcelona, spain

The RouTledge handbook

of The goveRnance of MigRaTion and diveRsiTy

in ciTies

Edited by Tiziana Caponio, Peter Scholten and

Ricard Zapata-Barrero

2 Park square, Milton Park, abingdon, oxon oX14 4Rn

and by Routledge

711 Third avenue, new york, ny 10017

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2019 selection and editorial matter, Tiziana caponio, Peter scholten and Ricard

Zapata-barrero; individual chapters, the contributors

The right of Tiziana caponio, Peter scholten and Ricard Zapata-barrero to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the copyright,

designs and Patents act 1988

all rights reserved no part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered

trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to

infringe

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

a catalogue record for this book is available from the british library

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

a catalog record has been requested for this book

isbn: 978-0-815-36370-5 (hbk) isbn: 978-1-351-10847-8 (ebk) Typeset in bembo

by Wearset ltd, boldon, Tyne and Wear

1 introduction

Tiziana Caponio, Peter Scholten and Ricard Zapata-Barrero

1

PART I

Migration, history and urban life

Introduction by Peter Scholten

9

2 Migration: a historical perspective european port cities as a case study

Paul van de Laar

12

3 urban migration histories

Marlou Schrover

22

4 learning from history: city governance of migration and diversity in

britain and germany

PART II

Local politics and political participation

Introduction by Ricard Zapata-Barrero

10 how do local actors promote civic participation of immigrants?

approaches to integration and local dynamics

Local policies of migration and diversity

Introduction by Tiziana Caponio

143

12 global cities and multilevel immigration governance in latin america

Felipe Amin Filomeno

145

13 Two worlds apart? Multilevel governance and the gap between national

and local integration policies

16 city governance of migration and diversity: interculturalism as a city

19 The governance of superdiversity: a tale of two north american cities

Jill Simone Gross

Divided cities and border cities

Introduction by Tiziana Caponio and Ricard Zapata-Barrero

26 urban diversity, inequality and residential processes: The role of

immigration in the socio-spatial organisation of the lisbon

Metropolitan area

Jennifer McGarrigle and Maria Lucinda Fonseca

313

27 urban citizenship in times of emergency: the impact of national control

policies on the incorporation of precarious migrants in Tel aviv/Jaffa

29 local impacts of the global north’s blackmail concerning transit

migration: the cases of Tijuana and istanbul

1.1 cities analysed in this handbook 2 1.2 factors and processes that shape the city governance of migration and diversity 4

7.1 engagement in organisations by migrants across european cities 80 7.2 engagement in organisations by migrants from specific ethnic groups across

7.3 engagement in organisations by migrants from specific groups compared to

7.4 Percentage of migrants who voted in the last national or local elections across

7.5 Percentage of migrants from specific groups who voted in the last national or

7.6 Percentage of migrants of specific groups, of natives, and of second generations

who voted in the last national or local elections across european cities (only

7.7 engagement by migrants in at least one extra-electoral political activity across

7.8 engagement by natives, migrants and second generations in at least one

7.9 Percentage of migrants from specific groups who voted in the last national or

local elections (including individuals with no voting rights) 89 9.1 Percentage of voters with surinamese, Moroccan or Turkish background who

15.1 analytical framework for the analysis of cns as instances of Mlg 186 17.1 analytical model for research on the government/governance of integration

21.1 index of governance of every city, in general and by category 258

21.3 Position of Reci cities by intercultural governance categories 259 21.4 grouping of Reci cities and categories of intercultural governance 260 21.5 The process of intercultural governance, according to Reci cities’ practices 261

24.1 examples of “Tarjetas ciudadanas” (citizens’ cards) 293

26.1 evolution in the legally resident foreign population, lMa, 2008–2016 315

26.3 factor two – asian and brazilian migrants and poor housing conditions, lMa 321

26.5 factor four – african immigrants and social marginality, lMa 323

30.1 Migrant arrivals by boat detected across the central Mediterranean sea route 366 30.2 arrivals, asylum applications, deportations in italy (January–october 2015) 367

9.1 Percentage turnout of immigrant-origin voters in amsterdam, 1994–2014 108

9.3 number of position holders of surinamese, Turkish and Moroccan origin in

11.2 number of employers’ declarations on the intention to entrust employment to a foreigner in a given work position with breakdown into nationality, registered in

13.1 overview of perspectives on governance in multilevel settings 159

20.1 Typology of cities of migration based on degree of diversification and degree of

Editors

Tiziana Caponio is associate Professor in the department of cultures, Politics and society at the

university of Turin, and fellow at collegio carlo alberto and fieRi she is co-chair of the imiscoe standing committee on “The Multilevel governance of Migration and integration Policy” (www.imiscoe.org) her recent publications include: “Theorizing the ‘local turn’ in the govern-

ance of immigrant policy” (editor, with R Zapata-barrero and P scholten), International Review of Administrative Sciences, 83( 2), 2017; “Theorising migration policy in multilevel states: the multilevel governance perspective” (editor with M Jones-correas), JEMS, online august 2017; “immigrant integration beyond national policies? italian cities’ participation in european city networks”, JEMS,

online august 2017; “Research on the multi-level governance of migration and migrant tion: reversed pyramids”, with ilke adam, in s bonjour, a Weinar, and l Zhyznomirska (eds),

integra-Handbook on the Politics of Migration in Europe, london: Routledge, forthcoming

Peter Scholten is Professor in Public administration at erasmus university of Rotterdam,

specialising in the dynamics of migration and diversity policies his research focuses on, amongst others, the governance of migration and migration-related diversity, multilevel governance, comparative public policy, and the relationship between knowledge and power in the field of migration Peter is director of iMiscoe, europe’s largest academic research network on migra-

tion, integration, and social cohesion he is also editor-in-chief of the journal Comparative Migration Studies (cMs) and member of the editorial board of the Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis he has carried out various research projects on “research-policy dialogues” in the field

of migration and diversity, as well as participated in research-policy dialogues in various roles for more information, see www.peterscholten.net

Ricard Zapata-Barrero is full Professor at the department of Political and social sciences,

universitat Pompeu fabra (barcelona-spain) his main lines of research deal with contemporary issues of liberal democracy in contexts of diversity, especially the relationship between demo-cracy, citizenship, and immigration he is director of gRiTiM-uPf (interdisciplinary Research group on immigration) and the Master in Migration studies at uPf see more details about publications: http://dcpis.upf.edu/~ricard-zapata

Authors

Marie Bassi is currently Maître de conférences at the université nice sophia antipolis in the

department of Political science and Member of the french school of Rome (efR) she holds a Phd in Political science from the centre for international studies (ceRi) of the Paris institute of Political studies (sciences Po Paris) her research interests regard the outsourcing of the manage-ment of reception and holding centres for asylum seekers and irregular migrants in france and italy, italian and eu migration and asylum policies, collective mobilisations and processes of borderisa-tion she has published several articles in french and english in scientific journals and collective

books (for example, “Politiques de contrôle et réalités locales” in L’Espace Politique, 2015 and “The christian support networks for immigrants in Palermo” in Partecipazione e Conflitto, 2014)

Ted Cantle is director of the icoco foundation in the uk and is a visiting professor at the

university of nottingham and the nottingham Trent university The icoco foundation (www.icocofoundation.com) specialises in the development of interculturalism and community cohesion and builds upon the concept of community cohesion which Ted established in 2001 with his review of race riots in england and the work of the institute of community cohesion

which he established in 2005 his publications include Community cohesion: a new framework for race and diversity (2008) and Interculturalism: for the new era of cohesion and diversity (2012), both

published by Palgrave Macmillan for full list of publications, see above website

Teresa Cappiali is currently a Postdoctoral fellow at collegio carlo alberto in Turin, italy

between 2013 and 2016, she was a visiting fellow at university of Toronto, european university institute, and cornell university she specialises in comparative politics and the sociology of migration, focusing on immigrants’ political integration, the politics of migration, and social movements her research addresses several dimensions of the dynamics that transform immigrants and ethnic minorities into active political citizens, particularly in european cities her forth-

coming book, entitled Immigrant political participation and allies: coalitions, conflicts and racialization in hostile environments, is under contract with Routledge and examines the efforts immigrant activists

and their allies make to resist state criminalisation and production of exclusion through political

activism and grassroots mobilisations in italy her work has appeared in the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Ethnic and Racial Studies, International Migration Review and Southern European Society and Politics and various edited volumes

Els de Graauw is associate Professor of Political science at baruch college, the city

univer-sity of new york her research centres on the nexus of immigration and immigrant integration, civil society organisations, urban and suburban politics, and public policy she is the author of

Making immigrant rights real: nonprofits and the politics of integration in San Francisco (cornell sity Press, 2016) her research also appears in Politics, Groups, and Identities, Journal of Immigrant and Refugee Studies, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, WorkingUSA, Politics & Society, Amer- ican Journal of Sociology, Annual Review of Political Science, Daedalus, Hérodote, and various edited

univer-volumes she earned her Phd degree in Political science from the university of california at berkeley she has been a researcher at the harvard kennedy school of government and cornell university in 2012, she co-founded the section on Migration and citizenship of the american Political science association

