Indian women as entrepreneurs an exploration of self identity

In “Interplay Between Individual and Shared Identities of Women Entrepreneurs in Manipur” Bisoya Loitongbam and Priyatam Anurag examine the way the Ima Keithel, the local market run by w

INDIAN WOMEN AS ENTREPRENEURS

EDITED BY PAYAL KUMAR

An Exploration of Self-Identity

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An Exploration of Self Identity

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ISBN 978-1-137-60258-9 ISBN 978-1-137-60259-6 (eBook)

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Prathibha Sastry, And to other women like her, Who have the courage and indomitable spirit

To transform adversity into opportunity

Again and again, and yet again

of entrepreneurship, the conventions of gender that lie behind it, and the outcomes that emerge from it

Th e entrepreneur is one who applies a range of resources in an tain situation in the belief a better outcome will take place in this man-ner, rather than if one is simply consuming those resources Th us the traditional farmer seeds the ground in the hope of a bounteous crop in the future and many descendants yet to come, despite the vagaries of nature and tribal and regional politics In a similar vein, the business-man invests his capital in the hope of a return in the future, and yet greater returns to come, despite the vagaries of nature and the powers

uncer-of civilization

In the traditional rural world, women and children appear to stand

on the consumptive side, with women especially seen as metaphoric or actual passive recipients of what chance and the power of their men hand out Th is same “passivity” seemingly makes women inadequate for the role of entrepreneur in complex contemporary economies, especially when capital (or land) is the core resource, and women fail to have full traditional access to the same

Th is simple dichotomy, of men as traditional and contemporary risk- takers, and women as passive consumers and caretakers of family, mis-reads traditional life and sets barriers on real opportunities for women

in contemporary industrial society It also radically restricts the abilities

of cultures with this mindset to compete globally Risk-taking turns out, upon careful observation, to be an activity with which women, no less than men, are familiar and for which women, no less than men, are well suited It is also the core skill by which any culture adapts to change and creates the possibility for success Valuing women as entrepreneurs changes the world for the better

Valuing women as entrepreneurs begins with understanding their ditional roles with more accuracy In the 1980s, I had the opportunity to work in a rural American community of Amish and Mennonites While the Amish maintained visibly close ties to rural–patriarchal traditions of farm life with their horse-drawn farming, the Mennonites, despite satel-lite dishes and four-wheel drive tractors, also remained closely tied to rural–patriarchal traditions If anything, the Mennonite men I encoun-tered were hyper-patriarchal, clearly intent on competitive mastery of their families, land, and economic conditions Despite legal equality and educational opportunity, there were no women in prominent public roles in that community, whether those roles were economic, religious, or political Th e men were front and centre with traditional and contempo-rary resource control and risk-taking

Yet, it turned out upon closer analysis that the women of the munity, far from being passive consumers and protectors of the home, were active participants in this risk-taking world When commercial decisions in the community were examined it turned out that active webs

com-of women were central to all the decisions such as who received bank loans, what developments were supported, even what crops were grown

As the women talked among themselves, key community decisions were

made and the men responded by writing and signing the contracts the women recommended Strong men turned out to often be backed by even stronger wives, women of stature in the community, with wisdom regarding how resources should be best allocated for maximum return While no man would ever openly acknowledge the impact of the women, tracking the actual fl ow of ideas demonstrated that in many respects, the community was run from the homes of the women and that its prosper-ity was backed by their risk-taking insights rather than those of the men What I experienced in rural Indiana turns out to be a global common-place In many rural communities, women are the driving force behind prosperity through their webs of communication and analysis, providing key insights into where the family, village, or tribe should be investing its limited resources Women are often the entrepreneurs of traditional life Men may front the decisions with their legal titles and formal access

to land and capital, but often the men are proxies for competent and entrepreneurial women who act through them to create the conditions

in which they and their families can thrive So while a simplistic analysis

of the traditions supports a narrative of male risk-taking in the context of consumptive women, the truth is more complex Women are often the key entrepreneurial brains even of the traditional world

Th is brings to light a new aspect of entrepreneurship, one often missed

in economic and social analyses: the role of the personal At the heart

of every entrepreneur is a simple wager: if I, with my intelligence and hard work take risks with my resources, I believe I can return even more resources to myself Entrepreneurs are always at heart individuals with

a risk-taking mindset, a desire for personal engagement and success, of ingenuity and deep emotional commitment, who apply themselves to economic opportunities

Entrepreneurship is at heart an intellectual and emotional exercise Risk-taking is about the analysis of conditions, assessment of resources, and sensitivity to needs and opportunities in the surrounding environ-ment It is about intelligence, training, wisdom, and intuition Also it is about the emotional drive to apply those resources to perceived oppor-tunities Th e true entrepreneur is excited by the risk, perhaps careful to minimize how much risk, but always energized by the potential for gain and loss Th is has always been true, and never more so than in the emerg-ing global service economy where large pools of capital or land are not

the resources at risk When the basis of new opportunity is the ability to assist another human being in gaining a feeling of well-being or of an accomplishment (the essence of a service), then individual intellectual and emotional capacity become the primary conditions of entrepreneur-ial success

Women, no less than men, are capable and interested in that tual and emotional exercise Given that traditionally the home was the basis of women’s entrepreneurial action, it should not be surprising then that the home is still the location for much of women’s entrepreneurial action Th e change is that now this action is not done through proxies, but comes through small-scale business activities, or distributed virtual organizational action, rooted in home offi ces, tied into the commercial hub through cell phones and internet, and supported by home-based computing capacity greater than many major corporations of just a gen-eration ago Women risk their time and capital, often in the midst of the bustle of children and home responsibilities, to successfully leverage opportunities in the service economy

