The post 1991 ethio china partnership with particular reference to the relevance of chinese development model to ethiopia

ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES THE POST-1991 ETHIO-CHINA PARTNERSHIP WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE RELEVANCE OF CHINESE DEVELOPMENT MODEL TO ETHIOPIA By Gereziher H

ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES

THE POST -1991 ETHIO-CHINA PARTNERSHIP

TO THE RELEVANCE OF CHINESE DEVELOPMENT MODEL TO ETHIOPIA

ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES

CHINA PARTNERSHIP, WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE

TO THE RELEVANCE OF CHINESE DEVELOPMENT MODEL TO ETHIOPIA

By Gereziher Haftu

Advisor Dr Hussein Jemma

WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE

TO THE RELEVANCE OF CHINESE DEVELOPMENT MODEL TO ETHIOPIA

June 2017

THE POST-1991 ETHIO-CHINA PARTNERSHIP WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE RELEVANCE OF CHINESE DEVELOPMENT MODEL TO ETHIOPIA

By Gereziher Haftu

A THESIS SUBMITED TO SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES OF ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FILFILLEMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ARTS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND DIPLOMACY

ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY

SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES

THE POST-1991 ETHIO-CHINA PARTNERSHIP WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE RELEVANCE OF CHINESE DEVELOPMENT MODEL TO ETHIOPIA

By Gereziher Haftu COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

APPROVED BY BOARD OF EXAMINERS

Declaration

I, the undersigned, declare that this thesis is my own original work and has not been presented for a degree in any other University and that all sources of material used for the thesis have been duly acknowledged