Maciej Duszczyk is Professor and vice-Rector for Research and international Relations,

university of Warsaw, member of the board of centre of Migration Research, member of the

national science congress board, Ministry of science and higher education in 2008–2011 he was member of the board of strategic advisers to the Prime Minister of Poland; in 2011–2013, head of Task force for Migration Policy in the chancellery of the President of Poland; in 2014–2015, visiting Professor at the Martin luther university of halle-Wittenberg and frie-drich schiller university of Jena he is also member of the Transatlantic forum on Migration and integration

Jan Willem Duyvendak is distinguished Research Professor of sociology at the

univer-sity of amsterdam, after having been director of the verwey-Jonker Research institute for social issues (1999–2003) and Professor of community development at the erasmus univer-sity Rotterdam he received his master’s degrees in both sociology and philosophy at the university of groningen, and did his doctoral research, which dealt with new social move-ments, at the university of amsterdam his main fields of research currently are the trans-formation of the welfare state, belonging and feeling at home, and nativism his latest books

include European states and their Muslim citizens: the impact of institutions on perceptions and boundaries (cambridge university Press, 2014, co-edited with John bowen, christophe ber- tossi, and Mona lena krook), New York and Amsterdam: immigration and the new urban land- scape (nyu Press, 2014, co-edited with nancy foner, Jan Rath, and Rogier van Reekum), Players and arenas: the interactive dynamics of protest (amsterdam university Press, 2015, co- edited with James M Jasper), Breaking down the state: protestors engaged (amsterdam university Press, 2015, co-edited with James M Jasper), and Culturalization of citizenship: belonging and polarization in a globalizing world (Palgrave Macmillan, 2016, co-edited with Peter geschiere

and evelien Tonkens)

Felipe Amin Filomeno is assistant Professor of Political science and global studies at the

university of Maryland, baltimore county, usa he holds a Phd in sociology from the Johns hopkins university, usa his research examines development issues affecting latin america and is currently focused on the governance of international migration he was awarded the early career Prize of the economics and Politics section of the latin american studies associ-

ation in 2015 and is author of Monsanto and intellectual property in South America (Palgrave millan, 2014) and Theories of local immigration policy (Palgrave Macmillan, 2017) his publications have also appeared in several academic journals, including the Urban Affairs Review, Comparative Politics, and the Journal of Politics in Latin America

Mac-Maria Lucinda Fonseca is Professor of human geography and Migration studies and

Presi-dent of the institute of geography and spatial Planning (igoT), universidade de lisboa she

is also the director of the Phd Program on Migration studies and the coordinator of the Research cluster MigRaRe – Migration, spaces and societies at the centre for geographical studies (ceg) of the same institute her current research activities focus on migration dynamics and migrant transnationalism, migration, mobilities and urban transformation and migration, demographic change and regional development currently, she is coordinating the Portuguese

team of the Mobile Welfare Project, European Welfare states in times of mobility, sponsored by the

noRface Research Programme on Welfare state futures

Kristin R Good is associate Professor in the department of Political science at dalhousie

university her books on local immigration policies and governance include Municipalities and multiculturalism: the politics of immigration in Toronto and Vancouver (2009) and the co-edited (with luc Turgeon and Triadafilos Triadafilopoulos) volume Segmented cities? How urban contexts shape

ethnic and nationalist politics (2014) With co-editor, Martin horak, she is editor of the Queen’s Studies in urban governance book series

Mcgill-Jill Simone Gross is an associate Professor and director of the graduate Program in urban

Policy and leadership at hunter college of the city university of new york, and was chair

of the urban affairs association (2015–2017) she has a Phd in Political science from the graduate center of the city university of new york and an Msc from the london school of economics, and was a fulbright-schuman scholar (2011–2012), researching migrant integra-tion she works primarily on comparative urban governance and policy and has most recently

published in Urban Affairs Review, Journal of Urban Affairs, Cities, and Urban Research and Practice

“Migrants and the Right to the city” was published in y beebeejaun (ed.) The participatory city (berlin: Jovis verlag gmbh, 2016) she is coauthor of Governing cities in a global era (Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), and Constructing metropolitan space: actors, policies and processes of rescaling in world metropolises (Routledge, 2018)

Sarah Hackett is Reader in Modern european history at bath spa university, uk her

research interests focus upon european Muslim immigration in the post-1945 era, particularly

to britain and germany her book (Foreigners, minorities and integration: the Muslim immigrant experience in Britain and Germany, Manchester university Press, 2013) examines the impact that

britain’s relatively liberal immigration policy and germany’s rigid guest-worker rotation system have had on the long-term integration of Muslim immigrants at a local level her other research interests include european city-level migration and integration policies, migration and religion, and islam in europe in historical perspective her research has been funded by the german historical institute in london (ghil) and the german academic exchange service (daad) she also held a doctoral fellowship at the university of durham she acts as an editor for the

Journal of Migration History

Aulia Hadi is a junior researcher at the indonesian institute of sciences Pursuing her Master

degree in new Media and communication studies at the university of Twente, the lands (2013), she wrote about the ways migrants use different types of interactive communica-tion for bonding and bridging communities she continuously conducts research on media, identity, rural–urban space and local politics in 2014 she had the opportunity to present her paper about the interconnection of digital–urban space for the labour movement at the asia Research institute, national university of singapore (aRi-nus) she (as co-author) recently published a book chapter entitled “urbanisation and social transformation: the case of Java’s north coast cities” (2017)

nether-Adriana Kemp is a political sociologist and head of the department of sociology and

anthro-pology at Tel aviv university her research interests focus on two main areas: intersections between labour and forced migration, citizenship and civil society, and scholarship on the re-scaling of politics and urban governance she has published on these topics in journals such as

International Migration Review, Gender and Society, Political Geography, IJURR (International Journal

of Urban and Regional Research), Law and Society Review, Ethnic and Racial Studies and Social lems she is the author of more than 20 refereed book chapters, the co-editor of two collected volumes and the co-author of a book on Migrants and workers: the political economy of labour migra- tion in Israel (in hebrew) she is currently leading a three-year research titled “do papers

Prob-matter?”, dealing with the impact of legal liminality on the life-course of migrant workers and refugees’ children in israel, funded by the israeli national science foundation

Robert C Kloosterman is Professor of economic geography and Planning at the university

of amsterdam his research is guided by questions about how the social, economic and cultural transition of advanced urban economies that gathered pace after 1980 has affected cities and why different outcomes have emerged he has published extensively in english language journals on urban issues such as labour market developments in urban areas, migrant entrepreneurship, and

on cultural industries, especially music and architectural design, and planning issues related to cultural amenities he is head of the research group geographies of globalisations

Peggy Levitt is chair of the sociology department and the luella laMer slaner Professor in

latin american studies at Wellesley college and co-director of harvard university’s Politics

and social change Workshop her most recent book, Artifacts and Allegiances: How Museums Put the Nation and the World on Display, was published by the university of california Press in July

2015 Peggy has received honorary doctoral degrees from the university of helsinki (2017) and from Maastricht university (2014) she is currently a guest Professor and Robert schuman fellow at the european university institute (2017–2019) she has held visiting professorships at Queen Mary university of london, Tel aviv university, the lebanese american university, the national university of singapore, oxford university, and the american university of

cairo her books include Religion on the Edge (oxford university Press, 2012), God Needs No Passport (new Press, 2007), The Transnational Studies Reader (Routledge, 2007), The Changing Face of Home (Russell sage, 2002), and The Transnational Villagers (uc Press, 2001)

Giovanna Marconi, architect (2001), has a Phd in urban Planning and Public Policies (2012);

since 2008 she has been a researcher at the ssiiM unesco chair on the social and spatial inclusion of international migrants, based at the university iuav of venice her main research topics include: south-to-south international migration, transit migration, urban inclusion of international migrants and the governance of migration in small–medium sized cities she has coordinated and collaborated on a number of international (action) research projects related to these issues and is author of several scientific articles and book chapters on the urban dimension

of international migration

Jennifer McGarrigle holds a Phd in urban studies from the university of glasgow, uk she

is currently assistant Professor of human geography in the institute of geography and spatial Planning (igoT) and researcher in the centre for geographical studies, at the universidade de lisboa her research interests lie at the intersection of migration and urban studies she has conducted extensive research on residential processes, housing and religious minorities in the

uk and Portugal her current research focuses on new forms of international residential ity and impacts in urban areas, with a particular focus on investment and lifestyle migration

mobil-Simon McMahon was a Research fellow at the centre for Trust, Peace and social Relations

at coventry university from 2014 to 2018 he has a Phd from king’s college london and has been a visiting researcher at the european university institute (italy), the Pompeu fabra univer-

sity (spain) and the colegio de la frontera sur (Mexico) he is a co-author of Unravelling Europe’s migration crisis: journeys over land and sea (Policy Press, 2017), author of Immigration and citizenship in an enlarged European Union (Palgrave, 2015) and co-editor (with leila Talani) of The handbook of international political economy of migration (edward elgar, 2015)