In doing so, women grow in esteem and social power that may not be publically acknowledged, but exists nonetheless as women’s enterprises become an important part of emerging economies Women feel it in their growing commercial power, feed upon it, and become yet more confi dent that even in formally patriarchal social conditions, where they are still often forced to act through or against the expectations of men and social policy, they are worthy and deserve high regard Many men, against their own expectations, come to rely upon the insights and capacities of these women to support their own drive for success, or even become employees and dependents of these women through whom they achieve their own economic stability

Th is leads to a third entrepreneurial outcome As women achieve respect for their entrepreneurial capacities, a culture rapidly magnifi es its own capacity for success What both traditional gender analysis and a focus on individual capacity miss is how human beings as a whole achieve their collective success Human beings make way for each other, support each other, and build off of each other through collective processes that bring esteemed members of the community together to magnify their

competence for the good of all When an esteemed banker meets an esteemed entrepreneur, both enhance their possibilities for success

As women achieve esteem, the number of competent contributors to the economy doubles and the possibilities of the esteemed working with the esteemed increase fourfold Th is is the great leap forward for indus-trial civilizations that welcome women to the ranks of the esteemed Th e actual entrepreneurial capacity of a culture where women are respected entrepreneurs is not doubled, but quadrupled Th e synergistic eff ects may even be greater because entrepreneurship drives innovation and through innovation the capacities of whole peoples may be liberated

As this volume demonstrates, women are competent entrepreneurs and through their eff orts liberate both women and men to be more pro-ductive and their cultures to thrive locally and globally Th e unfolding research and the many stories of women’s success in both rural and urban milieus show that women have the drive and capacity for entrepreneurial success, and by doing so, create better conditions for everyone

Th e fi rst section of this book explores the Indian narrative of women as entrepreneurs within the context of Indian traditions and current expe-rience Th ese research studies share the conclusion that entrepreneurial activities are an important part of how women discover their own capac-ities and become stronger participants in their social contexts Th is is particularly true in the context of patriarchal cultures that restrict the employment and social opportunities of women While the enterprises may be micro-sized due to the constraints of their circumstances as women, their impact on the lives of the women are not Self-esteem and

a sense of competence are perhaps as important, or even more important, than the fi nancial success achieved Despite working from the underside

of the economy, these women fi nd their narrow access enough to cessfully challenge many aspects of their social circumstances and create better conditions for themselves, their families, and their communities

In “Interplay Between Individual and Shared Identities of Women Entrepreneurs in Manipur” Bisoya Loitongbam and Priyatam Anurag examine the way the Ima Keithel, the local market run by women, func-tions in the lives of twelve women entrepreneurs In their interview-based study they found that, through their participation in the economic life

of the market, these women improved their self-respect, self-trust, and

self-worth Despite varying personal life experiences, the women sally found in the market an opportunity to develop an important sense

univer-of both personal and shared identity as competent participants in the economic life of the community

At the same time, the market provided a place for women to support each other personally and economically, in the process becoming a train-ing ground and economic resource to maximize entrepreneurial poten-tial In the context of female vulnerability, Loitongbam and Anurag see the women’s market as an important alternative to more conventional economic environments such as shopping malls Its female context entails that women are safe, both understood and protected by the bonds of one another’s experiences, to develop their personal and economic potential

in small albeit positive steps

Sujana Adapa and Alison Sheridan follow with an exploration of the complex lives of women running accounting businesses Th eir contribu-tion, “Th e Complex Hues of Entrepreneurial Identity Amongst Women Owning Accounting Firms,” outlines the complex social and gender matrix within which women begin and run their own accounting fi rms

Th rough in-depth analysis of three women who either founded or ran accounting fi rms, a traditionally male-dominated fi eld of enterprise, they found that successful women were responding to the lack of recognition given to them for their competence as one of the core reasons for mov-ing into running their own fi rms Th e struggles that followed for these three women identifi ed issues of gender recognition, family life, religion, and caste as barriers to success It seems that at least in the accounting

fi eld, a successful female entrepreneur must excel at multiple levels of social negotiation and thus may well be signifi cantly more competent than comparably successful males

P.  Meenakshi examines how for women who are neurs, the reward of personal pride and self-worth is a key driver for their activities, alongside or even greater than the fi nancial rewards In

micro-entrepre-“Intrinsic Rewards of the Transition from Home-Maker to Entrepreneur” Meenakshi found through the analysis of four women’s entrepreneurial narratives that the one universal motivator was pride of accomplishment

Th e women in the study may have been pushed by many diff erent tors, but all were pulled by the successes they achieved and the personal

fac-identity that resulted In particular, it was the feeling of being somebody other than a mother that provided the energy to keep taking risks

R.  Bala Subramanian and Sachin Kumar pose the question “Do Women Turn to Entrepreneurship to Maintain a Better Work-Life Balance?” Th ey used a survey of 50 women from a range of entrepreneur-ial activities including professional self-employment and found issues of status, a sense of achievement, or personal freedom were what drove their respondents To their surprise, despite observing that work–life balance is important to many women, it was not a motivator for the entrepreneurial women they surveyed Th ey conclude that entrepreneurial women are actually redefi ning femininity in key ways

Ambika Prasad takes this exploration further in “Entrepreneurship Among Rural Indian Women: Empowerment Th rough Enterprise.” Reviewing conditions in rural Uttarakhand, Prasad fi nds that entrepre-neurial success through self-help groups leads to women’s changed actions

in relation to their families and villages Th e economic success leads to

a stronger role in family decision-making, community politics, and sonal health care Economic capital becomes social capital and changes roles for men as well as women

