The conference took place around two months after the Cyprus Bail-in, the agreement reached on March 25 between the Cyprus government and the Troika the European Commission, ECB the and
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Michaelides, Alexander G (Alexander George), 1969– editor |
Orphanides, Athanasios, editor.
Title: The Cyprus bail-in : policy lessons from the Cyprus economic crisis /
Alexander Michaelides & Athanasios Orphanides, [editors].
Description: New Jersey : Imperial College Press, [2015]
Identifiers: LCCN 2015035740 | ISBN 9781783268757 (alk paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Financial crises Cyprus History 21st century | Debts,
Public Cyprus History 21st century | Cyprus Economic conditions 21st
century | Cyprus Economic policy.
Classification: LCC HB3808.3 C97 2015 | DDC 330.95693/04 dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015035740
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Copyright © 2016 by Imperial College Press
All rights reserved This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission from the Publisher.
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2 Self-Fulfilling Prophecies in the Cyprus Crisis:
5 What Happened in Cyprus? The Economic
Consequences of the Last Communist
Athanasios Orphanides
v
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vi Contents
Sofronis Clerides
Gikas A Hardouvelis
8 Making the Best of It: Lessons from Ireland’s
Alan Ahearne
Section 3: The Future of the Euro Area 281
9 Large versus Small States in The Eurozone,
Yannis M Ioannides
10 The European North–South Divide: Dealing with
Michael Haliassos
Lorenzo Bini Smaghi
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Preface
This volume is based on the proceedings of the 2nd Scientific
Confer-ence organised by the Tassos Papadopoulos Centre for Studies, under
the title “Cyprus: Five years in the Eurozone”, that took place at
Nicosia, Cyprus, on May 17 and 18, 2013
The conference took place around two months after the Cyprus
Bail-in, the agreement reached on March 25 between the Cyprus
government and the Troika (the European Commission, ECB the
and the International Monetary Fund)
At the time of the conference there was substantial confusion
and uncertainty about the future of the Cypriot economy Should
Cyprus abandon the euro as some local politicians and international
commentators were arguing? What caused the total sum of money
to fund the public sector needs and recapitalize the banking system
rise to 17 billion euros, around 100% of GDP? What did the future of
Cyprus look like within the euro-area? What lessons could be drawn
about the architecture of euro-area institutions in light of such crises?
These were questions that the conference addressed and the collection
of papers that follows is indicative of a wide variation of arguments
that were aired at the conference
We would like to thank the participants at the conference who
came to Cyprus to present their views and also for their
contribu-tion in this volume The list of contributors includes authors from
Cyprus, Greece, Ireland, Germany, Italy, and the USA and we hope
that the contributions that follow will achieve the stated aim of the
conference, which is to understand better what happened in Cyprus
vii
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viii Preface
and what lessons this crisis can offer academics and policy makers
around the world
We would like to thank the Tassos Papadopoulos Centre for
Stud-ies for continuing to support the objective understanding and
scien-tific analysis of recent economic events in Cyprus We would also
like to thank Chrisis Pantelides, the executive director of the Centre,
for organizing the conference at short notice We would also like to
thank KPMG Cyprus for generously sponsoring the conference
Alexander Michaelides
Athanasios Orphanides
London and Cambridge
June 15, 2015
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Introduction
Alexander Michaelides and Athanasios Orphanides
This volume is motivated by the Cyprus economic crisis that
culmi-nated in the decision to bail-in uninsured deposits in March 2013 as a
way to prevent sovereign debt bankruptcy The events in Cyprus were
one of the acts in the euro area crisis that started in early 2010 with
no signs of abating at the time of writing in June 2015 In addition
to the events in Cyprus, the volume discusses the experience in two
other crisis-stricken countries (Greece and Ireland) in the broader
context of the growing pains of the Economic and Monetary Union
(EMU) project The objective is to draw lessons from the crisis that
could help improve the design of the institutional architecture of the
euro area and provide guidance to policy makers, practitioners and
academics to improve decision-making both in preventing crises but
also in managing crises once they develop
The volume has three parts The first part aims to document
the chronology of events and offer a narrative about the crisis The
second part presents ways to overcome a crisis based on the Cypriot
and Irish experiences, while the third part puts the Cypriot crisis
in a broader perspective and discusses the future of the euro area
based on the experience from the evolution and final resolution of
the Cypriot crisis
The first part of the volume consists of five contributions that
discuss in detail various aspects of the evolution and final resolution
of the Cyprus crisis The issues discussed include Cyprus’ long term
competitiveness problems, the deterioration of public finances, the
ix
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x Introduction
development of structural imbalances, the inter relationship between
the sovereign’s credit worthiness and the soundness of the
bank-ing system, and political economics Particular attention is paid to
handling the liquidity and solvency issues in the banking sector, for
example the difficulties associated with handling emergency liquidity
assistance (ELA) during the crisis, and the uncertainties involved in
assessing the banks’ capital needs, which eventually determined the
bail-in
In the first chapter Michalis Sarris emphasizes the importance
of structural reform and sound public finances as a prerequisite for
international competitiveness and as a guarantee of high living
stan-dards in the long term
In the second chapter Stavros Zenios details the rapid downgrades
of the Cypriot sovereign debt in the 2010–2012 period and the delay
in signing a memorandum of understanding with Cyprus’ Euro Area
partners The paper discusses the methodology used by investment
firm PIMCO to estimate the capital needs of the Cypriot banking
system in the summer of 2012 and the potential implications from
the uncertainty around the given estimates Self-fulfilling prophecies
can arise when starting from large negative estimates that are made
public in the otherwise benign goal of “full transparency.” The way
emergency liquidity assistance (ELA) was offered to Cyprus Popular
Bank (CPB) is also discussed, and the delay in reaching an agreement
is explained by political expediency
In the third chapter Costas Xiouros focuses on the handling of
the ELA given to Cyprus Popular Bank (CPB) Xiouros makes the
case that the ELA was mishandled, and discusses the steps taken to
resolve the two largest Cypriot banks in March 2013 The ELA rules
and regulations are demystified with an application to the granting
of ELA to the two largest Cypriot banks by the European Central