Paul Mepschen is a postdoc at the university of amsterdam (uva) he teaches courses on

reli-gion, gender, politics, and ethnographic methodology he received his Phd degree from the

university of amsterdam for his dissertation Everyday autochthony Difference, discontent, and the politics of home in Amsterdam (2016), on the politics of autochthony in the netherlands (cum

laude) his work deals with the politics of belonging, citizenship, and urban politics in Western europe his interests include cultural and sexual politics, migration, race and racism, sexuality and queer theory; and religion and secularism he is also interested in populism and the sociology

of the european left as part of the Political sociology programme at the uva, he is currently working on a research project on the urban politics and historical anthropology of lgbTiQ pride, focusing on the sexual politics of “europe” other research focuses on urban superdiver-sity; on masculinity; and the politics of representation concerning islam and refugees

Laura Morales (Msc lse, Ma Juan March institute, Phd universidad autónoma de Madrid)

is Professor in comparative Politics at the university of leicester her interests lie, especially,

in the areas of political behavior, political participation, public opinion, the politics of

immigra-tion, and comparative politics she has published Joining political organisations: institutions, tion and participation in western democracies, colchester: ecPR Press, 2009; Political discussion in modern democracies in a comparative perspective (edited with Michael Wolf and ken’ichi ikeda), london: Routledge, 2010; and Social capital, political participation and migration in Europe: making multicultural democracy work? (edited with Marco giugni), basingstoke: Palgrave, 2011; as well as

mobilisa-a number of mobilisa-articles in mobilisa-acmobilisa-ademic internmobilisa-ationmobilisa-al journmobilisa-als she is currently the principmobilisa-al investigmobilisa-ator

of the european Research council grant Responsivegov, which studies how democratic ernments respond to the multiple and sometimes contradictory pressures of the public, and one

gov-of the principal investigators gov-of the open Research area project Pathways on the political representation of citizens of immigrant origin in eight european democracies

Fabiola Pardo, a dutch-colombian, has a Phd in Political science from leiden university,

the netherlands, and a Master’s degree in Political science from the university of Montreal, canada her pre-graduate studies are in law and Philosophy at the externado university and national university of colombia, respectively since 2007 she has worked as a research pro-fessor in the faculty of social science and humanities at the externado university of colombia and she coordinates liMiTi, a research group on international migration and intercultural tra-

jectories some relevant publications are: Challenging the paradoxes of integration policies: Latin Americans in the European city (springer 2018); “integration policies and practices: intercultural urban trajectories of latin american migrants in europe”, in Migration, Stadt und Urbanität (springer, 2017); Inmigración, multiculturalidad and políticas de integración: Colombianos en Ámster- dam, Londres y Madrid (2012); Territorialidades cívicas: Espacio público y cultura urbana en Bogotá

(externado university Press, 2008)

Katia Pilati (Phd university of Trento, department of sociology and social Research, dsRs)

is assistant Professor (RTd) at the dsRs at the university of Trento, italy before joining dsRs, she was a Marie curie fellow at the department of Political science at the university of geneva, switzerland and a research fellow at the université libre de bruxelles (belgium) her research interests include political participation and immigration, social movements and political

participation in repressive contexts, social networks her publications have appeared in Ethnic and Racial Studies, European Journal of Political Science, Global Networks, Journal of Ethnic and Migra- tion Studies, and Mobilization she is the author of two books on migrants’ political participation

(armando, 2010; Palgrave Macmillan, 2016) her Phd dissertation was awarded the first prize for the best Phd dissertation against racial and ethnic discrimination by the national office on Racial anti-discrimination and the conference of italian university Rectors

Dominika Pszczółkowska is a researcher and Phd student at the centre of Migration

Research, university of Warsaw Previously (1998–2012), she worked as a reporter for the

Polish daily newspaper, Gazeta Wyborcza, writing about european union enlargement, Polish

migration to other eu countries and events in france, the uk, ireland and other european

countries in 2007–2009, she was Gazeta Wyborcza’s correspondent in brussels she studied at

the university of Warsaw and oxford university (Reuters fellow, 2004–2005)

Maria Schiller is a senior Research fellow at Max Planck institute for the study of Religious

and ethnic diversity in göttingen, germany Maria holds a Phd in Migration studies from the university of kent (uk) and an Ma in social and cultural anthropology from the university

of vienna (austria), with parts of her studies spent at the university of utrecht (nl) her research interests include migration and immigrant incorporation, urban diversification and urban life, immigrant policymaking and implementation, bureaucratic institutions, immigrant political participation and governance networks her research employs qualitative methods and often takes a comparative approach

Marlou Schrover is a Professor of Migration history at leiden university and holds the chair

of economic and social history she has published extensively on migration: a textbook on 450

years of dutch immigration and emigration (Komen en gaan Immigratie en emigratie in Nederland van af 1550, amsterdam: bert bakker, 2008, with herman obdeijn); an edited volume about gender and illegal migration (Illegal migration and gender in a global and historical perspective, amster-

dam: auP, 2008, with Joanne van der leun, leo lucassen and chris Quispel); an edited

volume Gender, migration and the public sphere, 1850–2005, new york: Routledge, 2010, with eileen yeo; Gender, migration and categorisation: making distinctions between migrants in Western coun- tries 1945–2010, amsterdam: auP, 2013, with deirdre Moloney; and The language of inclusion and exclusion in immigration and integration, new york: Routledge, 2014, with Willem schinkel) she is associate editor of the five-volume Encyclopedia of Global Human Migration, published online and in print by Wiley in february 2013, and editor-in-chief of the new Journal of Migra- tion History

Sheetal Sharma is assistant Professor at the centre for european studies her research

inter-ests include social and cultural issues in contemporary europe and india and their historical roots, multiculturalism and diversity, methodology of the social sciences, gender and empower-ment of women she writes regularly on socially relevant issues in india and europe for journals and magazines of national and international repute she is also interested in and writes on issues relevant to education in india particularly higher education she has completed a video lecture series in sociology for cieT, nceRT’s project nRoeR (national Repository for educa-tional Resources and Training, available on the nRoeR website) she has also been invited as

a discussant on a number of radio and television programmes she has presented papers at a number of national and international seminars and conferences

Riwanto Tirtosudarmo has worked as a researcher at the indonesian institute of sciences

since 1980 he obtained his Phd in social demography from australian national university, australia (1990) Migration, urbanisation, political demography, ethnicity and territorial politics are his main research interests he has received numerous fellowships, including from brown university, nias-amsterdam, oxford university, Tokyo university for foreign studies

(Tufs), kiTlv-leiden and aRi-nus among his recent books are From colonization to

nation-state: the political-demography of Indonesia (liPi Press, 2013) and On the politics of migration: nesia and beyond (liPi Press, 2015)

Indo-Juan Carlos Triviño-Salazar is a Indo-Juan de la cierva post-doctoral researcher at the institut

barcelona d’estudis internacionals (ibei) he is also a member of the research group gRiTiM-uPf (barcelona) his research engages in questions about immigration and inte-gration, political participation and inclusion, and local politics in 2016, he defended his Phd

thesis entitled Political parties and immigrant associations: alliances in the presence of politicized gration conflicts: a comparative study he has broad experience as researcher in eu-funded pro-

immi-jects such as Transcrisis (full-time researcher), accept-Pluralism and divpol, and spanish ones such as diversidad and candidatos Plurales he did academic stays at the cuny graduate center in new york and McMaster university in hamilton, canada, as well as the fegs in caracas, venezuela

Paul van de Laar studied economic and social history and received his Phd from the

Tinber-gen institute graduate school of the erasmus university Rotterdam in 1991 his academic interest then switched over from economic history to the interdisciplinary field of urban history since 1997 he has been an endowed Professor of urban history at the erasmus university school of history, culture and communication his latest research is on comparative port history, migration and transnational developments in relation to urban transformations besides his academic research and teaching, he is, as Managing director of Museum Rotterdam (the city Museum), responsible for the new focus on city museums and their role in a changing urban context, in particular the role of cultural heritage in superdiverse cities

Floris Vermeulen is associate Professor and chair of the department of Political science at

the university of amsterdam he has been co-director of the institute for Migration and ethnic studies (iMes) his research focuses on the civic and political participation of immig-rants at the local level and local integration policies and their effects on different domains his

work has been published in different international volumes and journals such as European Union Politics, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, Urban Studies, West European Politics, British Journal of Sociology, Political Psychology, and Terrorism and Political Violence