Louise Kelly examines in more depth the personality characteristics of the Indian woman entrepreneur In “Leadership Style of Indian Women

in the Context of the GLOBE Cultural Framework” she draws upon the Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Eff ectiveness (GLOBE) study on leadership characteristics at the macro-level in order to provide

a more nuanced understanding of the Indian woman entrepreneur

In the second section of the book, Neha Chatwani and Nasima Carrim explore in their respective studies the impact of Indian cul-ture upon women’s initiatives in the Indian diaspora Th ey fi nd mixed results, varying in particular based on the gender and cultural biases built into the new culture Coming from an Indian background may help but might also hinder the success of women as entrepreneurs in the Indian diaspora

Neha Chatwani examines the stories of four successful emigrant preneurs outside the UK.  Rather than drawing defi nitive conclusions, Chatwani suggests that the impact of Indian identity on women expa-triates are complex, both supporting and constraining entrepreneurial

activities in their new countries In some cases, Indian cultural tives appear to provide an advantage, allowing entrepreneurial women to sidestep some of the new culture’s restrictions Th e fl exibility required of

perspec-an immigrperspec-ant also served some of these women well But others did not see anything unique to or necessarily positive in their background Nasima Carrim’s research leads in a diff erent direction Th is case study reveals a woman caught between multiple levels of discrimination with the result that her entrepreneurial activities are managed through male proxies Th e reported situation in South Africa is one where Indian tradi-tions of gender discrimination are made harder to resist because they are even more strongly held by the surrounding African culture In this case,

an entrepreneurial woman discovered that success came through hiring the appropriate males and guiding them strategically But at the same time, this approach cut her off from appropriate social sources of entre-preneurial information and resources

Th e fi nal section of the book includes three case studies of women who have become successful entrepreneurs in India Th rough their refl ections

on their own success and its meaning to them, the personal ment of entrepreneurial success becomes evident

Prathibha Sastry left an abusive marriage with the desire to prove her own worth, which she did through a series of entrepreneurial activities Her anger drove her to start businesses, slowly moving past her anger as continued success led her into new and more infl uential ventures At this point, she shares her pride in accomplishment with other women as a men-tor and coach For her, entrepreneurship was not only an opportunity to use her independent and resourceful spirit to fi nd personal success but also

an opportunity to fi nd healing and hope for herself and for other women Simran Anand used a consciously subaltern status to create new oppor-tunities in the world of publishing She developed a virtual organization that allowed its staff , many of them women with families and working from home, to fi nd a quality work environment She concludes based

on her experience that outside of discriminatory environments women thrive and are often better workers than men—more driven, more care-ful, and more eff ective, as well as better team participants Some of her staff even identifi ed their work as mothers as a good training ground for excellence as decision makers

Sonavi Desai draws on strong images of women in Hindu ogy as well as in her family of origin to explain her own drive to take

mythol-on important public roles In her case, that meant taking a clear and conscious step away from the public to raise her children Th ere were costs to this decision and they led to her subsequent decision to found her own business Once it was underway, the sense of accomplishment was enough to keep her going despite the meagre economic returns Th is sense of accomplishment led to changes in all aspects of her life as she now felt more confi dent in her perceptions and actions elsewhere It even strengthened her sense of partnership with her spouse and led to a better marriage She concludes that entrepreneurship is an important part of making women develop a strong self-identity and self-worth, and there-fore of contributing to the well-being of the nation as a whole

Th roughout this book, the voices of women resonate with the power that is brought by entrepreneurial success To take the initiative, to explore, to innovate, and to take risks create women who are more con-

fi dent about themselves, more capable of acting decisively at all levels of society, who create the conditions for a more successful society

Th at women can be successful entrepreneurs is evident Th at women as entrepreneurs need not become masculine is just as obvious Th at women

as entrepreneurs contribute to the well-being of their families and munities should be obvious, though it may take some time for that to become clear Th e women presented in this book, in studies and in their own voices, did not need to turn their backs on femininity, Indian cul-ture, or motherhood Instead, they drew from all of these the strength to become eff ective risk-takers in the contemporary economy Th ey are the leaders of constructive engagement and transformation, not the architects

com-of harsh confrontation with the seemingly natural or divinely ordained strictures of tradition Recognizing this capacity is the way forward for humanity

In the future, policy makers, bankers, and family members need to take these voices into consideration and support women as entrepre-neurs Th ese voices are not those of a society in disintegration but one that is gaining strength Women have the resources in their traditions and through many of their families to embrace in their spirits the active risk-taking that creates the ground for entrepreneurial success In doing

so, they become partners in the construction of stronger, more equitable, and more innovative social systems

Ultimately, the entrepreneurial capacity of women is about liberating human potential in order to create the future everyone needs Adding women’s abilities to the entrepreneurial potential of humanity will result

in a blossoming of human capacity, creativity, and well-being As men and women work together, not as men and women, but as esteemed risk- takers and innovators, colleagues in economic and social production, the potential is released for levels of social development far beyond anything that can be imagined now

Back among Indiana’s rural Mennonite community, I am told that a few years after I left, the patriarch died at a relatively early age His wife stepped into his shoes, taking up the reins of the community’s largest and most successful business and also the leadership of the religious com-munity In doing so, she set aside her sons, one of whom was already a prominent and successful businessman and leader in the church It might

be that she had always been the leading entrepreneur of the community, but it was only now that the world could see it She had always been esteemed as a woman of wisdom, but it seems she was also a woman of business and a true leader All it took for her to be revealed as such was for the men in her life to step aside

Read these chapters and refl ect on yourself and the women around you Do you see similar stories? Do you see the possibility of more such stories? Are you prepared to take the risk to welcome such potential, celebrate its successes, and join in? Th is book tells a good news story for women, for India, and for humanity It is now the responsibility of the rest of us to take this news to heart and use it to welcome a better future for all