Bank (ECB) through the national central bank of Cyprus (CBC)
Xiouros also quantifies, based on publically available information,
the impact of the series of decisions in March 2013 on the different
stakeholders
In the fourth chapter Alexander Michaelides discusses how
Cyprus went from a boom to a bail-in Michaelides discusses the
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macroeconomic imbalances (fiscal, banking, credit and external) that
built up over a number of years but became more pronounced after
2008 He argues that the delay in reaching an agreement was
catas-trophic and that this delay arose from political calculations
Igno-rance of the dangers from delay perhaps arose from the false sense
of security from the boom of the previous thirty years, despite the
stark warning signals offered by the explosion that destroyed the
main electricity-producing plant in the country in July 2011
Polit-ical mistakes at the European level (the banker-holders of Greek
government debt in Cyprus were treated differently from their Greek
counterparts) compounded the Cypriot political mistakes to push the
country in an unsustainable position in March 2013
In the final chapter of the first part, Athanasios Orphanides
describes what happened in Cyprus as a microcosm of the
deci-sions taken at the European level and emphasizes the importance
of political decisions in affecting economic outcomes Orphanides
reviews developments in Cyprus from the introduction of the euro
in 2008 to 2013 Among others, he discusses implications of the
private sector involvement (PSI) that imposed losses on holders of
sovereign debt that European governments consider “risk-free” in
European Union Directives This European political decision
mag-nified the losses for Cyprus when local Cypriot politicians did not
ask for a recapitalization of Cypriot banks through European funds
when the Greek sovereign debt was written off in October 2011
This differential treatment relative to banks in Greece exacerbated
the banking sector’s problems in Cyprus Orphanides also
high-lights the delay in reaching an agreement with the Troika and
also rationalizes it based on political expediency The chapter ends
by repeating Rudi Dornhusch’s lesson: “Populism always ends in
tears.”
The second part of the volume merges lessons from the crisis
with ways to overcome a crisis of such magnitude The
contribu-tions distil commonalities from the experiences of Cyprus, Greece
and Ireland to draw lessons for successful exit from the crisis, while
at the same time highlighting the complexities associated with the
decision-making process in the European Union
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xii Introduction
In the first chapter of the second part, Sofronis Clerides
empha-sizes the dysfunctional decision-making process at the European
level, economic imbalances and failure to deal with them, and the
problems arising from excess liquidity channelled from bankers to
developers Following the “crisis is an opportunity” dictum, Clerides
recommends that Cyprus refocus its comparative advantage away
from “low taxes” to expert legal, accounting, shipping and
finan-cial services with full implementation of finanfinan-cial transparency laws
Industries that can be important for Cyprus in the future can be
the continued growth of the tourist sector, but also the provision of
higher value-added activities like health, energy and education
In the second chapter in this part of the volume, Gikas
Hardouvelis emphasizes that post-March 2013 Cyprus should aim to
re-establish trust in the financial system and aim to lift capital
con-trols as soon as possible Structural reforms and fiscal policy
credi-bility are also important milestones Hardouvelis emphasizes that
Cyprus should not waver from being a member of the euro area as a
matter of geopolitical priority, should follow the agreed path with the
Troika and should not delay the implementation of the required
struc-tural reforms Social consensus on the required policies is also
empha-sized as an important prerequisite for successful exit from the crisis
In the third chapter in this part of the volume, Alan Ahearne
discusses the experience of Ireland, a case that can be compared to
Cyprus, both in terms of causes and in terms of lessons for the future
Ahearne emphasizes the importance of adhering as close as possible
to the program and illustrates the “benefits of virtuous behavior.”
In the case of Ireland these benefits came in the form of roughly
30 billion euros of promissory notes for bank recapitalizations, with
longer maturities and held by the Central Bank of Ireland
The last section of the volume deals with the future of the Euro
Area in light of the Cypriot experience as a member of the euro area
since 2008 The experiences of Cyprus, Greece and Ireland, discussed
at different levels of detail in the volume, provide useful lessons about
the problems that need to be tackled at the euro area level Primary
among these is the design of the monetary architecture of the euro,
a project that has already started with the banking union
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In the first chapter of the third part, Yannis Ioannides discusses
the democratic deficit that emerges in the euro area due to the
incom-pleteness of monetary union if collective decisions do not account for
the heterogeneity of member states, such as differences in the size of
their population He shows how the monetary union introduces
pro-found interdependence that influences national decisions on fiscal
pol-icy which remains a national competence As a result, supranational
considerations influence national fiscal policy and complicate
ques-tions of democratic accountability The weight smaller states have in
collective decisions may need to be disproportionally large, relative
to that of larger states, rather than proportional to their respective
populations Ioannides discusses voting structures in the European
Union and euro area in this context and offers a comparison with the
United States
In the second contribution in this part of the volume Michael
Haliassos interprets the Cyprus bail-in as “part of a consistent
strat-egy of the North to avoid moral hazard.” Haliassos emphasizes the
importance of growth-enhancing strategies in countries like Cyprus
that face potentially unsustainable sovereign debt levels
In the final chapter Lorenzo Bini-Smaghi discusses the future of
monetary architecture in the Eurozone Bini-Smaghi addresses the
question whether the single primary mandate given to the European
Central Bank (ECB) is a sufficient objective function for the ECB
to pursue, whether there is a conflict between monetary policy and
financial stability objectives and the various attempts by the ECB
to manage the euro area sovereign debt crisis In times of crises, the
monetary authority cannot act in a vacuum and not engage with the
fiscal authority and other stakeholders on account of being perceived
not to be independent
We hope the analysis offered in this volume can provide insights
on how future crises of such magnitude can be prevented, how risk
management at the national and international level should operate
once such a crisis erupts, and how the institutional design of the euro
area would need to be adapted to improve the odds of its survival
and future success
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Section 1
Cyprus in Crisis: What Happened
in Cyprus?