Dominik Wach is a political analyst who specialises in migration and Middle eastern affairs

he has been professionally involved in integration of refugees on the local level (municipality of Warsaw) since 2008 he coordinates, on behalf of Warsaw family support centre, the pilot programme of integration of refugees through the labour market he is a former human rights observer in the West bank (oPt)

IntroductIon the governance of migration and diversity in cities

Tiziana Caponio, Peter Scholten and Ricard Zapata-Barrero*

By 2050, the majority of the world’s population will live in cities (United Nations, 2015) Human mobility across urban areas and the answers cities will give to migration and diversity will be critical for their economic development and their place in an increasingly global context From a migrant’s point of view, nations and states are seen as mere restrictions for their personal mobility among cities Migration-related diversity in cities has been increasing, and in a growing number of cities more than one-third or even more than half of the urban population has a migration background For migration studies this “city focus” represents more and more a key premise for conducting research: migration is basically seen as an urban phenomenon

Cities are the places where migration and diversity manifest themselves most clearly Migrants first arrive in cities, and there they find a home, go to school, search for jobs, interact with others and thus make their first steps toward incorporation (or to onward migration or remigra-tion), building their life expectations This means that the governance challenges associated with migration and migration-related diversity become usually manifest at the city level, from access

to services and socio-economic resources to the conflicts arising from social inequalities, power relations and racisms

The term “governance” refers to how multiple actors in specific settings attempt to manage

or solve issues such as migration and diversity (Kjaer, 2004; Colebatch, 2009); it emphasises the growing interdependency between state- and non-state actors in addressing such societal issues, often operating together in complex networks (Rhodes, 1997) We believe that the concept of governance is particularly fit for the study of migration and diversity, as in this area relations with, and sometimes even dependency on, non-state actors is likely to be very significant Therefore, contributions to this handbook devote particular attention to the role not only of local governments, but also of NGOs (non-government organisations), migrant organisations, trade unions, social movements, schools, housing corporations, health institutions, etc It brings together insights from various disciplines to shed further light on how cities deal with chal-lenges, conflicts and opportunities related to migration and diversity, including contributions from sociology, anthropology, history, policy sciences, political sciences, urban studies, geo-graphy and various others The handbook covers a broad range of cities across the globe (see Figure 1.1) This also involves variation in terms of cities’ types, including well-known global cities of migration such as New York and London, smaller highly diverse cities such as Rotterdam, and other specific types of cities that have been marked by migration and diversity,

Figure 1.1 Cities analysed in this Handbook

such as border cities, harbour cities and cities that find themselves at the cross-roads of two different nations or cultures

Our focus is on migration-related diversity, even though in the cases of divided cities like Jakarta or Tel Aviv the interaction with national minorities-related diversity is also considered Furthermore, most of the contributions focus on international migration, even though internal migration is a crucial dimension that we take into account in the case of Bogotá and Delhi The question as to whether diversity related to international or internal migration involves cultural, ethnic, religious, legal or any other form of diversity is defined in this book as an empirical one

It depends on the specific local setting of a city This also includes variation in terms of whether only first-generation migrants or also second and later generations are considered part of

“migration-related diversity” In other words, we believe that it is more important to capture variation between cities in terms of diversity, and explore the consequences for (or the roots in) governance, rather than imposing one definition of migration-related diversity that may misrep-resent specific local perceptions

However, this handbook does not aim only at providing a review of existing scholarly research on the governance of migration and diversity in cities As will be discussed here below,

by stimulating a dialogue between different disciplinary, theoretical and methodological spectives, our goal is that of defining a roadmap for future research to address the complexity of migration and diversity governance To put it differently, our aim is to reach beyond the state

per-of the art on cities per-of migration and shape a research agenda that exploits interdisciplinary roads to develop a deeper understanding of the urban governance of migration and diversity Beyond academic debates, the handbook aims also to provide practical insights for the urban governance of migration and diversity Practitioners, especially those directly and indirectly involved in the governance of migration and diversity in cities (either with government or non-government organisations), will find in this handbook unique material on how the challenges of migration and diversity are managed in different cities and on the possible drivers of social innovation and development linked to the presence of a diverse population

cross-The local turn in the study of migration and diversity

This book focuses on the city as unit of analysis for the study of the governance of migration and diversity and sets itself apart from a longer established tradition of research centred on the national level in migration studies Issues of migration and diversity often tended to be studied

in national terms, which has been described by Wimmer and Glick Schiller (2002) as a form of

“methodological nationalism” Both the regulation of migration and the incorporation of migrants were seen as a central national prerogative Defining who is and who is not allowed entry to (or exit from) a specific territory was and is often still considered a key part of national sovereignty, although supranational institutions (such as the European Union) and international treaties (such as the UN Refugee Convention) have at least partially limited this sovereignty (Joppke, 1998)

This national container view has influenced policymaking as well as the development of migration research itself Favell (2003) refers in this regard to the development of the so- called

“integration paradigm”, which legitimated states intervention in the incorporation of migrants

in national structures and national values and norms As such, there was a clear coproduction between states and academia, with the use of concepts, such as integration, that became a taken- for-granted lens of analysis in migration studies Furthermore, early migration scholarship tended

to reproduce specific “national models of integration”, referring to historically developed and institutionally embedded ways of promoting migrant integration in specific national contexts (Thränhardt and Bommes, 2010; Bertossi, 2011) This national container view impeded for a long time the development of comparative research and a more theoretical orientation to what drives migration and diversity policies in different countries and at different levels of analysis Throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, migration scholarship has witnessed a rise of interest

in international and global developments (Soysal, 1994), as well as developments at the local

level (Penninx et al., 2004) What we refer to as a “local turn” in migration studies (see also Zapata- Barrero et al., 2017) involves “the discovery” of a local dimension of migration and

diversity, leading to efforts to theorise the relationship between specific local settings and local processes, policies and outcomes Such efforts aim to provide deeper insight in the local vari-ation in migration and diversity, and help migration scholars reach beyond the container view

of national models In this book, this local turn is developed with a particular focus on issues of governance

Importantly, this local turn does not mean that we replace methodological nationalism with methodological localism Throughout the book, we will devote attention both to multilevel relations across various government settings (local, regional, national, supranational), as well as

to variation between (and sometimes even within) cities Just as for nations, there is no “one size fits all” for cities either In fact, throughout the book, we will address various types of cities, often facing very different governance challenges A port city like Naples may face very different challenges than a cosmopolitan city like Amsterdam The importance of local variation has become highly manifest in a broad range of studies that have over the last decade or so drawn attention to the city as level of analysis (Jones Correa, 2001; Amin and Thrift, 2002; Alexander,

2012; Caponio and Borkert, 2010; Foner et al., 2014; Filomeno, 2016; Zapata- Barrero, 2015)

Different cities may present very different migration patterns and have very different migration histories Some cities are literally “cities of migration”, as they have evolved out of migration flows, like New York, whereas other cities define migration as a more recent phenomenon, as

is shown in this handbook by the cases of Lampedusa or Warsaw Also in terms of diversity, there are significant differences between cities Some cities like London have become, as Ver-tovec (2007) describes it, “superdiverse” in the sense that they are marked by a high degree of

complexity in terms of migration, which defies notions such as ethnic groups or “minorities”

In other cities, diversity may take very different shapes, sometimes even leading to divided cities where migrants and natives live largely separate lives, as pointed out in this volume by the case

of Tel Aviv or Istanbul This book will appreciate rather than reduce the urban variation in migration and diversity, and focus in particular on how differences between cities may correlate with different urban approaches to the governance of migration and diversity

Interdisciplinary crossroads: mapping a research agenda

The handbook brings together insights from a variety of disciplines Such a multidisciplinary design is required to develop an interdisciplinary understanding of the object of study in this handbook The complexity of governance of migration and diversity can only be appreciated when done so from various disciplines Therefore, the outline of the book has been structured

in accordance with several core governance themes that are addressed from various perspectives, i.e migration, history and urban life; local politics and political participation; local policies of migration and diversity; superdiverse cities; divided and border cities

The parts of the handbook, however, are not only representative of different research themes

in scholarly literature; taken together, they compose a map of the possible factors and processes that influence and shape the governance of migration and diversity in cities, as shown in Figure 1.2 The first theme addressed in this handbook builds on both historical and sociological under-standings of urban governance It shows how migration histories, and the social constructions of these histories, matter to contemporary urban life and governance of migration and diversity For instance, as will be argued in this part, city specific histories of migration often remain visible in the spatial as well as social structures of cities today And in some cases legacies from

The city governance of migration and diversity

Histories of migration and urban life

Local politics

and political

participation

Local policies of migration and diversity

City identity and frames of migration and diversity, e.g superdiverse cities, divided cities, border cities