Vancouver, BC, Canada Bruce   Hiebert

Th e seeds for this edited volume were sown at a chance meeting I had with one of the contributors at a publishing conference in Goa a few years ago Her words resonated with me for quite some time She said,

“You know, I’ve started my own business Although I am currently not making much profi t, and am actually at more or less at break-even point, this enterprise has had such a positive impact on my life It’s what makes

me jump out of bed every morning, even before the alarm has rung.” Another delegate I met told me how becoming an entrepreneur was

a calculated decision she had taken in the aftermath of an abusive tionship, as she wanted to be her own boss, and prove her own worth

rela-in a “man’s world.” And rela-indeed widely held stereotypical perceptions do equate entrepreneurship with a man’s world: Th e business world is seen

to be “male, and not only male but lean, hungry, predatory and hostile”

1 http://timesofi is-forcing-things-to-be-done-Taleb/articleshow/50800166.cms—downloaded on 1st February,

ndia.indiatimes.com/business/india-business/India-is-too-democratic-but-Modi-2016

(Greer, 1999, p. 299), traits which are considered antithetical to edly “feminine” characteristics

Th e rich and diverse experiences of these women got me thinking Is entrepreneurship to be narrowly defi ned as simply exploiting a business opportunity for profi tability? Does it not bring anything else to the table, apart from the multiplication of resources through risk-taking and cre-ativity? Th e women I spoke to implied that there was more to the story,

at least for them

Th is edited collection is unique in that it focuses on ship as an enabler that shapes self-identity of Indian women, which in turn validates the woman’s identity in a patriarchal world Th us it diff ers from existing literature, which largely dwells either on the antecedents

entrepreneur-of entrepreneurship for women, or compares performance outcomes to those of their male counterparts

Up to now, the rather scant available literature on Indian women preneurs has largely dwelt upon the pull factors that motivate women to turn to entrepreneurship For example, a study by Jyoti, Sharma, and Kumari ( 2011 ) concludes that pull factors, such as having the freedom

entre-to adopt one’s own approach, aff ects the entrepreneurial orientation of Indian women more greatly than their male counterparts Similarly, a study by Das ( 1999 ) concludes that the desire to become independent and also to strive for personal satisfaction are predominant predictors

of women turning to entrepreneurship Th is diff ers from the more stantive US-based literature that largely cites push factors as the main motivators for women entrepreneurs, such as the need for greater income (Humbert & Drew, 2010 )

Apart from pull and push factors, the literature has also focused

to a large extent on the outcomes of entrepreneurship For example, some studies suggest that what is unique to Indian outcomes is a con-tribution to the greater societal good Other studies suggest that there

is signifi cant wealth generation: “(Babu, Subramanyan & Rao, 2010 )Women entrepreneurs in India are actually some of the most success-ful women, generating more wealth than women in other countries.”

Entrepreneurship and Self-Identity

Th is edited volume looks in detail at female entrepreneurship and self- identity in India In doing so, it is hoped that this will go some way in fulfi lling the need to develop indigenous alternatives in terms of scholar-ship (Whetten, 1989 )

Th e underlying assumption of this volume is that both the work ronment and societal environment have an impact on the entrepreneur’s self-identity (Schaubroeck, Kim, & Peng, 2012 ) It is important to under-stand self-concept as a construct as this has an impact on how people interact with their work environments in terms of motivation, eff ort, and performance (Leonard, Beauvais, & Scholl, 1999 ), and impacts behav-iour towards others (Fiske & Taylor, 1991) After all, in order to function appropriately, “every entity needs to have a sense of who or what it is” and how we relate to others (Ashforth, Harrison, & Corley, 2008: 326) Some of the chapters focus on how entrepreneurship boosts self- esteem and dignity through agency Others dwell on how the family and the extended community act as determinant factors in the realization of

envi-a womenvi-an’s business envi-aspirenvi-ations (Kumenvi-ar &envi-amp; Srinivenvi-asenvi-an, 2014 ) envi-and in shenvi-ap-ing her identity For example, the opening chapter talks of how a shared entrepreneurial identity can be formed, with three generations of women working synergistically together in Manipur Also, three case studies pro-vide insights into how self-identity led to entrepreneurship, and in turn how entrepreneurship impacted self-identity Given that there are a neg-ligible number of case studies in this area, these could be a rich source for teaching purposes

While the writings are largely India-centric, there are two chapters that study Indian women entrepreneurs in the context of South Africa and Europe too, graphically portraying the unique challenges they encounter

To sum up, this volume explores whether entrepreneurship is more than just running a business and boosting the bottom line Proving one’s self-worth after an abusive marriage, or tackling the empty-nest syn-drome when grown-up children move out of the house, are just some of the motivations behind starting an enterprise Th ese enterprises in turn have provided these women and others with a deep sense of worth

In the Th e Good Woman of Setzuan the kind-hearted and generous Shen

Te invents a male alter ego to protect her economic interests Disguised

as a man, she is compelled to transform into a character who appears to cope much better with the people around her (Brecht, 1948 ), and she continues to oscillate between the duality of female and male In con-trast, in this volume of collected writings, noted authors probe whether there is an inner change where one’s own business transforms the woman entrepreneur into more of an agent within the gendered boundaries set

by the societal context that she is in, so much so that she can proudly say,

Babu, K V S N., Subramanyam, P., & Rao, J B (2013) Women neurship development in India: Challenges and measures ACADEMICIA:

entrepre-An International Multidisciplinary Research Journal, 3 (2), 1–8

Brecht, B (1948) Parables for the theatre: Two plays: Th e good woman of Setzuan and the Caucasian Chalk Circle University of Minnesota Press

Das, M (1999) Women entrepreneurs from southern India: An exploratory study Journal of Entrepreneurship , 8 (2), 147–163