1
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Chapter 1
Cyprus in the Eurozone
Michalis Sarris∗
Membership of the Eurozone creates opportunities and can offer
substantial benefits to its member nations Trade expansion in the
context of a much larger market for goods and services, substantial
capital movements and the pursuit of investment opportunities
facil-itated by a stable currency, an environment of low interest rates, and
overall moderate inflation have helped stimulate the labor market
and increased the overall standard of living throughout the Eurozone,
including Cyprus However, membership also calls for responsible
economic policy choices, including adherence to the provisions of
zone-wide agreements
In countries which, while benefiting from the advantages of the
Eurozone, have not taken their membership responsibilities seriously,
the severe and protracted worldwide recession resulting from the
financial crisis of 2007–2008 brought to the surface preexisting and
home-grown underlying economic weaknesses These weaknesses in
most cases had their roots in one or more of the following causes:
(i) a serious erosion of relative competitiveness, resulting from
per-sistent differences in the evolution of unit labor costs and the
associ-ated higher rates of inflation; (ii) a rapid expansion in public sector
expenditure, with the scope for increases in government revenues
unable to keep pace, leading to growing fiscal deficits and a sharp
∗Former Finance minister of the Republic of Cyprus.
3
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4 The Cyprus Bail-In: Policy Lessons from the Cyprus Economic Crisis
rise in government debt, pushing borrowing costs to exceptionally
high levels; and, (iii) inadequate macro-prudential regulation leading
to unsustainably high growth rates in bank credit Cyprus belongs
to this category of Eurozone countries — it experienced, perhaps
uniquely, all three imbalances
The near total neglect of macro-economic imbalances (both
inter-nal and exterinter-nal) was exposed by the world economic crisis and
was punished swiftly and harshly by financial markets in the
con-text of the ensuing persistent sovereign debt crisis in the Eurozone
Nations in the southern part of the Eurozone, including Cyprus in
May 2011, began one by one to lose access to international capital
markets to cover their governmental borrowing needs As a result, a
long-lasting recession, characterized by growing unemployment
par-ticularly amongst the young, has been causing misery in about half
a dozen Eurozone countries
The expectation that European institutions and key Eurozone
countries would work together to deal with the crisis did not
mate-rialize Instead of providing immediate and direct support to resolve
the Greek sovereign debt crisis, for example, key Eurozone
policy-makers focused on improving the “architecture” of the Eurozone,
following political rather than economic criteria, reacting to, instead
of anticipating, market sentiment Characteristic of this poor crisis
management was the decision by the leaders of Germany and France
on October 18, 2010 at Deauville to introduce credit risk in
mar-kets which had hitherto been considered as safe government debt:
the now infamous Greek PSI This was followed by another error on
March 16, 2013 in Brussels when the Euro group decided to
intro-duce credit risk in bank deposits, thereby undermining confidence in
the banking system
Member countries of the Eurozone, including Cyprus, had no
choice but to adopt and implement a strict set of policy programs
to correct fiscal imbalances and improve competitiveness, while in
a number of cases they had to deal with a banking crisis This
challenge in the case of Cyprus was fostered by a negative
feed-back loop between weak public finances unable to support banks
in need of capital, and banks systematically underestimating risk,
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becoming embattled and, thereby, undermining the sustainability of
public finances Rather than recalling the series of missed
opportuni-ties to timely deal with the crisis in Cyprus, or analyzing the severe
blow dealt to the country’s banking system in March 2013, this
sec-tion will instead focus on a small number of observasec-tions which could
help Cyprus to gradually return to a satisfactory pace of economic
growth and employment creation
First of all, a strong consensus should be reached that Cyprus’
political and economic future is firmly within the Eurozone This is
an extremely urgent and important message to reassure both local
and international potential investors in the Cyprus economy
Sec-ond, the futile debate amongst economists and politicians over the
dilemma between fiscal austerity and economic growth should be set
aside This debate should have little relevance to the policy choices
of a small, open economy like Cyprus, where fiscal multipliers, which
estimate the negative impact of reduced government spending and
increased taxes on economic activity, are relatively small This is
because the effect of governement spending cuts is spread over
sev-eral trading partner countries through a reduction in imports rather
than impacting domestic production Indeed, it should be part of
the consensus that the major impediment to sustainable growth is
not insufficient spending, but structural weaknesses which must be
urgently addressed
The most advisable course of action, therefore, should be to
con-centrate on the implementation of fiscal consolidation add and,
there-after, budgetary discipline as agreed in the Memorandum of
Under-standing with the Troika in Cyprus (the European Commission,
European Central Bank, and the International Monetary Fund) This
is based on the well-established principle that sound public finances
are a prerequisite for economic development, that an economy with
large budget deficits and growing government debt cannot grow and
create employment opportunities, and that fiscal discipline is the
cornerstone of a broader program of structural reforms leading to
improved competitiveness, faster growth, and employment creation
The recent experience of the UK and Ireland is instructive in this
respect Confronting in 2010 record peace-time budget deficits and
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6 The Cyprus Bail-In: Policy Lessons from the Cyprus Economic Crisis
total indebtedness, both countries have persevered with austerity
with ultimately beneficial results for their economies
Based on the Greek experience, where it appeared that a very
large fiscal adjustment was being implemented over too short a
period, the Troika in Cyprus has agreed to extend the period of fiscal
correction to balance the budget by 2018 While this makes possible
a more gradual fiscal adjustment, to regain early access to financial
markets, it will be necessary to convince these markets that Cyprus
has a credible plan of sustainable fiscal consolidation, including fiscal