Table of Contents

Table of Contents i

List of Tables ……… iv

Appendicies iv

Acknowledgements……… … v

Accronyoms and Abrivations ………vi

Abstract vii

CHAPTER ONE 1

INTRODUCTION 1

1.1 Background of the Study 1

1.2 Problem Statement 3

1.3 Central Argument 5

1.4 Objectives 5

1.4.1 Overall Objective 5

1.4.2 Specific Objectives 5

1.5 Research Questions 6

1.5.1 Core Research Question 6

1.5.2 Specific Research Questions 6

1.6 Methodology and Methods 6

1.6.1 Methodology 6

1.6.2 Methods: Sources of Data and Instruments of Data Collection and Analysis 7

1.7 Ethical Considerations 8

1.8 Significance of the Study 8

1.9 Scope of the study 8

1.10 Limitation of the Study 9

1.11 Organization of the Study………… ………9

CHAPTER TWO……… ……… 10

CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRMEWORKS 10

2.1 Conceptual Framework 10

2.1.1 Partnership 10

2.1.2 The Concept of Development, Development Paradigms, and Development Model 11

2 1.3 Neoliberal and Developmental state development paradigms……… …….…14

2.1.4 Development Model and the Chinese Experience… ……… 15

2.1.5 The Essence of Chinese Development model ………….……… 16

2.1.6 Debates over the Chinese Development model and its transferability……….………19

2.2 Theoretical Framework…… ……… ……… ……… …22

2.2.1 Policy Transfer 22

2.2.2 Learning 24

CHAPTER THREE……… ……….…….27

THE POST-1991 ETHIO-CHINA PARTNERSHIP 27

3.1 Introduction…… ……….……….27

3.2 Economic Partnership 28

3.2.1 Investment 30

3.2.2 Agricultural Cooperation 36

3.2.3 Trade 37

3.2.4 Aid and Loans 38

3.3 Political Relations 40

3.4 Cultural Relations 43

3.5 Challenges of Ethio-China Partnership 45

CHAPTER FOUR……….……….…………47

THE RELEVANCE OF CHINESE DEVELOPMENT MODEL TO ETHIOPIA 47

4.1 Introduction……….47

4.2 Ethiopian Government’s Adoption of Chinese Development Model and its lessons 48

4.2.1 Economic Aspects 48

4.2.2 Political Aspects 50

4.3 Enabling Factors for Ethiopia to adopt Lessons from Chinese Development Model 52

4.3.1 Agriculture- Based Economy 52

4.3.2 Availability of Abundant and Cheap labor 53

4.3.3 Developmental State Ideology 54

4.3.4 The Late Developer Status 56

4.3.5 Internal Stability 56

4.4 Specific Aspects that Ethiopia could adopt from the Chinese Development Model 57

4.4.1 Educational Reform 57

4, 4, 2 Agricultural Transformation 58

4.4.3 Poverty Reduction 59

4.4.4 Attracting FDI and Integrating Domestic Economy with the Global economy 60

4.4.5 Other Lessons 61

4.5 Hindering Factors 63

4.5.1 Absence of Strong Leadership Institutions 63

4.5.2 Lack of Technological Advancement 64

4.5.3 Difference in Political Systems 64

4.5.4 Culture, Working Habit, and Working Ethics 64

4.5.5 Other Hindering Factors 65

4.6 Challenges of Adopting Chinese Development model to the Ethiopian Situation 66

CHAPTER FIVE 68

CONCLUSION 68

REFERENCES 70

Appendicies i

List of Tables

Table 3.1 Summary of Licensed Chinese Investment projects by Sector and Investment Status since August 27, 1998 - March 09, 2017………page 32 Table 3.2 Summary of Licensed Chinese Investment Projects by Year and Investment Status since August

27, 1998 – March 09, 2017……….33

Appendices

Appendex1: Semi–structured interview questions prepared for all respondents……… i Appendix 2: Overview of key informant respondents……… ii Appendix 3: Summary of Licensed Chinese Investment Projects, by Year August 27, 1998 -March 09, 2017……….iii Appendix 4: Summary of Licensed Chinese Investment Projects by sector August 27, 1998 - March 09, 2017……… … iv Appendix 5: Summary of Chinese Investment Projects by Region August 27, 1998 - March 09,

2017……….………v

First and foremost, I would like to thank my Advisor, Dr Hussein Jemma, for his guidance, caring and treatment creating a favorable condition to discuss issues in detail and work in collaboration, as well as, his fatherly follow up to complete this study Next, the key informants who devoted their precious time to me during primary data collection deserve heartfelt gratitude

I would like to express my gratitude and appreciation to my brother Welday Haftu, my family, and friends for their material and moral support that helped me to complete my study

,

Gereziher Haftu

Acronyms and Abbreviations

CCP Chinese Communist Party

CCTV China Central Television

EEA/EEPRI Ethiopian Economics Association/Ethiopian Economic Policy Research Institute EFDUF Ethiopia Federal Democratic Unity Forum

EIC Ethiopian Investment Commission

EMOFA Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs

EPRDF Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front

EXIM Chinese Export and Import Bank

FAO Food and Agricultural Organization

FDI Foreign Direct Investment

FOCAC Forum on China Africa Cooperation

GDP Gross Domestic Product

GNP Gross National Product

GTP Growth and Transformation Plan

IMF International Monetary Fund

JECC Joint Ethio-China Commission

MOFA Ministry of Foreign Affairs

SEZ Special Economic Zone

TVET Technical and Vocational Education Training

UN United Nations

UNDP United Nations Development Program

USD United States Dollar

WB World Bank

WTO World Trade Organization

Abstract

This study aims at exploring the relevance of Chinese Development model to Ethiopia by considering the post-1991 Ethio-China partnership Field data were collected through key informant interviews The findings of the study are the following; 1) the post-1991 Ethio-China partnership is one of the non-natural resource relations flourishing in Africa underpinned by economic and political motives, and the political interest become visible through time in the Ethio-China Partnership following the Chinese interest for Ethiopia’s diplomatic relevance in Africa and Ethiopian Government’s aspiration for Chinese leadership style 2) Beyond material supports the need for the non-material supports such as ideas and policy lessons became among the major interests of the Ethiopian government contributing for the development of Ethio- China partnership 3) The Chinese development model is found to be a source of lessons for Ethiopia in economic terms by considering both the bounded and rational theories of lesson drawing, even though, the Ethiopian government is found to be drawing political lessons from China as a result of its emphasis to some elements of cognitive theory of learning However, the Chinese development model cannot adjust to Ethiopia due to the incompatibility its political aspect with the Ethiopian context and other reasons The findings of this study imply that the Ethiopian Government needs to be selective in drawing lessons from Chinese development model particularly political experience which could lead to constrain the legitimacy of its power and sustainability of the economic growth