Fiske, S T., & Taylor, S E (1991) Social cognition, 2nd NY: McGraw-Hill, 16–15

Greer, G (1999) Th e whole woman London: Doubleday

Jyoti, J., Sharma, J., & Kumari, A (2011) Factors aff ecting orientation and satisfaction of women entrepreneurs in rural India Annals of Innovation & Entrepreneurship , 2 (1)

Humbert, L., & Drew, E (2010).Gender, entrepreneurship and motivational factors in an Irish context International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship ,

2 (2), 173–196

Kumar, P., & Srinivasan, N (2014) Women, entrepreneurship and tional factors in an Indian context In L. Kelly (Ed.), Entrepreneurial women:

motiva-New management and leadership models in a global context (Vol 11) Santa

Barbara, CA: Praeger

Leonard, N. H., Beauvais, L. L., & Scholl, R. W (1999) Work motivation: Th e incorporation of self-concept-based processes Human relations , 52 (8),

969–998

Schaubroeck, J., Kim, Y. J., and Peng, A. C (2012) Th e self-concept in nizational psychology: Clarifying and diff erentiating the constructs In G. P Hodgkinson and J.  K Ford (Eds.), International review of industrial and organizational psychology (Vol 27) Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd

orga-Doi: 10.1002/9781118311141.ch1

Whetten, D. A (1989) What constitutes a theoretical contribution? Academy of Management Review, 14(4), 490–495

Part I Th e Indian Narrative 1

1 Interplay Between Individual and Shared Identities

of Women Entrepreneurs in Manipur 3

Bisoya Loitongbam and Priyatam Anurag

2 Th e Complex Hues of Entrepreneurial Identity

Amongst Women Owning Accounting Firms 21

Sujana Adapa and Alison Sheridan

3 Intrinsic Rewards of the Transition from Home-Maker

P Meenakshi

4 Do Women Turn to Entrepreneurship to Maintain a 

R Bala Subramanian and Sachin Kumar

5 Entrepreneurship Among Rural Indian Women:

Ambika Prasad

6 Leadership Style of Indian Women in the Context of the 

Louise Kelly

Part II Th e Diaspora Narrative 115

7 Understanding the Gendered Identity Role of Skilled Female

Entrepreneurs Amongst the Indian Diaspora in Europe 117

Neha Chatwani

8 Th e Gender, Racio-Ethnic and Professional Work Identity

of an Indian Woman Entrepreneur in South Africa 133

Nasima Mohamed Hoosen Carrim

9 Case Study 1: Entrepreneurship as a Vehicle to Prove

Prathibha Sastry

10 Case Study 2: How Working in a Collective Boosts

Self-Esteem and Choice-Making Propensity in Women 163

Table 1.1 Institutional conditions for enabling entrepreneurial

Table 2.1 Profi le details of the three participants 27

Table 4.3 Descriptive statistics of grand mean 73

Table 10.1 Responses of past and present editors of SAE to

working as freelancers for the fi rm 168

Part I The Indian Narrative

© Th e Editor(s) (if applicable) and Th e Author(s) 2016

P Kumar (ed.), Indian Women as Entrepreneurs,

DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-60259-6_1

1

Interplay Between Individual

and Shared Identities of Women

Entrepreneurs in Manipur

Bisoya   Loitongbam and  Priyatam   Anurag

Abstract Th e second largest women’s market in Asia, in the heart of Imphal town, Manipur, is known as Ima Keithel (literally, a market run by mothers) Th is chapter explores how the co-location of a large number of women entrepreneurs helps to sustain entrepreneurial activ-ity well into their old age Th e narratives of 12 women entrepreneurs

at diff erent life stages show the market to be an integral part of their sense of both self and shared identity, helping to maintain their self-respect, self-trust, self-worth, and a positive outlook on life Th is study has several important implications for planners in creating an enabling environment for entrepreneurs in an informal economy within a patri-archal context

B Loitongbam (  )

Doctoral scholar at the Department of Economics , XLRI Jamshedpur ,

Jamshedpur , 831001 , India

P Anurag

Doctoral scholar at Department of Corporate Strategy & Policy , IIM

Bangalore , Bilekahalli , 560076 , Karnataka , India

Introduction

Women in the informal economy practice entrepreneurship in situations

of extreme vulnerability (Chen, Vanek, & Carr, 2004 ) Despite decades

of research on the informal economy, we do not know how they—in spite of their vulnerabilities—maintain their autonomy and sustain their enterprise over a long period of time Structuralist theory would have

us believe that they are products of “marginalization dynamics” and therefore “necessity entrepreneurs” (Geertz, 1963 ) Empirical fi ndings, however, contradict this portrayal Women entrepreneurs in the informal sector in India, for example, are reported to enjoy decent living condi-tions and earnings and are seen to be positive about the future and happy with their current work status (Williams & Gurtoo, 2011 )

Liberal theory, on the other hand, portrays these entrepreneurs as vidualistic rational decision makers (Jütting & Laiglesia, 2009 ) However, some research suggests that women entrepreneurs in the informal sec-tor report family commitments, and not the pursuit of their individu-alistic goals, as the most important trigger for entrepreneurship which contradicts the assumption of “individualistic orientation” by the liberals (Dawson & Henley, 2012 )

Similarly, the use of “push” and “pull” motivation typology (Amit & Muller, 1995 ) for entrepreneurship is rooted in the assumption of individ-ualistic human behaviour Within this categorization, a woman pursuing self-employment to meet family expectations is viewed less favourably However, recent research suggests that this classifi cation is ambiguous as entrepreneurs often explain their motivation as a combination of push and pull factors (Dawson & Henley, 2012 ) Further, interpreting family commitment in a “push” and “pull” conceptualization is tardy as the nar-ration of such motivation is, in essence, a social account—the motivation

is not personal or individualistic in its orientation In what appears to be

a force fi tting of an essentially social account of motivation for neurship to an individualistic framework, researchers popularly interpret this as “need for fl exibility” and categorize it as a “push” toward entrepre-neurship, implying an involuntariness of choice