rules, and well-managed institutions that inspire confidence Surprise
announcements on both public spending and government revenue
policies must be avoided at all costs
In the context of re-establishing confidence in the
sustainabil-ity of public finances, a serious effort is needed towards reforming
and rationalizing the welfare state The key elements of this urgent
reform should be a much better targeting of social expenditure on
protecting the most vulnerable population groups, while at the same
time strengthening the incentives to participate in the workforce The
clear outcome should be a permanent reduction in the size of the
pub-lic sector A very good contemporary example is that of Denmark,
where in a low-key manner and without social unrest, the oversized
welfare state is being reduced in accordance with changing economic
realities
In the same spirit, as it is likely that further adjustments may be
necessary during the course of the period of implementation of the
Memorandum of Understanding with the Troika, and because it is
often politically easier to make fiscal corrections through raising taxes
rather than reducing expenditure, special attention should be paid
to the stability of the tax system, with the raising of taxes avoided
as much as possible One of the stylized facts from the experience
of many countries is that fiscal consolidation is much more
sustain-able when it is achieved through expenditure reductions rather than
tax increases, and a stable and predictable tax system is a strong
incentive for private sector investment and job creation
As the experience of even those countries which are showing
signs of economic recovery suggests, the most lasting and probably
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the cruelest consequence of the world economic crisis is
unemploy-ment Unemployment in Cyprus, as in many other places, is most
pronounced amongst the younger generation, many of whom have
already been seeking work for a long time The strategy for
address-ing the key challenge of reducaddress-ing chronic unemployment has two
dimensions: first, the foundations for job creation have to be put in
place through a stable and enabling macroeconomic and private
sec-tor development environment; second, workers need to be helped to
acquire the skills and be provided with the incentives to be able and
have the desire to access new job opportunities
Political courage will be needed for structural reforms that
increase competition and reduce the role of the state in key
sec-tors, including telecommunications and energy These reforms tend
to be politically more demanding than fiscal consolidation because
of well-established interest groups and because structural reform
often means that initially jobs are both created and lost But the
experiences of other countries show that, although results may take
time to materialize, such reforms eventually lead to higher levels of
employment and a more productive job market Cyprus has shown
in the past that it is characterized by a high level of entrepreneurship
and, given the correct and supportive business environment, this can
translate into the creation of businesses in new sectors and give a
boost to job creation
But to take advantage of these new job opportunities, the labor
force must be better prepared and trained The experience of
Ger-many shows that unemployment has less to do with labor costs and
more with the preparation of young people with the skills that are
needed in a modern labor market It is therefore imperative that
systems of education, training, and lifelong learning in Cyprus be
adapted to the needs of the evolving labor market, as skills gaps are
a serious impediment to employment growth The fundamentals of
the Cypriot approach to education need to be carefully reassessed and
the phenomenon of “overqualified but under-skilled”, whereby young
people gain qualifications which are not appropriate for the available
jobs or not given the opportunity to obtain alternative skills, must
be decisively reversed This is especially true as the energy sector is
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8 The Cyprus Bail-In: Policy Lessons from the Cyprus Economic Crisis
likely to gain relative importance in Cyprus Systems of
apprentice-ship and the combination of academic studies with work experience
have been successful not only in Germany but also demonstrably in
the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland, and Norway
Looking to the future, a determined effort to live up to the
respon-sibilities of Eurozone membership is vitally important This can be
achieved by addressing a structural fiscal deficit through a multi-year
program of expenditure control, a reversal of the rapid growth of the
state, structural reforms to improve the productivity and
competi-tiveness of the economy, important improvements in the functioning
of the banking system and an overhaul of education and training
systems
At the same time, important systemic shortcomings in the
func-tioning of the Eurozone must also be urgently addressed and
cor-rected These include concrete steps towards a European Banking
Union, strengthening the code of conduct for national governments,
supported by better surveillance and improved governance and the
establishment of a credible mutual support framework to deal with
the challenges of excessive sovereign debt And above all, a greater
contribution to the Europe-wide adjustment process through higher
domestic consumption in surplus countries such as Germany, Austria
and the Netherlands so that the burden of adjustment will be lighter
on those countries which have to reduce their current account deficits
While the challenges may appear daunting, the correct solutions exist
and must be identified and implemented as soon as possible in order
to ensure a prosperous future for the entire Eurozone
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Five years after joining the Eurozone, Cyprus goes (virtually)
bankrupt, leading to questions over how a country that in 2008 had
satisfied the strict Maastricht criteria could be cutoff from the
finan-cial markets by mid 2011 and face default by the end of 2012 There
is no simple answer Complex systems fail in complex ways and
sys-temic crises usually result from a combination of bad management
and bad luck, from multiple and substantial failures of institutions
and people in positions of authority However, it is not possible to
place the responsibility on just one or two key players; if any of the
components of such a complex system had behaved differently, the
crisis may have been averted Attempting to place all responsibility
on a single factor, as has been the case in Cyprus, obscures
signifi-cant facts
∗University of Cyprus and The Wharton Financial Institutions Center, USA The
paper was written while the author was a non-executive director of the Central Bank of
Cyprus The opinions expressed herein have not been shared with or endorsed by the
Central Bank.