Figure 1.2 Factors and processes that shape the city governance of migration and diversity

the past, such as neighbourhoods hosting specific groups of migrants, may continue to shape opportunities for migrant integration in later generations And even beyond such objective structures, cities often also construct narratives of their own migration histories Some define migration and diversity as key aspects of urban identities; others may have different representa-tions of their own migration histories, sometimes even denying long-rooted migration, such as

in the port city of Rotterdam

The second core theme, explored in Part II of the handbook, concerns the local politics of migration and migration-related diversity, with a particular attention to migrants’ participation This speaks to contributions from political sociology as well as from political sciences in general The presence of active immigrants in cities emphasises the need for local migration studies to consider immigrants from the beginning of their migratory process as agents who have needs and claims, and for this reason develop ways of participation in the city where they live Among the wide range of possibilities for them to be politically active, their involvement in local politics has probably been the first public space of activity, through different channels (mobilisations, associations, consultative local councils, etc.) in alliance with different key actors and stake-holders (local political parties, local government, local NGOs and civil society) These are likely

to be key actors in the governance of migration and diversity in cities However, beyond the participation of migrants themselves, migration and diversity have also become key topics in the broader political arena In fact, as will be argued in this handbook, politicisation has influenced the governance of migration and diversity at the local level as much as it has on the national level

The local politics of migration and diversity is clearly intertwined with local policy This is

at the centre of Part III, bringing together chapters mostly from a policy studies background, on how local policies regarding migration and diversity have evolved and affected governance rela-tions at a city level Specific attention is also devoted to multilevel governance, i.e to how local policies are developed in complex networks including multiple actors and institutions operating

at different territorial scales, i.e regional, national and supranational (Hooghe and Marks, 2001; Caponio and Jones-Correa, 2017)

The last two parts analyse the governance of migration and diversity in three different types

of cities, marked by very different migratory patterns and diversity traits The first type of cities, which has received particular attention over the last decade also because of its relevance to broader conceptual and theoretical issues in the field of migration studies, is superdiverse cities (Vertovec, 2007), at the centre of Part IV These are cities where the size and the complexity of migration-related diversity – over ethnic lines but also over cultural, economic, legal, political and social lines – has grown to such an extent that one can no longer speak of distinct “minor-ities” (Meissner, 2014; Crul, 2016)

Two other very specific, but conceptually highly relevant types of cities, are analysed in Part V: divided cities and border cities Divided cities are, within the scope of this handbook, cities where migration-related diversity interacts and overlaps with existing lines of ethnic, religious, territorial and/or social fragmentation The consequences of these divisions can be very signi-ficant for the governance of migration and diversity, leading to divided identities, socio-economic divisions and sometimes even forms of political or social conflict Border cities, on the other hand, are also divided, because of their (geographical) location at the cross-roads of two countries (or cultures, religions, ethnic groups, etc.) The chapters on border cities show how the socially constructed notion of “border” has a strong impact on the (non)governance of migration and diversity, from the simple ignorance of the issue, as in the case of Istanbul, to the emerging of an assemblage of actors that provide, in a disconnected manner, some answers to the most urgent issues, as in the case of Siracusa in Sicily

As mentioned above though, the six themes in the governance of migration and diversity in cities featured in this handbook should not be thought of in isolation, since they represent the key factors and processes that shape actual governance relations in different cities This is why, from our point of view, steps forward should go in the direction of building a truly interdisci-plinary research agenda to account for how these factors and processes combine and produce different configurations of the governance of migration and diversity at a local level In other words, the city governance of migration and diversity concretely unfolds at the intersection of: (1) the institutional, social and cultural legacies of migration histories; (2) the specific features of the city politics of migration and diversity, in terms of both migrants’ bottom-up activation and top-down political power structures; (3) the responses in terms of policies undertaken by local governments and policy networks; (4) the social and political constructions of cities’ identity in relation to migration and mobility more generally, e.g as a superdiverse city, a divided city or a border city If, as documented in this handbook, extensive research has been already conducted

on each of these dimensions, we think that an integrated approach is needed in order to fully account for how different cities cope with the governance challenges of migration and diversity

At the same time, as already mentioned above, the city governance of migration and diversity does not happen in a void, but is profoundly shaped by interactions with institutions and actors operating at other territorial scales, i.e regional, national and supranational How this vertical, multilevel dimension of governance is in its turn affected by cities’ migration histories, politics

of migration, policy approaches to migration and diversity, and the specific way a city perceives itself and/or is perceived in a certain national but also transnational and supranational context,

is again an open research question A truly interdisciplinary research agenda, integrating the views and perspectives of history, anthropology, sociology, political science, policy studies, urban studies, geography, etc appears crucial in order to go beyond the opposition between horizontal and vertical dimension of governance, and to favour the emerging of a compre-hensive view on how the governance of migration and diversity concretely unfolds in con-temporary cities

Note

* We would like to thank Juliana Fournasier (GRITIM – UPF) for her commitment and dedication to the Handbook project We are most grateful

References

Alexander, M (2012) Cities and labour immigration: comparing policy responses in Amsterdam, Paris, Rome and

Tel Aviv London: Ashgate

Amin, A and Thrift, N (2002) Cities: reimagining the urban Bristol: Polity Press

Bertossi, C (2011) ‘National models of integration in Europe: a comparative and critical analysis’, American

Behavioral Scientist, 55(12), pp 1561–80

Caponio, T and Borkert, M (eds.) (2010) The local dimension of migration policymaking Amsterdam:

Amster-dam University Press

Caponio, T and Jones-Correa, M (2017) ‘Theorising migration policy in multilevel states: the multilevel

governance perspective’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 2017, pp 1–16

Colebatch, H.K (2009) ‘Governance as a conceptual development in the analysis of policy’, Critical Policy

Studies, 3(1), pp 58–67

Crul, M (2016) ‘Super-diversity vs assimilation: how complex diversity in majority–minority cities

chal-lenges the assumptions of assimilation’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 42(1), pp 54–68

Favell, A (2003) ‘Integration nations: the nation-state and research on immigrants in Western Europe’,

Comparative Social Research, 22, pp 13–42

Filomeno, F.A (2016) Theories of local immigration policy Berlin: Springer

Foner, N., Rath, J., Duyvendak, J.W and van Reekum, R (eds.) (2014) New York and Amsterdam:

immi-gration and the new urban landscape New York: NYU Press

Hooghe, L and Marks, G (2001) Multi-level governance and European integration London: Rowman &

Littlefield

Jones-Correa, M (2001) Governing American cities: inter-ethnic coalitions, competition, and conflict New York:

Russell Sage Foundation

Joppke, C (ed.) (1998) Challenge to the nation-state: immigration in Western Europe and the United States New

York: Oxford University Press

Kjaer, A.M (2004) Governance: key concepts Cambridge, UK: Polity Press

Meissner, F (2014) ‘Migration in migration-related diversity? The nexus between superdiversity and

migration studies’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 38(4), pp 556–67

Penninx, R., Kraal, K., Martiniello, M and Vertovec, S (2004) Citizenship in European cities: immigrants,

local politics and integration policies Farnham: Ashgate Publishing

Rhodes, R.A.W (1997) Understanding governance: policy networks, governance, reflexivity and accountability

Buckingham: Open University Press

Soysal, Y.N (1994) Limits of citizenship: migrants and postnational membership in Europe Chicago: University

of Chicago Press

Thränhardt, D and Bommes, M (eds.) (2010) National paradigms of migration research (Vol 13) Göttingen:

V&R Unipress

United Nations (2015) World urbanization prospects: the 2014 revision

Vertovec, S (2007) ‘Super-diversity and its implications’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 30(6), pp 1024–54

Wimmer, A and Glick Schiller, N (2002) ‘Methodological nationalism and beyond: nation–state building,

migration and the social sciences’, Global Networks, 2(4), pp 301–34

Zapata-Barrero, R (ed.) (2015) Interculturalism in cities: concept, policy and implementation Cheltenham:

Migration, history and urban life

Introduction by Peter Scholten

Cities are the hotspots of migration and diversity It is where most migrants arrive, where they settle, go to school, find jobs, interact with others, etc And this is in itself not something new; throughout history cities have emerged, flourished and sometimes also struggled with the real-ities of migration and diversity That is why cities are often also the places where migration and diversity become very tangible as core aspects of urban life This can, for instance, involve the impact of migration on urban culture, the role of migrant entrepreneurs in urban economies, the visible impact of migration on urban design such as in the building of religious sites, etc This first part of the book focuses on how and why cities have become such powerful places

of diversity It brings together a number of key contributions from history as well as from urban studies These are the disciplines or research fields that help to understand urban diversity, from either history or a more general social science perspective