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study

China has been interested in its relations with the non- western world as a result of its long stayed ideological rivalry with the west as well as similar social, cultural and colonial history with the developing countries (Sun, 2014) The relation between China and Africa was ideological and political but, after the Cold War China tried to follow the economic motive to join Africa Now a day, China as a world economy and super power views Africa as important partner and business center to boost its development (Fantahun, 2013) China's rise as one of the largest world economies also led to its engagement with third world countries including African countries for different reasons such as, economic, political, and security interests as the major interests of China in Africa (Sun, 2014) Political support, access to natural resources, market opportunities, national interest and south-south cooperation1 are among the major reasons for which China is securing its presence in Africa (Fantahun, 2013)

Following its spectacular rise China became the leading economic and commercial partner of Africa It is a preferred allay by African countries due to its non-conditional aid, loans ,development assistance, as well as, non -interference in the political affairs of the sovereign countries, however this is criticized by the west as severely affecting the democratization efforts

of western donors in Africa along with African countries (Hackenesch, 2011) The principle of non- interference is also criticized as China’s instrument to secure its interests supporting undemocratic governments engaged in human right abuses And challenging the role of UN in successfully addressing human right and security issues through its power in the UN Security Council despite its role in helping some African countries in attaining economic growth (Yu, 2008), in addition to the Chinese use of imported labor and its export of cheap manufactured goods to Africa (Henning, 2008) Therefore, China is seen as major donor and economic partner

1

South-South Cooperation refers to the international development cooperation among developing countries from the establishment of temporary partnership in multilateral organizations to private investment flows It is a modality of cooperation among developing countries believed as having solutions for their poverty better than the cooperation era with the developed counties (Tefera, 2011)

of Africa creating new choices, and as an exploiter only interested on the natural resources of Africa (Power & Mohan, 2010)

African countries themselves are interested in China following its growth and dramatic move out

of underdevelopment and chronic poverty to one of the world big economies and supplier of industrial goods (Renard, 2011) China’s rise at the time when African countries were searching another alternative partner unlike the West is also the reason behind Africa- China link Then, African countries’ move to China is not only in search of trade, investment, and development aid but, also in search of alternative development model2 in contrast to the neo- liberal development model (Fantu & Obi, 2011) Ethiopia being one of these countries is among the major partners of China for political, economic, social, cultural, and strategic reasons Even though it is not exactly known when the Ethio – China relations was started, it has roots in the ancient times according to different sources Some documents tracing it back to the first century A.D to the contact between Axumite kingdom and Qin and Han Dynasty of China as a starting point of the Ethio –China relationship while, other sources reveal that it was started since 618 A.D during the Tang dynasty, when China was conducting traditional trade relations with the ancient eastern and Horn of Africa (EEA/EEPRI, 2009; Melaku, 2014) Ethio –China relations has long stayed history due to the reasons that both countries experienced ancient civilizations conducted in cultural exchange and traditional trade of different goods such as rhinoceros (Gebregiorgis, 2016)

During the imperil period the Ethio-China relation was underpinned political and independence supports following the aggression both Ethiopia and China have faced by invaders (EEA/EEPRI, 2009) Ethiopia was western allay during the imperial/Haile Sellassie period with no formal friendly relations with China for two major reasons, first ,the emperor was not interested in strong diplomatic relation with China fearing of the expansion of communism Secondly, the Chinese support to Eritrean People’s Liberation Front and the Liberation Front of Western Somalia was a threat to Haile selassie’s power (Tefera, 2011) The involvement of Ethiopia and

2

Development model means “a simplified version of an existing or historical development policy (or set

of policies) that is viewed by others as an example for emulation” (Fourie, 2012:48)