9
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A debt crisis was fermenting in Cyprus long before the country
was cutoff from the markets Zenios (2013b) describes the state of
different aspects of the economy that combined to create a “perfect
crisis” The diverse factors that contributed to the crises of other
countries were present in Cyprus as well (see, e.g., the comprehensive
analysis of the Irish Investigation Commission (Commission 2011)):
a Prerequisites for crisis,
h Shallow government guarantees
To understand the Cyprus crisis we follow a narrative in three distinct
stages:
1 The period up to the onset of the international crisis in 2008
During this period, households, corporations, and the
govern-ment accumulate excessive debt The country’s
competitive-ness erodes but significant imbalances are obscured by an
over-developed banking sector The conditions were set for the
Cypriot economy to suffer a heavy blow when the international
crisis erupted Mr Michalis Sarris, Minister of Finance under
President Papadopoulos, stated during the hearings of the
Inves-tigation Commission on May 15, 2013 that he had warned the
have to ask the EU for assistance” The state of the economy up
to the time of the crisis is discussed in Zenios (2013b)
2 The period 2008–2011 when the government of Cyprus loses access
the Greek government bond haircut
During this period public debt grows from 52.9% GDP in the first
quarter of 2008 to 71.1% GDP by the end of 2011 Together with
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(23.03% of the country’s GDP), the vicious circle of
interdepen-dence between banking and public finances was set in motion
This interdependence, and its adverse effects under stress
condi-tions, is well documented in the literature; see especially Mody
and Sandri (2011) for the Eurozone case Without an
appropri-ate policy response, Cyprus was headed for the exit of
interna-tional markets and only the timing was unknown It is worth
noting that market access was lost on May 30, before the
explo-sion of July 11 destroyed the country’s main power plant This
is a period of “faulty judgment” that led to the accumulation of
major problems
3 The period 2012–2013 when Cyprus negotiates an assistance
pro-gram with its international lenders under strict conditionality
This is a period of negligence and procrastination Politics stand
in the way of appropriate policy responses and the initial
and steps such as bailing-in bank depositors appear unavoidable
This is a period of “mismanagement” that leads to the final
col-lapse The Cyprus crisis culminates with the Eurogroup meeting
of March 25, 2013, when the country is put under the supervision
of international lenders
An analysis of several aspects of the crisis is provided in thereport prepared by the author as an expert advisor for the Special
Investigation Commission Unfortunately, important information
relating to the period 2012–2013 is classified as confidential and
In this chapter we provide the data from the author’s report to
the Special Investigation Commission (Zenios 2013a), without the
confidential information In Zenios (2014) the same data are used
to analyze the fairness of the Cyprus bail-in and to show that it
1The Special Investigation Commission decided by majority 2–1 not to investigate
the collapsed Laiki bank The majority also decided not to incorporate the analysis
procured from the expert advisor A dissenting opinion was issued by ex-Obudsman
Eliana Nicolaou, who also adopted the report of the advisor Links to all three documents
(in Greek) are available at: http://wp.me/p2GuKg-dD.
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produced effects consistent with George Soro’s reflexivity
princi-ples First, there will be a discussion on the significant
procras-tinations during the crisis; a point also commented on by others
(see Michaelides (2014) and the chapter by Orphanides in this
volume) It was possible to delay making any decisions by
keep-ing the Cyprus Popular Bank (CPB), the country’s second largest
systemic banks, “on life support until the Presidential elections”
using emergency liquidity assistance (ELA), to quote Panicos
will show how handling the ELA was misguided and exacerbated
the problems Another blow came from a due diligence study by
PIMCO that seems, from other evidence, to have exaggerated the
estimates of bank recapitalization needs and pushed the country’s
debt into unsustainable territory The PIMCO study was used to
guide data-driven policy on an issue where a billion here and a
bil-lion there would have significant adverse effects; this is the topic
of Section 4 The PIMCO events and the subsequent self-fulfilling
prophecies are discussed in Section 5, while Section 6 draws
con-clusions
2 Delay Tactics
Following the Greek PSI, the two major systemic banks of Cyprus
needed recapitalization On May 18, 2012, the Parliament approved
government funding for recapitalization of CPB in case sufficient
funds were not raised from private sources, for a total amount up
bil-lion This bill would not come due until June 2017, but the country
(i) could not afford it and (ii) was paying to save a bank that evidence
showed was insolvent
Parliament was presented with the recapitalization bill by the
Ministry of Finance, with an ultimatum that without its immediate
2Quote from an interview with the Cypriot edition of KATHIMERINI of March 26,
2013.
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approval the country’s second largest systemic bank would collapse
Indeed, the parliament had no time to study the issue or room
to maneuver If CPB did not secure sufficient capital by June 30,
its license would be withdrawn, leaving the government with a bill
was just enough time to approve the government underwriting, give
the tightest deadline to raise private capital and, eventually, as
amounting to about 10% of GDP
However, the situation could well have been avoided CPB needs
had been determined by EBA stress tests since December 2011 At
the time the Board of Supervisors had asked national authorities
to place an obligation on troubled banks to strengthen their
cap-ital positions by building up a buffer with a Core Tier 1 capcap-ital
ratio of 9% by the end of June 2012 The capital shortfall of CPB,
bil-lion and a much better profit profile than CPB, registered a shortfall
lower exposure to Greek government bonds, had a capital
short-fall estimated by a Central Bank of Cyprus (CBC) exercise of only
second quarter of 2012, could not possibly raise the required capital
on its own On this basis the procrastination from December 2011
until May 2012 is hard to justify
Alarms were sounding about the approaching storm Repeated
downgrading of the Cyprus sovereign from the end of 2010 was a
clear signal of accumulating problems (see Figure 1) At the
begin-ning of 2012, ratings finally hit non-investment grade (i.e., junk);
by the time a recapitalization decision was ready to be made, two
of the rating agencies had rated government bonds as junk and the
3Summary of EBA stress tests at www.centralbank.gov.cy/nqcontent.cfm?a id= 12394
&tt= article&lang= en Data for Hellenic are from private communications The EBA
stress test focused on sovereign exposures, while the CBC analysis considered also
domes-tic deteriorating conditions Hellenic Bank, with estimated needs 212.8 mil had booked
losses of only 77 mil from the Greek PSI.