Migration histories matter

The contributions in this part of the book show, first of all, that migration histories matter as to how diversity is shaped in cities, as well as to how cities respond to migration-related diversity Van de Laar’s contribution focuses on one specific kind of city with often very specific migra-tion histories: port cities Port cities such as Liverpool, Marseille, Bremen and Rotterdam have always been portals for migration This includes emigration, for instance, to the North and South Americas, as well as immigration Port cities often attracted various sorts of foreign labourers, such as the Irish workers in Liverpool, the Italians in Marseille and the Chinese in Rotterdam Such migration histories often remain very visible in urban segregation today Migrants often lived together in specific and often rather impoverished parts of the city, mostly near the waterfront itself Furthermore, port cities often have relatively less diversified economic opportunity structures, which tend to inhibit the opportunities for upward socio-economic mobility while at the same time creating a perpetual need for “cheap foreign labour”

Another contribution with a clear historic perspective, by Schrover, focuses more in general

on the relation between space and community, in particular regarding the spatial concentration

of migrants This analysis shows that indeed the urban context in which migrants settle matters, but so do more generic factors such as the type of industries that attract foreign labour For instance, due to specific economic activities (for instance, with an unstable demand for foreign

labour) some cities may have separated housing for foreign labourers, whereas others have more dispersed housing where migrants disseminate over different neighbourhoods Also, as men-tioned in the example of port cities as well, some cities happen to have relatively little variation

in social housing availability, for instance with large-scale social housing in specific hoods only Such structural elements in urban planning and economies can, as Schrover argues, have a long-term effect on patterns of integration

neighbour-Besides offering very different opportunity structures for integration and shaping urban life

in specific ways, migration histories also matter to policymaking In fact, as Hackett shows, specifically local migration histories may trigger very specific city policy responses, which are not always in line with national developments For instance, in Germany, the specific migration histories of cities like Bremen (Hanseatic history) and Berlin (a long history of immigration of, among others, Hugeneots) clearly explain why these cities have taken very specific turns in their local integration policies; for instance, they were often much earlier than the national level to recognise that migrants were there to stay, rather than being temporary guest labourers A different case is the city of Leicester, where migration history played a role as well, but in a very different way; its history turned out to a source of inspiration for becoming one of the most tolerant contemporary UK cities

the impacts of migration on urban life

A key argument that runs through the various contributions in this section is that migration histories shape urban life in cities of migration today They leave legacies that are visible in urban policies (Hackett), in urban housing planning (Schrover) and in the broader urban economic structures (van de Laar) However, moving slightly from historical analyses to a more sociologi-cal analysis of urban diversities, such migration legacies tend to be constantly reproduced as part

of contemporary cities of migration This is how migration-related diversity becomes visible in urban life, in the role that migrants play in urban life and in culture and politics, leaving traces

in urban design in the form of buildings and art and influencing a city’s self-perception For some cities, such as New York, but also to some extent, for instance, London or Toronto or Hong Kong, migration has become a key part of a city’s identity

One particular sphere in which diversity as part of urban life can be highlighted involves tural institutions In her contribution, Levitt shows what role (migration-related) diversity plays

cul-in the work of museums cul-in Boston and New York She shows that cultural cul-institutions can be

a place where the diversity of cities is highlighted in positive ways One factor that influences how and whether museums play that role involves a city’s cultural armature, or its deeply rooted historical structures that influence how a city perceives and manages diversity Another factor includes a city’s position in the global cultural hierarchy, which can more or less expose a city’s cultural institutions to global influences The example of the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston and the Brooklyn Museum in New York show how museums, although in different ways, incorporate diversity in their activities Thereby they play an active role in reshaping the city’s self-perceptions Although, as Levitt argues, museums can do more and have a responsibility to

do more to be good representations of the often highly diverse cities in which they are located

However, as mentioned, the agency of migrants themselves as parts of contemporary urban life should not be underestimated One specific form of agency involves entrepreneurship of migrants Kloosterman discusses various models of interaction between types of entrepreneur-ship and the opportunity structures offered by specific cities (“cognitive-cultural urban land-scapes”), as part of his broader mixed-embeddedness approach to entrepreneurship Based on an

extensive review of the literature on entrepreneurship, he shows that there has been a widening

of sectoral distribution of entrepreneurship; not only low-end, but increasingly also in high-end producer services, high-tech and cultural industries However, the trajectories that cities follow

in terms of changing types of entrepreneurship tend to vary greatly, according to city-specific opportunity structures Here, once again, we can see the deep relationship between historically developed and locally embedded opportunity structures and the shape that migration-related diversity takes in specific cities

The various contributions in this part highlight not only the importance of the urban level

to the analysis of migration and diversity, but also the deep connections between migration histories and contemporary urban life One cannot understand the shape that diversity takes in contemporary cities, nor understand the shaping of modern cities of migration altogether, without also looking at the historical migration roots of the city Moreover, we see that cities can take very different paths There clearly is no “one size fits all” The migration histories, as well as contemporary opportunity structures offered by different types of cities, such as global cities, port cities or the newly emerging migration cities, can be very significant indeed Rot-terdam and New York are both cities of migration, but in very different ways, with very different histories that are very much manifest in both cities today

signifi-p 129) claims the “immigration society” is not a modern phenomenon, but was one of the great innovations in the nineteenth century, kick-started by the logistical and industrial revolutions Port cities had a large impact on the economic growth all over Europe and this development coincided with large movements of people to the cities From a global perspective, the focus has been partly shifted from the western hemisphere towards Asian port cities However, in recent years, the focus has been greater on East Mediterranean port cities (Keyder, 2010) Non-Western scholars have addressed the necessity of different angles of research, in particular the decolonialisa-tion of the concept of cosmopolitanism “from the imaginary of the nation-state and European hegemony” (İlieri, 2012) Çağlar Keyder (2010, p 22) claims that a look at what port-cities were, what their inhabitants tried to achieve and how they dealt with urban citizenship and “the right

to the city” may be helpful in understanding the issues and dilemmas under the current wave of globalisation Port cities were always places of people’s exchanges, connecting the different worlds However, part of our image of the past is based on romantic views of a cosmopolitan world order Many migration stories unravelled that integration in the past was not easy and many migrants faced difficulties adapting to their new urban environment

a port typology: migration as fundamental characteristic

Port cities are classified by their origins (from coastal settlement to port town), specialised tions, related to stages according to economic growth models, or different spatial urban typolo-gies which were the result of transport revolutions, as maritime developments were leading in transforming urban space In general, port cities are difficult to define One reason, as argued by

func-Patrick O’Flanagan (2008) in his study on Port cities of Atlantic Iberia, may have been the

com-plexity of port cities and the great flexibilities of these cities to major changes, which make them difficult to observe and analyse:

To be fair, however, the scale and range of issues relating to the study of port cities is almost hopelessly extensive and many different disciplines consider them part of their remit This makes the task of theorising about the nature of their urban forms as dif-ficult as that of achieving any consensual approaches to their study

(O’Flanagan, 2008, p 7)

Non-Western scholars like Kolluoğlu and Toksöz (2010, p 6) believe the term port-city is

“imprisoned in the nineteenth century British hegemony and the liberal world order it tained” They prefer the term “cities of commerce”, stressing the fact that spatial and social rela-tions were dominated by commercial relations Whatever the difficulties in coming to grips with defining port cities, scholars dealing with urban transformation and urbanisation share a common belief that port cities represent a different category of urban types (O’Flanagan, 2008, p 4) The nineteenth century was, according to Osterhammel (2014), the golden age of ports and port cities, in particular the large cities, places big enough to handle the huge volumes of goods and passengers of the expanding world economy Modern capitalism created new disruptive

main-push and pull factors that catapulted movements of millions of people (Goldin et al., 2012,

p 40) The urban form of port cities was not just the result of trade and commerce or the exchange of ideas, tastes and styles in architecture, as migration played a pivotal role (Hein, 2011) Social and migration historians have become interested in port cities due to their flex-ibility and diversity of the labour markets and people, varying from highly classified jobs in banking, assurance and port engineering to the lower-skilled casual labourers and typical jobs servicing the city economy

Liverpool historian Robert Lee used the relative importance of port cities in the economic and demographic development of Western Europe as a strong argument in exploring the viability of a port typology (Lee, 1998; Lawton and Lee, 2002) He stressed the importance

social-of short-term casual labour, the typical demographic characteristics social-of port cities, such as high mortality rates and the risks of exposure to infectious diseases, the relationship between long-distance and overseas migration and the proliferation of epidemic diseases in port cities Even when local government spent more on sanitation and improving general health conditions, port cities were prone to an increased risk of infectious disease because of the transport links and vul-nerability to epidemics such as cholera and small pox Furthermore, mortality and nuptiality rates were greatly influenced by the economic structure of the port economy and the volatility

of international trade and shipping cycles Unskilled and casual labourers were employed in dangerous jobs, as the cargo handling business in ports was hazardous; many reports on the health situation of ports mention the risks involved in handling cargo or working on the docks

in general Many workers ran the risk of being killed in a transport accident Operations were not governed by safety standards until the end of the First World War Besides, these labourers lived in densely packed neighbourhoods, which increased mortality risk, in particular of their

children Even when in other cities the infant mortality rate started to decline in the 1870s, this number remained rather high in port cities in general Not surprisingly, venereal diseases were recorded on a larger scale in port cities than in inland cities, due to the presence of many transient workforces like sailors and seamen, and the availability of prostitutes High mortality rates were combined with high birth rates and fertility rates which were intrinsically connected

to the occupational structure of port cities and its migration patterns

People were the heart of port cities and created a port culture that made these cities unique