China with two opposite blocks in the Second World War, (Ethiopia on the side of South Korea and China on the side of North Korea following the east - west rivalry), had hindered the Ethio -China relations The relation began to show progress following the 1956 Cultural delegation of China to Ethiopia (Melaku, 2014) Ethiopia’s support to China to secure its permanent member

in the United Nations Security Council also supported the Ethio -China relationship when the Premier Zhou Enlai visited Ethiopia in line with other African countries in 1963 and 1964 (Gebregiorgis, 2016)

As a result, the official diplomatic relation between Ethiopia and China was launched in 1970 during the reign of Emperor Haileselassie of Ethiopia and Mao Zedong of China The bilateral relation was expanded leading to further cooperation of the two countries signing the Ethio-China Economic and Technical Cooperation Framework Agreement in 1971 (Melaku, 2014) Emperor Haile sellassie visited China in 1971 with the interest to broaden the level of cooperation (Seifudein, 2012), even though the relation was short lived due to the removal of the

imperial government by the successor, Derg in 1974 Even though, the Derg's seizure of power

was also a source of hope for China to have strong relations with the military regime due to the ideological similarity with China Nevertheless, the Mengistu regime started relationship with China lately after the 1980s in search of military and ideological interests which were among the top foreign policy interests of the government rather than economic and technical cooperation (Muna, 2015)

After the 1991 Ethiopia became one of the top partners and friends of China receiving highest Chinese investment in Africa (Seifudein, 2012) In addition, Ethiopia needs to make use of Chinese development path or experience due to the social, economic, and demographic similarities of Ethiopia with the China of the reform period (Tefera, 2011) As a result, Ethiopia views China as alternative partner and role model which it could learn much from its development model (Fantahun, 2013) Therefore, development model of China is among the issues by which the Ethio-China partnership is underpinned as a central issue of this study

1.2 Problem Statement

Developing country governments are trying to draw lessons from China since the post Cold War period following its rapid economic development and success in alleviating poverty However,

the transferability of Chinese model to other developing countries became a source of debate among scholars Those who view the China model as conflicting with their own development paradigms hold argue opposing its transferability, while those who think that the Chinese model

is promoting similar lessons with their own paradigm support the transferability of the model to developing countries (Fourie, 2012) For this reason, scholars who advocate the Chinese model argue that it can be a source of experience and lesson for developing and poor countries In this regard, scholars such as Ramo (2005); Peerenboom (2007); Juma (2011); Davies (2008); Zhao (2010); and Sautman and Hairong (2007) supported the idea that Chinese model could be example to modernization and development of developing countries including African countries While others such as, Callick (2007); Yao (2010); Obiorah (2007); and Gaye (2008) opposed the transferability and use of China model to developing countries including African countries arguing it is used as instrument to stay in power by elites (Callick, 2007) But, whether the Chinese development model has to teach individual developing countries including African countries in practice or it is simply being used as political instrument by elites remains unsolved Most of the scholarly works on the transferability of Chinese development model to developing countries are general and less contextualized without specifically considering local contexts of developing countries including African countries

There are available literatures on the Chinese development model but, majority of the literature concentrates on the nature of the Chinese development model and in comparison to the neo-liberal development paradigm or Washington Consensus3 For instance, Davies (2008); Callick (2007); Peerenboom (2007); Ramo (2004); Halper (2010) and Shelton and Paruk (2008) are some of the available literature on the transferability of China model to developing countries including African countries Callick (2007), Peernboom (2007) tried to see the countries which attempted to follow the Chinese model such as Laos, Vietnam and Iran As well as Davies (2008), Shelton and Paruk (2008) identified the China model as source of important lessons for African countries However, none of the available literature on the issue is empirical, rather majority of them are theoretical and general studies

3

Neo-liberalism or Washington Consensus is a political economic paradigm that argues development can

be achieved by ensuring individual liberty with entrepreneurial freedoms and skills under institutional framework consisting strong private property rights, free markets and free trade (Harvey, 2005)