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Parliament enacts law for state-aid
Figure 1 Progression of credit ratings of the Cyprus government.
third had a negative outlook On June 25, the third rating agency
also downgraded to junk and thereafter government bonds became
ineligible for regular ECB operations (Recent work shows that if
a comprehensive early warning system was in place, it would have
issued warnings starting in 2009–2010 for increased risk of banking
crisis, and from 2010 for sovereign crisis (Panayi and Zenios 2015).)
The Government was forced to act to avert the bank collapse
but it had no means to do so Two days after the recapitalization
of CPB, the Government applied to international lenders for
the Credit Default Swaps spreads of Eurozone countries that applied
for assistance Spain, Greece, Ireland, and Portugal applied for
assis-tance when their spreads were around 600 bp Cyprus delayed until
its spreads had exceeded 1,500 bp After it applied for assistance,
there was no agreement for eight months while other crisis countries
had reached an agreement within two months of applying Agreement
4Reuters report http://www.reuters.com/article/cyprus-bailout-idUSL6E8HRFSR201
20627.
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Figure 2 Spreads of 5-year CDS of government bonds for European countries
under assistance programs (Marked with a triangle are the dates of applying for
assistance and with a bullet the dates of reaching agreement Graph as presented
by A Orphanides at the Tassos Papadopoulos Center Conference on “Five Years
Euro”, May 17, 2013).
was only reached after a change of Government following the
Presi-dential elections of February 2013
During this period of procrastination and indecision, the
prob-lems were aggravated The deterioration of financial indicators will
be demonstrated here, but it is also worth noting that several
exter-nal adverse factors came to play during 2012–2013:
1 Cyprus missed the opportunity to negotiate an agreement
together with Spain The two countries applied together for
assis-tance and Eurogroup president Jean-Claude Juncker publicly
urged Cyprus authorities on September 15, 2012 to “sign the
ear-liest a Memo of Understanding to be in the rescue package with
other countries that applied for aid on March 1, 2012” If Cyprus
had negotiated together with Spain it would have been systemic
and possible to achieve a better deal
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2 In January 2012, Jean-Claude Juncker (Luxemburg) was
suc-ceeded as president of the Eurogroup by Jeroen Dijsselbloem
(Holland) As prime minister of Luxemburg, Juncker did not share
the opinion (advocated by the German Minister of Finance and
shared by his Dutch counterpart) that Cyprus’ large banking
sec-tor was the problem per se His statement to Der Standard after
the Eurogroup decision is characteristic of the support Cyprus
could have expected if a decision was made before the changing
of the guard: “It was the first time I wasn’t in the Eurogroup
I would have wished for a more gentle approach to small
savers.”
3 On November 5, 2012, German magazine Spiegel made its first
public reference to a Secret Services report on money laundering
of Russian funds in Cyprus This led to a tougher German stance
on a rescue package for Cyprus
Let us examine now some hard data relating to the deterioration
of the banking sector during the period of procrastination
3 ELA to Cyprus Popular Bank
Starting from September 27, 2011, CPB resorted to ELA The initial
bank was led into resolution on March 28, 2013; see Figure 3, noting
in particular the rapid increase in the summer of 2012
by July 6, 2012 During this period of inaction the following events
prompted a flight of deposits from CPB and increased reliance on
emergency assistance: (i) Greek elections with the risk of Greek exit
branches of CPB, (ii) the downgrading of a 1.3 billion covered bond,
and (iii) the downgrade of Cyprus by Fitch on June 25 that made
2.6 billion of government bonds in the bank’s portfolio ineligible for
normal ECB operations
Published financial indicators for the period 2005–2012 (see
Figure 4) raise concerns over whether the bank was solvent during
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0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 500
ELA ELA servicing at 2.5% Profitability 2010
Parliament enacts law for state-aid
Figure 3 ELA to CPB Bank, 2011–2013 The continuous line is the cost of
financing of ELA as per ECB rules The dotted line is the bank profitability
before taxes as of 2010 ELA is measured on the left axis and the cost of ELA
and bank profitability on the right; all in millions of euro.
Before tax profits Cash and cash equivalent
Figure 4 Cyprus Popular Bank financial indicators and ELA, 2005–2012.
(Source: CPB accounts).
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this period Until the end of 2011, when the bank started drawing
ELA, both reserves and profits were negative Comparing the cost of
ELA with bank profitability (Figure 3), it can be seen that even if
2010 profitability was maintained — an overly optimistic scenario —
the Bank was not in a position to service ELA past June 2012
Two issues are now raised:
(a) Was the bank satisfying regulatory requirements for capital
ade-quacy during the period of high ELA financing? The answer
was negative after the Greek PSI, as revealed by the stress test
But what happened after recapitalization with the Government
bond?
(b) Was ELA granted according to ECB rules, i.e., was the bank
solvent and did it post adequate collateral?
To answer these questions one needs access to Central Bank data
Those were collected and analyzed by the author for the Investigation
Commission on the Cyprus economy This analysis remains
confiden-tial so these questions are answered here based on public data
3.1. Was granting of ELA to Cyprus Popular Bank
an act of prudence?