(O’Flanagan, 2008, p 9; Beaven et al., 2016) The population development of port cities

depended disproportionately on immigration For instance, in Rotterdam, net immigration was responsible for more than 40 per cent of the city’s population increase in the period 1850–1900 Migrant surpluses decreased after 1900, a period of rapid port traffic and thus rising employment opportunities By then, natural increase became a more important growth factor, resulting from

a sharp decline in infant mortality rates and general improvements of health circumstances in the city, but also because the immigration of young men and women encouraged nuptiality (van de Laar, 2000) The Rotterdam case can be easily compared to other cities, ranging from the north-ern part of Europe into the very deep south Migration patterns, in general, were determined by labour market opportunities; individual decisions depended on concrete knowledge of specific labour-market conditions, wage differentials and expertise on local social or institutional con-straints Major seaports offered enough opportunities for employment for casual labourers and female domestic work, and many within these groups inadvertently ended up staying for a much longer time than originally intended Some port cities were more important for long-distance migration than others, but in general the importance of global networks increased the attraction

of migrants from more distant locations The size of the port city mattered and the existing number of international relations and trade connections emphasised path-dependency in the development of long-distance migration and how these relationships shaped the urban images

of port cities (Lawton and Lee, 2002) For instance, cities like Liverpool and Marseille, known

as port cities of empire, were marked by ethnic diversity Even small numbers of foreign migrants could have a great impact on the city’s character, be it the Africans in Liverpool, the Chinese in Rotterdam or the Polish textile workers in Bremen Liverpool and Marseille show similarities because of the presence of large ethnic groups, which left a distinctive mark on the urban image

of these cities Liverpool’s “Irishness” is comparable to Marseille’s nineteenth-century ism”, a well-known sign of contempt, almost universally applied to a large group of minorities (van de Laar, 2016)

“Italian-Segregation as part of port culture

Residential segregation has been a much debated issue amongst social historians, in particular the question of the existing opportunity structure and the settlement patterns of migrants Lawton and Lee (2002), in general, stress that the low-income status of many ethnic groups within port cities and their dependency on irregular, casual employment went hand-in-hand with spatial segregation Most urban historians simply accept the idea that because working on the docks did not demand extra skills, the barrier of entrance was rather low (Winter, 2015) Often these neighbourhoods were located near the waterfront The narratives of port cities are incessantly linked to issues of migration, ethnicity and race Migrants are looked upon either as members of a hard-working community, or as untrustworthy people experiencing intense social exclusion (Davis, 2008)

The waterfront was an economic zone, a logistic space ensuring the continuity of all time and trading activities, but also an important socio-cultural space – a mixed contact zone,

mari-embodying the relationships between port cities as places of arrival and departure Pratt (2002) used the term to indicate not just the social-cultural and ethnic mixture of people, but also to address the highly asymmetrical power, social and economic relations: dockworkers, dispersed people, casual labourers, and transmigrants waiting to board ships for overseas travel Before the transport revolution of the nineteenth century, the waterfront was esteemed as a highly attrac-tive place, a favourite place for travellers and artists However, the character of the waterfront changed considerably Due to an overconcentration of people, the waterfront became imagined

as place of otherness, an ambiguous place, associated with negative characteristics (crime, enness, crisis, deviant people, casual dockers, etc.) (Middell and Naumann, 2010) Therefore, it symbolised a culturally and spatially constructed, but also contested, urban identity, and this fact has played a dominant role in the identities of port cities since the nineteenth century Port expansion created an in-between zone where a different social and public life of a transient population developed As waterfronts were also places where overseas migrants were usually stationed waiting for their ships, this in-between atmosphere was also perfectly suited to accom-modate this segment of transient population

drunk-At the same time, the transport revolution and the new steamers not only speeded up trade and commerce, but also had a large impact on the workforce and the concentration of minor-ities In the popular press and political discourse, the presence of these minorities was often stressed from a racist point of view The Chinese are a good example Chinese seamen, mostly from the greater Guangzhou area, used Hong Kong as point of emigration They were wel-comed as sailors, in particular during the major international strikes of seafarers just before the First World War The first Chinese migrants settled in Rotterdam in 1911, being employed as strike-breakers during the international seamen’s strike But even after the strike, the largest Dutch shipping firms continued recruiting them, since they were highly esteemed as tough and very hardworking sailors and stokers However, during the Depression of 1929, many Chinese seafarers became unemployed and some moved on to other places, but a majority stayed The presence of foreigners contributed significantly to the otherness of port cities, not only the Chinese, but other ethnic minorities as well (van de Laar, 2016) The port area of Katendrecht, located in Rotterdam South, with its transient population, rootless mariners, dock workers, bars, public houses, brothels, Chinese lodgings and boarding houses, played a major role in Rotter-dam’s reputation as a “place of otherness” and city on the edge The Chinese not only had a great impact on labour conditions on board ships, but their presence in port cities transformed the waterfront as well The concentration of Chinese on the waterfront led to the development

of Chinatowns around the world, in London, Rotterdam, Hamburg – but not in the Americas, where Chinese could not enter (Hein, 2013) Chinatowns all over Europe became synonymous with disorder and chaos, even in Barcelona (Barrio Chino) in the 1920s, although it had no Chinese population (Ealham, 2008; Wong and Tan, 2013)

The Liverpool-Irish who stayed and did not sail to the New World were tagged as “dregs”,

an underclass of unwilling, unfit and washed-out immigrants whose immobility hindered them from leaving Their presence disrupted social life and a substantial part of Liverpool’s social problems were framed as Irish Irish and Catholic were co-terminus, although a considerable number of the Irish immigrants, perhaps some 25 per cent, were non-Catholics

In other European port cities, foreign migrants were also discriminated against Polish workers in Bremen had to face prejudices and Bremerhaven was a place for transient people The Italians in Marseille were addressed in a similar way as the Irish in Liverpool Crime rates were associated with Italians and these stereotypes have become part of Marseille’s narrative as

a place of evil, similar to the Liverpool-Irish The intercultural mixture and the associated lems of blacks on the Marseille waterfront raised the question of black identity, a theme worked

prob-out by the Afro-American Claude McKay in his novel Banjo (1929) and by the Senegalese Ousmane Sembene in Le docker noir (1956) (van de Laar, 2016)

Migration to the port cities was for some migrants an alternative to emigration New tier lands were opened and long-distance migration became an alternative for many Europeans and people from Asia as an affordable alternative to internal migration Long-distance migra-tion had a lasting impact on Europe and several countries in Asia, driven by a global capitalist economy Between 1815 and 1914, more than 80 million people moved voluntarily from one country to another (660 persons per million of population), which is far more than 215 per million of population in the period between 1945 and 1980 Although researchers have been focusing on the Atlantic crossings, due to a “global migration history”, scholars have become more interested in overseas migrations that paralleled the European situation (Prokopovych and Feys, 2016) As places of transfer, port cities were the key links between countries and continents, a position taken over by the airports in the middle of the twentieth century (Oster-hammel, 2014, p 275 passim) Port cities like Hamburg, Bremen, Rotterdam, Antwerp and Liverpool were places of departure for emigrants The emigration traffic stimulated the involve-ment of government regulations At the end of the nineteenth century, emigration ports tried

fron-to regulate transient migrant movements; emigrants were disinfected and cleansed in border stations reducing the risks of epidemics In Bremen – especially after the great cholera epidemic

of Hamburg in 1892 – the city state increased control, out of concern for “Russian diseases” The emigrants were transported and separated from the rest of the population, reducing the risks of epidemic diseases Emigrant hotels worked as a “quarantine zone”, since infected emig-rants could remain there during the period prescribed by Quarantine Regulations The huge numbers of emigrants passing through Liverpool (12 million) also raised questions for local and national governments In general, screening of emigrants was no guarantee to an easy, com-fortable entrance to the United States via Ellis Island Migrants from Italy or Eastern Europe faced a larger risk of being denied access compared to people from other European regions For health reasons the United States rejected a large number of Italians shipped from Naples in