To the best of my knowledge, in Ethiopian context there is scanty of literature on the issue The only pertinent literature I am aware of is the work of Fourie (2012), whichaddresses the China model

in Ethiopia and Kenya, exploring the extent to which Ethiopian and Kenyans believe that Chinese development experiences is viewed as model for them, but, the objective is different with this study because this study tries to examine whether the Chinese model of development is relevant to Ethiopia or not, and in what aspects it could be source of lessons Therefore, this study contributes to fill the gap through empirically exploring the relevance of the Chinese development model to Ethiopia following the admiration and lesson drawing attempts of Ethiopian Government from China especially, since the government’s adoption of developmental state model and the post -2005 election period searches for alternative model

1.3 Central Argument

The Chinese development model which is characterized by economic achievement at the expense

of political transformation may not be relevant to Ethiopia entirely Or it is may not be transferable to Ethiopian context This means that while the economic aspect of the Chinese development model can be useful to Ethiopia as a source of lessons, the political may be less relevant to Ethiopia due its inconsistency with the Ethiopia’s domestic demand for democracy and Ethiopian Government and ruling party’s pronouncement of democratic practices including multi-party system, which are not recognized by the Chinese ruling party and government in addition to the differences between Ethiopia and China

1.4 Objectives

1.4.1 Overall Objective

Generally, this study examines the post-1991 Ethio – China partnership with particular reference

to the relevance of Chinese development model to Ethiopia

1.4.2 Specific Objectives

This study has the following specific objectives

1 The motives for Ethio –China Partnership

2 The level of Ethio-China partnership

3 The lessons Ethiopian government is drawing from China in practice

4 The lessons Chinese development model to Ethiopia

1.5 Research Questions

1.5.1 Core Research Question

What is the post-1991 Ethio-China partnership particularly, the relevance of Chinese

development model to Ethiopia?

1.5.2 Specific Research Questions

The study is intended to answer the following specific questions

1 What are the motives for Ethio- China partnership?

2 What is the level of Ethio –China partnership?

3 How Ethiopia is making use of Chinese development experience?

4 In what aspects Ethiopia can learn from Chinese development model?

1.6 Methodology and Methods

1.6.1 Methodology

Methodologically, the study employs qualitative approach based on an in-depth analysis of the relevance of Chinese development model to Ethiopia through systematically examining Ethio-China partnership since the post -1991 periods Qualitative research is adopted as it is more appropriate to understand how and why social realties in the international system have happened

from different angles (Hancock et al, 2009) The Ethio-China partnership is also among the

international relation4 issues which can be better understood through analytical approach from

4

By international relations (lower case) in this study is to mean the relations among states in the world not the field of study

different perspectives so as to examine the relevance of the Chinese development model to Ethiopia

1.6.2 Methods: Sources of data and Instruments of Data Collection and Analysis

As far as research methods are concerned, the tools of data collection are instruments by which a given research’s data is gathered To begin with the sources of data collection, both primary and secondary sources of data collection were employed in this study In this case, the possible instruments of data collection were document analysis and interview The secondary sources which were utilized through document analysis technique include books, journal articles, reports, conference proceedings, magazines, official documents With regard to the primary sources, semi-structured interview was conducted as a tool of data collection with governmental officials, opposition political parties and scholars Because semi-structured interview is preferable to manage the interview in well organized manner and it gives freedom both for the researcher and the respondents with the possibility of creating new insights and ideas (ibid)

The interview held was a key informant type with officials from the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ethiopian Foreign Relations Strategic Study Institute; opposition political

parties namely, Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum (Medrek), All Ethiopian Unity party,

and Ethiopian Democratic Party, as well as , two scholars from abroad who are among the top political economists and writers on the issue For this reason, the interview was held from March

14 up to April 21, 2017 participating 7 respondents Out of the 7 participants in the interview, one respondent is from Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, one is from Ethiopian Foreign Relations Strategic Study Institute, and Opposition political parties namely, Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum (Medrek), All Ethiopian Unity Party, and Ethiopian Development Party have participated one respondent each in the interview Two of the participants are scholars from aboard engaged in universities of Leiden, and Maastricht, Netherlands interviewed though mails