“Push and Pull classifi cation,” therefore, ignores the substantive tent of motivation for entrepreneurship Th is is especially so in the con-

con-text of women entrepreneurship in the informal sector in India where the social or collectivistic account is an important narrative (Kumar & Srinivasan, 2014 )

As an alternative conception, we use and elaborate upon the work of “recognitional autonomy” proposed by Anderson and Honneth ( 2004 ) Th is philosophical framework deals with the problem of acti-vating the autonomy of vulnerable individuals Anderson and Honneth argue that individualistic account is suitable for persons who have little need for social cooperation For the majority, personal autonomy requires enabling conditions and resources to be able to translate their aspiration for freedom into reality Entrepreneurs, especially in a resource- constrained environment, use social capital and social networks for resource acqui-sition and opportunity recognition (Jamali, 2009 ; Sarasvathy, 2001 )

frame-Th e theory posits that autonomy is not absence of any constraints and

individuals can voluntarily accept those that they hold central to their pursuit of meaningful life, which includes “forms of attachment that are authentic even though they cannot easily be shed, such as parent’s bond with their children” (Anderson & Honneth, 2004 , p. 130) Th is assertion

is especially relevant in the case of women entrepreneurs as they juggle between various roles and identities, and the presence of dependencies may otherwise be thought of as signalling marginalization dynamics

Th e primary tenet of the theory is summarized in the claim that

“autonomy is a capacity that exists only in the context of social relations that support it and only in conjunction with the internal sense of being autonomous” (Anderson & Honneth, 2004 , p. 129) Th e theory posits three important enabling conditions for the exercise of autonomy First,

a presence of legally institutionalized relations for respect for autonomy and dignity of a person prevents practices and institutions which express attitudes of denigration and humiliation Deprecation makes it diffi cult for individuals to exercise autonomy as they threaten the individual’s perception of self-worth Second, close relations of love and friendship enable self-trust as openness and freedom of one’s social context makes

it possible to engage with his or her deepest feelings openly and cally, which is central to the exercise of autonomy Finally, a presence of networks of solidarity enables a sense of self-worth and self-value which

criti-evolves from a shared meaning of the former, often in contravention to the views of those who use deprecating expressions

We explore the application of the theory of recognitional autonomy in the context of a women’s only market— Ima Keithel (literally, “Mother’s

Market”) in Manipur in India According to the sociological view of kets, markets are socially embedded; that is, markets are constructed in culturally specifi c ways Th ey are controlled or organized by particular social groups or classes and have specifi c connections to other institu-tions, social processes, and structures (Granovetter, 1985 ; Vidal & Peck,

mar-2012 ) Markets, therefore, shape important institutional circumstances for the exercise of autonomy which makes it an especially relevant con-text for our study

Situating Ima Keithel in the Gender Context

of India and Manipur

Ima Keithel , also known as “ Khwairamband Bazaar ,” is a large, crowded

market in the heart of Imphal, the capital city of Manipur It is the work place for about 4000 women entrepreneurs, who together control the supply chain of products as diverse as indigenous varieties of food items to products of cottage industry such as handloom and handicrafts (Prasain, Monsang, & Haokip, 2014 ) Th e market is among the largest and oldest women’s markets in Asia, and is run and managed exclusively by women

It has a legacy of more than 400 years A report on the market chronicling its history describes its importance to the local society:

Th e term “market” is in fact highly inadequate to describe what Ima Keithel

is and the role it plays in the local economy, culture, and society Ima Keithel is the site for the affi rmation of women’s control over the produc- tion, the use, and the management of production and consumption patterns Th e market is a society, an institution, a way of life (Emphasis

added) 1

1 ma Keithel: A Symbol of Women’s Empowerment in Manipur (n.d.) Retrieved from http:// thewip.net/2012/10/08/ima-keithel-a-symbol-of-womens-empowerment-in-mani

Ima Keithel is easily one of a kind, a place where such a large ensemble

of women handles a massive volume of the economy (Barua & Devi,

2004 ) A market such as this is extremely rare in the largely chal Indian society where women tend to lose their self-confi dence and agency in pursuing economic opportunities owing to numerous con-straints (Ramanathan, 2004 ) Th ere are only a few successful examples

patriar-of women-run enterprises in the informal economy in India, including the Shri Mahila Griha Udyog Lijjat Papad and Self Employed Women’s Association

In contrast to mainstream Indian society, women have traditionally enjoyed high social status in Manipur, Grimwood ( 1891 , p. 59) elabo-rates on this contrast: “Th e Manipuris do not shut up their women, as

is the custom in most parts of India, and are much more enlightened and intelligent in consequence.” Similarly, E.W. Dun in a 1886 Gazette

observed of women’s role in the local economy: “All the marketing is done by the women, all the work of buying and selling in public, carrying

to and fro of articles to be sold, whilst at home, they are busy employed

in weaving and spinning” (Barua & Devi, 2004 , p. 129)

However, with greater integration into mainstream Indian culture, society in Manipur has transformed from its indigenous roots to a form of Brahamanical Hindu (Vaishnavite) society With sanskritization (Srinivas,