1911 and Eastern Europeans that had departed from German ports Thus, whatever the cautions being taken in the port of embarkation, the poverty of South Italians and Eastern Europeans, in addition to ethnic and racial prejudices, made them highly vulnerable to exclu-sion (van de Laar, 2016) The monitoring of transient people, therefore, became an integrated part of national and local city government political goals to relate migration to urban reform policies

pre-Social exclusion of migrants

Even though port cities were considered open cities, the degree of tolerance depended on the amount of ethnic diversity, and the degree of spatial segregation on the waterfront and the eco-nomic structure of its urban economy, in particular the role port cities played in the shipments

of transatlantic migrants Puschmann’s (2015) comparative research on Antwerp, Rotterdam and Stockholm stresses the many similarities between nineteenth-century migrants and modern developments Port cities have a less diversified economic structure and most members of the working class and migrants depended on low-income and low-status jobs Whenever there were enough employment opportunities for natives and migrants, the social distances remained relatively small However, cultural distances mattered Migrants were considered as unattractive marriage partners to natives; migrants from lower classes married other migrants Only young migrants had a better chance of finding a marriage partner amongst the native population Migrants with no demonstrable social or cultural capital ran the risk of downward social mobility

Not surprisingly, young migrants (between 15 and 20 years of age) had the best chances of tual integration International migrants – particular in Antwerp and Stockholm – who played a fundamental role in economic development and operated in an international trade-network were able to climb the social ladder These successful migrants resemble members of today’s global and transnational business elites, but they are always exceptions to the general rule In general, new statistical research shows social inclusion was not an easy process in the port cities during the long nineteenth century Migrants had a disadvantage in social, cultural and eco-nomic position and ran a higher risk of exclusion (Puschmann, 2015)

even-Migration narratives of the waterfront as place of arrival and departure and re-imagined as place of otherness in need of control and policing have contributed significantly to present-day imagining of port cities “Port cities lie at the edge between black and blue”, as Mah (2014,

p 27) writes in her comparative study of Liverpool, Marseille and New Orleans The blue identifies the positive side of the edge, the sea and sky, connecting exotic places and breathing

a cosmopolitan atmosphere The edge narrative is represented by the black side, the problems

of the marginalised, the socially excluded on the waterfront on the periphery of urban society (van de Laar, 2016) Port cities and their migration history are closely linked to issues of social and urban reform This had already started in the 1900s, when the waterfront became a place of urban reform Even before the Second World War, urban planning and renewal were an accepted “social policy aiming at those living in the harbour districts, but also a foundation for urban plans attempting to isolate harbour areas or eliminate them from the urban context” (Meyer, 1999, p 35)

Post-war migration and urban reform

The waterfront and working-class neighbourhoods, in general, that had been built for income, casual labour forces and migrants in the long nineteenth century continued to attract the attention of urban planners in the post-war period They were eager to reform these neigh-bourhoods according to principles of modern urban planning Rotterdam is a well-known example, but Liverpool, Marseille and other European ports governed by social-democrat majorities embraced the concepts as an essential part of creating a welfare city These ideas were supported broadly, also by members of an economic elite, who wanted to turn the former lower classes into a new class of loyal workers, a large majority of them having a migration back-ground Local governments used the city’s migration past and turned it into a narrative that stressed the hard-working mentality of migrants From outsiders they had become members of the local community Rotterdam is a good case in this respect The Dutch communist national

low-newspaper De Waarheid (The Truth) wrote in 1952:

In almost every family there are ties, which are linked in some way with the rural setting and only in the last two or three generations, there are Rotterdammers who actually feel like a native Rotterdammer

example for all Dutch labourers Urban planners put this identity of energetic Rotterdam to good use, missing no opportunity to promote the ideal modernist welfare city in the 1950s and 1960s (van de Laar, 2013) This nineteenth-century migration narrative could thus be easily integrated into Rotterdam’s narrative of a welfare city However, the major cultural changes in the 1960s and 1970s, when Rotterdam’s social-cultural landscape changed drastically because of the migration of guest workers, did not fit into this representation of Rotterdam’s migration history

The migration of guest workers started in an era when most European port cities were undergoing radical changes Cities like Liverpool, Marseille and Rotterdam, but also former industrial centres like Glasgow in Scotland or Malmo in Sweden, witnessed a similar transforma-tion Mid-1960s, the golden age of the port cities, was over In general, European and American post-war models of industrial growth and large-scale production facilities were replaced by flex-ible production techniques Port cities fell into decline, in particular those which had not been able to diversify their industries and had lost their predominance as work horses of the European economy Rotterdam kept its position because of its leading position in oil and chemicals, but Liverpool did not manage to retain its former status as global port of empire The relocation of industry, the introduction of containers and the increasing global competition, its unqualified labour force and obsolete port infrastructure put Liverpool at a disadvantage compared with other European continental ports (Belchem, 2006) As a result, the port economies did not generate enough labour opportunities for low-income groups, in particular the quest workers that had arrived since the 1960s

The settlement of migrants and the reunification with their families in the 1970s stimulated the growth of permanent migrant communities, as had been the case in the long nineteenth century These neighbourhoods, however, were in most port cities sorely neglected, which stimulated a process of selective migration: people who left the city had a different ethnic and social background than the people who migrated to the city Dissatisfied residents unable to leave their neighbourhoods complained about the disintegration of social-cultural homogeneity

as a result of the settlement of guest workers These stragglers collectively remembered a bourhood whose solidarity had been lost because of the invasion of newcomers (Blokland, 2001) The former migration neighbourhoods were re-identified as places where the real sense

neigh-of community had disappeared because neigh-of the settlement neigh-of families with different ethnic and religious backgrounds Religious differences had played a role in the exclusion of minorities in the past, but religious diversity in combination with different ethnic and cultural backgrounds proved to become a disturbing factor in urban reform planning in post-war port and industrial cities

Post-war port cities’ urban reform programmes were concentrated on socio-economic lems (education, employment and social housing), elements which were part of the vulnerable socio-economic conditions and had become more evident in the post-1960s The increasing problems of social and cultural integration were neglected in most urban reform programmes Tolerance was continuously challenged by poverty in many port cities, as in Rotterdam in 1972 and Liverpool in 1981 The riots in Toxteth, one of the poorest neighbourhoods where a sub-stantial number of Liverpool’s African, Caribbean and black residents lived, headlined the inter-national press for many days (Belchem, 2006)

prob-Cultural and social disintegration, which in itself were a consequence of retarded economic development, had a negative effect on the image of port cities As “second cities” (Hodos, 2011), they faced major difficulties in resetting their economic and political agenda Most port cities did not benefit from the global revival of the economy in the 1990s, which celebrated the creative service economy of Richard Florida (2014) A range of port cities used the new

spirit of the global 1990s as a means to promote a new image, kick-started by long-term urban regeneration initiatives, prompted by extensive waterfront regeneration programmes in the 1980s and 1990s Waterfront regeneration programmes in derelict port areas stimulated the ethnographic reading of these cities, in particular how these developed as in-between places, of which migration was an essential part (Pardo and Prato, 2016) It started with the recognition of the values of the port city’s heritage that could be combined with a narrative of the future Three elements are central: the tapping of private capital by public–private partnerships, general support from European reinvestment programmes, and urban renewal projects and new neigh-bourhood policies as key elements in a multileveled investment programme in the service of transforming the image of the city Rebranding was an essential part to bring new capital into neighbourhoods surrounding the former dock areas, which normally would not be of interest

to private investors (Bullen, 2013) Waterfront regeneration was an essential step in creating a spirit of optimism and thus helped to redress negative images of unloved cities in their own countries (Megerle, 2008)

In many cases, waterfront regeneration is a spatial correction of the past (Vormann, 2014) The underlying assumption is that the post-industrial waterfront can overcome the range of social, cultural and health problems which had been associated with the nineteenth-century waterfront Glasgow, Liverpool, Marseille and Rotterdam are examples of these strategies, but the underlying arguments are documented in general for “second cities”, even a city like Hamburg, one of the richest port cities of Europe In Rotterdam, gentrification is explicitly defended as a correction of earlier forms of social housing and emancipation policies:

One of the main aims of our development strategy is a balanced composition of the population This can be most effectively achieved by counteracting selective migra-tion The city should be so attractive, that Rotterdammers would not tend to leave … The city must appeal to residents who can choose freely from a range of alternatives in the housing market

(Gemeente Rotterdam, 2007, p 63, quoted in Doucet et al., 2011, p 1446)

Gentrification is, in general, stimulated by global market forces and has become part of a promoted international glamour city, which contrasts with the real city of the everyday life of its superdiverse people living in marginalised neighbourhoods There are contrasts between the mediatisation of global skyline, a market-driven presentation that fits into a new urban revolu-tion which magnifies the triumphs of the global city and superdiverse populations who do not fit in this success story In general, regeneration does not seem to be an effective instrument to reduce social and ethnic segregation in neighbourhoods with a large concentration of ethnic majorities (Hwang and Sampson, 2014) The regeneration is based on “exclusive” urban reform, favouring a middle-class identity of successful workers, but is not always beneficial to local people, and certainly not in the interest of migrants with a different ethnic and religious back-ground In this sense, the newest regeneration programmes recreate new public spaces, in which

much-“cultural festivals are social control mechanisms for including and excluding people from spaces

in the city” (quoted in Boland, 2010)