Accordingly, this study has utilized both primary and secondary sources of data to get the relevant ideas to scrutinize the study under qualitative research approach based on analytical method while descriptive method of data analysis is used to some extent in the study to show the

level of Ethio-China relations in different aspects including economic, political and cultural terms

1.7 Ethical Considerations

This study gave due emphasis for ethical issues in collecting data with honesty and integrity by making respondents clear with the aim of the study and everything was requested up on their consent beginning from asking their permission to record the interviews up to giving them a chance to choose a language of their interest mainly from Amharic and English for communication during the interview

1.8 Significance of the Study

The study could have enormous significances in understanding the relevance of Chinese development model to Ethiopia and the current level of Ethio –China partnership It helps to examine whether the Chinese development model could work in Ethiopia or not, and how Ethiopia can learn from it It is also significant in contributing to fill the gap of scanty literature

on the issue Finally, the study could be important to the literature in general and further researches in particular It may also contribute for Ethiopian policy makers to take measures in the Ethiopia’s partnership with China and on Ethiopia’s way of learning from the Chinese development experience

1.9 Scope of the study

The current Ethio-China partnership is multidimensional tied by trade, investment, agriculture, aid and so on but, the focus of this study is on the relevance of Chinese development model to Ethiopia as one aspect of the post-1991 Ethio-China partnership Because the Chinese development model is one of the issues in which Ethiopia is becoming more interested as a result

of China’s rise and Ethiopian government’s concentration on developmental state, drawing lessons from the development experience of China in some aspects This study selects China due

to its multi-faceted engagement in Ethiopia in every business activity based on mutual benefit, and its dramatic move out of poverty in the past three decades which makes China preferable model to learn from its experience Because its cooperation with Ethiopia as one of the top partners replacing the old partners can be pragmatic to get Chinese lessons in practice, since

China’s economic engagement with Ethiopia could create an opportunity to learn experiences demonstrated by China in addition to its financing of projects which help to utilize its successful reforms than other emerging powers The time frame of this study is also specified which is since the post -1991 period because that is since this period that the Ethio- China relation come to be realized on strong basis due to the establishment of democratic regime in Ethiopia and China’s interest for overseas investment to sustain its development

1.10 Limitation of the Study

In undertaking this study many limitations were encountered with but, the reluctance of government offices to allow the researcher to meet the heads of government offices that are assumed to know more about the timely agreements and new areas of cooperation with China as well as in lesson drawing from China is the major one This is due to political, bureaucratic, and attitudinal problem of government officials, narrowing a cooperative and motivating environment for local researchers irrespective of their academic contribution to the country

1.11 Organization of the study

This study is organized in to five chapters Chapter one is an introductory part consisting of background of the study, problem statement, central argument, objective, research questions, methodology, ethical considerations, significance, scope, limitation and organization of the study The second chapter is about literature review consisting of definition of concepts, theoretical perspectives, and historical background of Ethio-China partnership during the pre-

1991 periods Chapter three assesses the post- 1991 Ethio-China partnership This chapter evaluates the level of the Ethio -China partnership in major sectors The fourth chapter is about the relevance of Chinese developmental model to Ethiopia In this chapter the current effort of Ethiopia in learning from the Chinese development model, the contributions of Chinese development model to Ethiopia and its challenges are discussed Finally, the fifth chapter is conclusion part

CHAPTER TWO

CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMWORKS

The rise of China as one of the emerging powers has dominated the academic discipline of International Relations as current issue not only in terms of changing the structure of the international system but also in terms creating opportunities for African countries to search alternative model in which they can revive and Africa become no more a hopeless continent (Schiere, 2011) For this reason, the role of China’s development model to African countries became major area of inquiry and research in the international relation of Africa (ibid) Accordingly, this paper explores the relevance of Chinese development model placing it on Ethiopia’s case This chapter contains conceptual and theoretical frameworks to discuss relevant issues to the research area