The fact that CPB went into resolution tells us that at some point
it had become insolvent Figure 3 shows that the lines indicating the
cost of ELA and bank profitability intersect in June 2012 Therefore,
after June 2012 the bank’s ELA debt would become unsustainable
even if its balance sheet and business activities did not deteriorate
further The bank became insolvent
Further evidence is obtained from the transfer of ELA and the
associated collateral from CPB to BOC as part of the resolution
pro-cedure Based on publicly available data, Xiouros and Zenios (2013)
by BOC; this would indicate violation of ECB rules that require
ade-quate collateral BOC managers Evdokimos Xenofontos and Yiannis
Kypri in their deposition to the Investigation Commission (see Pikis
et al., 2013, p 91) expressed doubts that BOC received adequate
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assets to cover the ELA obligation Xenofontos provided an
estimate
Hence, publicly available data provide evidence that (1) ELA was
granted to an insolvent bank and (2) the posted collateral was
insuf-ficient
It is recognized that the distinction between liquidity and solvency
problems is blurred during a crisis, and the evidence is not definitive
without access to Central Bank data With different handling what
may appear as insolvency could turn around and be merely a
tem-porary liquidity problem As we see next, however, the Governor of
the Central Bank was aware of the bank’s solvency problems, but
justified the decision to provide ELA in any case
3.2. Were the authorities aware of the problems?
There is evidence that the authorities were aware of the problems
First, there is the July 2, 2012 ECB opinion on the recapitalization
of CPB (ECB 2012, author’s underlining):
(a) Recapitalization versus resolution
In view of the fact that the support measures aim to address vency problems at a financial institution, the ECB considers that the objectives pursued may be better achieved through bank resolu- tion tools A fully fledged resolution regime, comprising tools such
sol-as bridge banks, sol-asset separation, and transfer of business would offer legally sound means of resolving institutions on the brink of insolvency, safeguarding financial stability, whilst addressing stake- holder rights.
(b) Financial stability considerations
recapitalization of banks with funded or, a fortiori, unfunded
government bonds has a number of drawbacks from a financial bility perspective More specifically, market participants may not regard the injection of unfunded recapitalization bonds as a credible recapitalization technique, as it does not result in the provision of fresh cash to the bank, and thus may not help restore market access.
sta-Despite the fact that it can serve as a means of meeting the ital adequacy ratio, recapitalization through the injection of such
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unfunded recapitalization bonds can only change the risk tion capacity of the bank gradually over time, as cash flows asso- ciated with these bonds are accumulated Also, recapitalizations through government bonds forming part of the bank’s assets can reinforce the feedback loop between the state and the bank This is
absorp-to be avoided.
The ECB is concise in the first paragraph and prescient in the
sec-ond However, this opinion was requested by the Ministry of Finance
on May 30, 12 days after the recapitalization measures were enacted
into law by the Parliament, and was issued on July 2, two days after
the recapitalization deadline of June 30 had expired It then remained
confidential for six months It is noteworthy that the ECB has a
man-date to provide opinions on measures that affect financial stability
and systemic banks Its opinion should have been solicited on time
and made available to the parliament From the EBA warnings of
December 2011, until June 2012 when action was needed, there was
ample time to seek ECB opinion
Cyprus Central Bank took a diametrically different approach than
the ECB They adopted an argument that CPB would become
sol-vent via the assistance program, once an agreement with the Troika
was reached This argument was made by then Deputy Governor
Spiros Stavrinakis to the Investigation Commission and was
reiter-ated by Governor Demetriades
even if capital adequacy indicators were below the minimum
require-ment [ .] there was the prospect of an assistance program and therefore
it was the position of the Central Bank that Laiki Bank, if it was not
solvent could become solvent because of the prospects of the program
and the signing of agreement (Spyros Stavrinakis, in Pikis et al., 2013,
p 132–133 Author’s translation).
The Central Bank continued to provide emergency liquidity assistance
to Laiki Bank, kept the license of Laiki Bank on the basis of the
appli-cation of the Government of the Republic for assistance (Panicos
Deme-triades, in Pikis et al., 2013, p 141 Author’s translation).
The Central Bank officials admit that the Bank was insolvent but
solvency would be restored via the assistance program These
expla-nations are not acceptable without a fully functioning European
Stability Mechanism (ESM) in place to directly recapitalize banks
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The ELA system could not work as the Governor and his deputy
argued
4 The PIMCO Study for Recapitalization
of Cyprus’ Banks
Once it became unavoidable that international assistance was needed,
international investment firm PIMCO was retained by the Central
Bank to conduct a bottom-up, loan level due diligence of the Cyprus
banking system The objective was to quantify the capital needs of
Cyprus’ financial institutions, thereby determining the needs of a
res-cue package as far as the banking sector was concerned The study
was conducted under the direction of a Steering Committee
com-prised of representatives from CBC and other Cypriot authorities,
European Commission, ECB, European Financial Stability
Facil-ity/European Stability Mechanism, European Banking Authority,
and the IMF (as observer) Capital estimates were generated under
“base” and “adverse” macroeconomic scenarios established by the
Steering Committee for a forecast period extending to June 30, 2015,
PIMCO (2013)
The adverse scenario estimates were deemed by the international
lenders as the appropriate reference capital needs for the country to
deal with the banking aspects of the crisis This number was added to
the country’s fiscal deficit and the needs to refinance public debt and
an overall number was reached Based on these estimates, decisions
were made for resolution of CPB, the amount of the rescue
pack-age and the decision to bail in depositors The amount of haircut
to depositors of BOC was also driven partly by the PIMCO
esti-mates although for the final decision a new study was carried out
by KPMG
Under the adverse scenario, the aggregate capital shortfall for
of June 30, 2015; see data from Figure 7 of the PIMCO (2013) study
The overall loss rate for loans across all participating institutions
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over the three-year forecast period was estimated at 23.0% of
exist-ing gross loans and new loans originated durexist-ing the forecast period
For domestic banks (BOC, CPB, and Hellenic) the aggregate capital
period of 24.8% The aggregate capital shortfall for co-operatives was
589 million with an overall loss rate of 17%
a total which represented 130% of GDP This level of debt is
unsus-tainable and is the reason that the solution of bail-in was devised
rollover, privatizations and gold sales, and to limit the program to
10 billion
The EC debt sustainability report contained the following
state-ment:
Recapitalization needs arise from expected losses estimated by PIMCO
in an adverse scenario and to ensure that the banks remain
suffi-ciently capitalized at 9% core tier one In response to the results of
the due diligence exercise, Bank of Cyprus and Cyprus Popular Bank
have been intervened and restructured and thus programme money will
not be used to recapitalise Laiki and BoC Against this background,
the recapitalisation of the remainder of the restructured banking
sec-tor amount to around EUR [2.5] bn over the programme period, taking
into account that further recapitalisation needs may arise in the case
of higher-than-projected loan loss provisions The recapitalisation bond
injected in Laiki in June 2012 is not replaced by ESM financing
(Euro-pean Commission Directorate General Economic and Financial Affairs,
Assessment of the public debt sustainability of Cyprus, Provisional draft,
April 9, 2013).