1956 ), the society in Manipur now represents patriarchy in disguise—a society where women are burdened with expectations of managing eco-nomic as well as household responsibilities amidst constraints and biases

of a patriarchal structure Insurgency and low intensity confl ict prevalent

in the state since the 1980s have further intensifi ed women’s struggle Kumar et  al (2007, p.  66) highlight the psychological trauma that a woman in Manipur lives through in times of confl ict: “Any time, any one of your relatives or even yourself, or your own house or locality, can

be a target And you cannot sleep until all your family members return safely to the house.” As economic avenues for men generally shrink in an armed confl ict situation, the woman’s share of economic responsibilities increased manifold, which makes it challenging for them to balance and maintain multiple roles

Amidst these socioeconomic and political transformations, the Keithel

has been a prominent centre of political activism in the state apart from

being the proverbial spine of its economic structure 2 Kumar et al (2007,

p.  67) note, “As Keithels also serve as a platform to launch any form

of protest, agitation or movement, their normal operation is severely aff ected In response to agitation, the government usually imposes Keithel bandhs Curfews, general strikes and shootouts, carried out by various

insurgent groups, have also aff ected the Keithels ” Despite debilitating

cir-cumstances and economic hardships, women entrepreneurs in the ket have maintained their entrepreneurial autonomy which makes it an interesting case for studying the sustenance of enterprise in a situation of extreme vulnerability Th rough the case of this woman-only market, we get to explore the dynamics of enabling institutions and maintenance of entrepreneurial autonomy among women

Research Method

We use a persuasive case study method (Dyer & Wilkins, 1991 ; Eisenhardt

& Graebner, 2007 ; Siggelkow, 2007 ; Yin, 1984 ) in this chapter to ine how the context shapes the autonomous behaviour of an entrepre-neur, despite the presence of vulnerabilities Our research objective fi ts well with the choice of method as the persuasive case study is found to

exam-be especially suitable to illustrate to the readers a particular theory lying a fresh conceptual approach (Datta & Gailey, 2012 ; Siggelkow,

under-2007 ) Further, we use qualitative techniques to generate both facts and the interpretation of entrepreneur’s experience in the market We have conducted in-depth ethnographic interviews to elicit responses from the women entrepreneurs’ own frame of understanding and to make our interpretation as close as possible to the subject’s lived experience of the phenomena While our focus in this study is to explore the role of the market environment in shaping the autonomy of the entrepreneur over

an extended period of time, we also consider in great detail the individual eff ort of the entrepreneurs in achieving a meaningful life for themselves (Calas, Smircich, & Bourne, 2009 ) Further, we also locate their interac-

2 Women entrepreneurs of the Keithel have led political movements in the past against the colonial

regime, popularly known as Nupi Lan (Women’s agitation) in Manipur

tion with the market in the broader context of the value of the neur’s role and contribution to the society

Data Collection

Selection of cases was done by relying on theoretical sampling, that is, cases were chosen for theoretical and not statistical reasons (Eisenhardt, 1989 ) In this study, our focus is on the factors enabling sustenance of entrepreneurial activities through old age Th erefore, we sample entrepreneurs primarily

on the basis of life-stage (unmarried young entrepreneurs, entrepreneurs with young, school-going children, entrepreneurs with adolescent children, and elderly entrepreneurs with children who are have their own families)

Th e diversity of our sample allows us to incorporate the perspectives of entrepreneurs at diff erent life stages, which informs the entrepreneur’s age-specifi c expectations and experiences of the market Further, within this sample, we have two entrepreneurs who have experience of working in other markets, one entrepreneur who was earlier in a job and another who had run her own home-based enterprise In this way, we are also able to include a comparative experience of women entrepreneurs with respect to the other employment avenues available to them

We have a total of 12 ethnographic interviews, which is deemed quate for analysis of a phenomenon in a single context (Eisenhardt, 1989 ; Eisenhardt & Graebner, 2007 ) Prior studies have noted that women,

ade-as compared to men, tend to share their experiences more openly with strangers, especially with other women (Datta & Gailey, 2012 ; Dindia

& Allen, 1992 ) Th erefore, data for the study was primarily collected by the fi rst author who is a female of the same ethnic origin as the subject and well versed with the intricacies of the local language (Manipuri), its phrases and metaphors Th e interviews were audio recorded, and later translated and transcribed in English

Data Analysis

We carried out the data analysis in three stages In the fi rst stage, we classifi ed and coded the interview text in three groups: interview extracts

describing (i) the trigger for the entrepreneurship, (ii) description of own eff orts in overcoming the constraints and obstacles in doing business, and (iii) description of how institutional norms in the market infl uenced the women Following this, we explore their accounts within the frame proposed by Anderson and Honneth (2004) and also contrast their nar-rative with the literature on Structuralist and Liberal conceptualization of entrepreneurship in the informal sector And fi nally, we identify mecha-nisms through which the market environment infl uences entrepreneurial behaviour

Study Data and Analysis

Autonomy in Vulnerable Context

We asked the women entrepreneurs their reasons for taking up preneurship in the informal sector We found that there was a relative convergence in the interviewee’s account of conditions under which they began their business in the market Th eir entry into entrepreneur-ship most often coincided with situations of fi nancial vulnerability Keinatombi, a 67-year-old entrepreneur who has been self-employed for

entre-18 years, explains her situation at the time of starting a business: “Th e early demise of my husband at the age of 48 years compelled me to start trading I was a housewife then, and all my children were still studying

So, everything fell on me I have my own pride I do not want to ask for help from my brother Also, I do not want my children’s education to suff er because of lack of money So, I decided to trade here.”