Hence, the accuracy of the PIMCO estimates was crucial for the
Eurogroup decision of March 2013 Excessive loss estimates would
increase the haircut imposed on uninsured depositors of CPB and
BOC Insufficient loss estimates would make the program fail, as
future losses would exceed the program provisions Creditors have
an incentive to overestimate losses to avoid future difficulties and
recover their loan Borrowers have an incentive to underestimate
losses in order to minimize immediate difficult adjustments In the
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case of Cyprus, with losses estimated at around 100% of GDP,
nei-ther side can push the problem to the onei-ther, as adjustments of this
order of magnitude have an adverse impact on growth Of course,
underestimating losses will make the program fail with inadequate
provisions, but overestimating losses and making excessive provisions
will adversely impact economic growth beyond what is expected by
the country’s current indebtedness and inadvertently make the
situ-ation worse
The PIMCO study, while methodologically sound, made
assump-tions that led to significant overestimation of the banking sector
needs Three follow-up studies can be used to assess the accuracy
of the PIMCO estimates:
i BlackRock: Commissioned by CBC to assess the reasonableness
of PIMCO
ii KPMG: Commissioned by CBC in its capacity as Resolution
Authority for BOC in view of the bank restructuring plans
iii Clayton/Eurorisk: Commissioned by the Board of Directors of
Hellenic to determine the bank’s recapitalization needs
The BlackRock study was carried out to assess the PIMCO
methodology It should be possible to learn from it any
assump-tions or methodological approaches that would lead to
overestima-tion of losses The KPMG and Clayton/Eurorisk studies used their
own alternatives to PIMCO modes for estimating losses and hence
can be used to double-check the PIMCO estimates
All of the studies were carried out by competent professionals,
and it is common for forecasting exercises to generate
disagree-ments among those who carried them Some differences could be
resolved if the teams involved had time to engage in discussions
Quite often methodological disagreements are resolved following an
exchange of reasoned arguments In other cases the differences are
a result of underlying assumptions and then it is much more
diffi-cult to establish what the valid assumptions are The end-user should
demand transparency so that he or she is aware how the assumptions
impact the forecast In the case of PIMCO, there is limited
trans-parency on the dataset used and the statistical analyses performed
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Combining the lack of transparency with the impact of the overlay
assumptions made by the Steering Committee make it challenging
to verify the results Limited transparency would not have been a
problem if subsequent studies converged to similar estimates with
PIMCO However, when there are significant differences, the lack of
transparency raises doubts over the results
Unfortunately, the studies that followed PIMCO are confidential
and so is the report to the Investigation Commission (Zenios 2013a)
that used these studies to assess the accuracy of the PIMCO
esti-mates Therefore, again the assessment here will be made on the
basis of the publically available data From press reports we learn
that under the Clayton/Eurorisk study, Hellenic would have a
estimates should be downward adjusted by 21%; see Table 1
Athanasios Orphanides, Governor of CBC until May 2, 2012, in
his deposition to the Investigation Committee on August 23, 2013
of Orphanides to the Investigation Commission, however this part
of his deposition is not included in the Commission’s report, Pikis
Table 1 Needs of the Cyprus banking system after adjusting the PIMCO
estimates based on a subsequent study by Clayton/Eurorisk (mil Euros).
BOCY CPB Hellenic TOTAL
PIMCO expected loss
estimates
Banking system needs —
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et al (2013) The recapitalization needs obtained by adjusting the
PIMCO estimates based on the Clayton/Eurorisk study is very close
to Orphanides’ estimate Finally, a report in the New York Times
refers to the Blackrock study (that was reviewed by the editor of the
article) and mentions at least 1 billion lower estimates by BlackRock
than by PIMCO (Landon Jr., 2014)
Hence, there are three publicly available estimates that point in
the same direction: significant downward adjustment of the PIMCO
estimates
Of course the ex-governor of CBC has reasons to downplay the
expected losses created under his watch and he has been a vocal critic
of his successor and the PIMCO study Similarly, Clayton/Eurorisk
has reasons to be biased in favor of their clients Further insights can
be gained from the first IMF review of the Cyprus program (IMF,
2013) The IMF report states:
both exercises estimated probabilities of default and loss given
default While the two exercises are not directly comparable [ .]
prelim-inary estimates suggest that overall losses on the end-March portfolios
were similar, even as KPMG projected somewhat lower peak NPLs (IMF,
2013).
Although the IMF review finds that the subsequent KPMG
study produced similar estimates to PIMCO, the differences of
non-performing loans under the two studies can be viewed in Table 2
The KPMG estimates are on average (non-weighted) 17% lower than
PIMCO, which is of the same order of magnitude as the downward
adjustment obtained from the Clayton/Eurorisk study
This is further evidence to support the analysis of Table 1 and,
therefore, it can be stated with reasonable confidence that the needs
Table 2 Non-performing loans under the KPMG and PIMCO studies.