Her account is an interesting narrative of the coexistence of ity and autonomy Despite facing fi nancial stress, she exercised freedom

vulnerabil-in her pursuit of meanvulnerabil-ingful life and made a choice that allowed her to maintain her autonomy However, her purposes were not individualistic She was concerned about her children’s education, and so were many other women who put their children’s well-being ahead of their own per-sonal aspirations Keinatombi’s conception of personal autonomy and aspirations for her family’s wellbeing are clearly not in confl ict with one another

In a similar narrative of choice and freedom in conditions of poverty, Pramodini Devi explains the timing of her joining the business: “Due

to economic hardships all family members, including my father-in-law, started telling me to start trading in Keithel However, I kept postponing

it till I was 48 and all my children were able to take care of themselves.” Many of these women show exemplary commitment to their collec-tivistic goals and enormous resilience in achieving them Th eir struggle also played an important role in shaping the character of their children

In Keinatombi’s words, “Several nights I have managed without food Only now I can eat two meals a day I told my children they needed to behave well and make me proud Many a times we hardly ate; what we ate for dinner and lunch are items which will be embarrassing to share.” Having gone through challenging times, several of them have happy sto-ries to tell about their success in achieving what they defi ned as their

pursuit of meaningful life Such a phenomenon is not rare A report on the market notes, “In the history of the last 50 years, these very women have fi nanced the schooling and education of doctors, lawyers, teachers, traditional knowledge holders and administrators through this institu-tion and continue to do so.” 3

While our respondents do not appear to acknowledge or invest in their personal aspirations early in their lives, several of them do get an opportunity to pursue their individual aspirations Having achieved their communal goals, they continue as entrepreneurs to rediscover their own individuality and achieve some of their personal desires Pashot sold her

fi rst pair of shawls way back in 1967, and she says she still enjoys doing it

as an 86-year old “Now it is a place of relaxation for me I enjoy coming here It is like a festival in the market! We feel good With my earning I travel to places If we sit at home we feel sad and sorry We feel old and suff er from poor health With my present income, I am saving money to

go to Vrindavan, a religious place in North India.”

Further, we fi nd that despite experiencing unfavorable circumstances, these women entrepreneurs have a positive relation with their own selves 3

Th ey have worked hard to attain what they set out to achieve and tinue to stay motivated Laishram Mema Devi, a prominent leader of the Trader’s Union, expresses her attitude to work, “I am a very hardwork-ing person I have never wasted my time in small talks or drinking tea I work really hard You see, many of the pieces of jewellery I sell are made

con-by me; instead of giving it to the goldsmith or other jewellery makers,

I try to make some of them I do not sleep at times.” Th ese neurs have also developed their skills with time Keinatombi explains how her suppliers value her salesmanship in a narration interspersed with humility and humor: “My suppliers gave me a nickname Banaan Laanbi

entrepre-(meaning ‘Spelling Mistake’ in English), because I can easily sell even the defective designs Th ere are around 20 weavers who directly come and supply to me.” Samarjit Kambam, a journalist in a local newspaper, gives these women entrepreneurs the sobriquet of being “the real MBAs

of Manipur.” 4

Our interviews provide fairly strong evidence of the ability of these women entrepreneurs to transcend their vulnerabilities and maintain their autonomy Th ey also provide convincing pointers on the individual eff ort which has helped them in their pursuit of meaningful lives, both for themselves and those associated with them In the next section, we discuss the narration of the women entrepreneurs on the role of the Ima Market as an institution in overcoming their vulnerabilities

Enabling, in a Vulnerability Context

In the narration of the women entrepreneurs, we note that their account

of themselves is often interspersed with references to the market So is their identity which is, in eff ect, inseparable from that of the market “We are known as ‘ Keithel Nupi ’ (Woman of the Market) A widow like me

could manage things properly and bring up all children single-handedly without seeking help from others or without being vulnerable because

of the Keithel ,” Pratima Devi, 47, who joined the market two years back

recounts “I know at my age it is not possible to get a government job

4 Th e real MBAs of Manipur Retrieved from http://epao.net/epSubPageExtractor.asp?src=features Spotlight_On_Women.Th e_real_MBAs_of_Manipur_By_Samarjit_Kambam

or job in the service sector So, to support my family of two children, I started trading in vegetables I used to bring vegetables from Assam (a neighbouring state) and supply to a vendor in Ima Keithel But the work

was stressful I had to load and unload vegetables from the bus, leave my children alone several nights while travelling to Assam I fi nally gave it up and started trading in Ima Keithel.” Enabling pursuit of self-reliance in a vulnerable context, the woman’s-only market off ers institutional support for those like Pratima Devi to be entrepreneurial by maintaining condi-tions under which they are neither exploited nor disrespected because of their vulnerability

Laishram Mema Devi, a 67-year-old jeweller, is intimately aware of the market’s enabling conditions due to her experience of working there for 35  years She throws light on how the institutional conditions in the market empower women “Th e Keithel (Mother’s Market) provides a

kind of social security for women, especially widows In the market if a widow works hard and generates her livelihood, none in the society can raise fi ngers.” She makes an interesting note of how the market environ-ment provides a subculture of support for a woman in the face of any denigrating and humiliating attitude of others, a factor that is critical for maintenance of self-respect and autonomy

Pratima Devi also talks of how she overcame her fear of children respecting her for joining the Keithel “My son was initially disappointed

dis-with my decision He was concerned his social status would go down, that his mother is a vendor But later he told his friends and people in the community said that women selling cloth in the market belong to the upper social stratum in the society So he felt very happy Actually,

in ancient times, people belonging to the royal family and other higher income strata used to sell clothes branded as royalty (locally known as Queen’s fabrics) Also, many of the women belonging to richer families trade in those items as it requires a higher investment.”

Despite the hardships, these woman entrepreneurs perform functions that are valued and respected in a traditional society A report on the market affi rms their contribution and social status “Th ese women should not be mistaken for petty vendors as classifi ed by municipal authorities

Th ey have been known traditionally to manage trade and commerce and are the producers of many goods—including textiles, food, and earth-