2.1 Conceptual Framework

2.1.1 Partnership

Partnership is defined as an association of two or more independent actors to work collectively to achieve mutual interests better than they could achieve separately (Unwin, 2005) From the International Relations5 point of view partnership also refers to the way of engagement between countries and organizations in the international system in bilateral and multilateral basis through their foreign policy in order to achieve mutual interests (Zhongping and Jing, 2014)

Zhongping and Jing (2014) characterized partnership from its attributes point of view as instrument to enhance mutual gains and reduce risks To use their words:-

By ‘partnership’, it means that the cooperation should be equal-footed, mutually

beneficial and win-win The two sides should base themselves on mutual respect and mutual trust, endeavor to expand converging interests and seek common ground on the major issues while shelving differences on the minor ones (ibid)

5

By International Relations (upper case) it is to mean the field of study not the interactions among states

in the world in this study

According to Unwin (2005) partnership in development cooperation could be viewed from two angles

1 Partnership between different individuals, private sector and civil society (partnership at national level)

2 Partnership between donors and recipient governments (global partnership)

Partnership for development is expanding following the rise of Southern powers contributing for the growth of South-South partnership and development cooperation in higher rate than the North-South cooperation South -South partnership is less top down and it is relatively on equal footing than the North -South partnership which is characterized by donor -recipient nature creating chance for the South -South partnership to flourish (Bilal, 2012)

In the South-South cooperation, partnership is viewed as significant for development of poor countries including African countries and partnership between the emerging powers and developing countries is used to learn from other Southern giants particularly China following their success and belief in partnership, mutual benefit, and equality as a major area of inquiry and research in the academic field of international relations as this paper also tries to explore (ibid)

To understand the use of partnership between countries in achieving development it is imperative

to define development, development paradigms, and development models in the following section

2.1.2 The Concept of Development, Development Paradigms, and Development Models

Development can be defined differently by different scholars According to Peet and Hartwick

(2009) development means making a better life for every one through meeting basic needs

including access to affordable services and humanly treatment with dignity and respect Development is among the complex concepts which lack generally accepted definition For this reason, different scholars relate the notion of development with economic growth, economic development and sustainable development Not only in terms of definition, in terms of its measurements has development varied among scholars For instance development is defined from the economic growth notion “as a continued increase in the size of an economy in terms of

sustained growth of output over a period of time”, measured in terms of gross domestic product (GDP) (Rocha, 2013)

Amartya Sen (2000) defined development as, the expansion of human freedom to live the kind of lives that people have reason to value This freedom is achieved through enhancing individual’s capabilities For Sen the metrics of development are multiple including literacy rates, expansion

of farming, industrial development, per capita income, and political participation of people (ibid) According to Willis (2005) development is defined as modernity by many scholars, international organizations such as, World Bank, and governments in both the global north and global south viewing it in economic terms On the other hand, development is also explained in terms of noneconomic terms such as the development of human capital by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) using Human Development Index as the indicator of development

However, the characterization development differently by many scholars does not mean that they have nothing in common; rather the conceptions are all important As Bellu (2011) and Willis (2005) noted there are some parameters of development in which scholars agree up on, such as development as a process of positive or desirable change, multi- dimensional process which can take place in different aspects and paradigms at different speeds due to different factors And development in one aspect of the system can determine the development of others since it is the aggregate of different aspects Systemic action of some agents or authorities such as state is

needed for the achievement of development (Bellù, 2011; Willis, 2005)

Development is not economic growth, because economic growth is all about achieving huge economy through producing more goods and services in terms of GDP and GNP Development

is comprehensive and radical change in economic and political spheres that goes beyond economic growth which improves human existence concentrating on the wealth inequalities and flows of income in relation to environmental safety at the grass root level (Sen, 1988) Development is explained in terms of economic, human, territorial, and sustainable developments (Bellu, 2011) Eventually, development emerged as a prior goal following the demand for better life and the international community’s desire since 1945 (Harriss, 2013) Even though most people agree on the desirability of development, the way to achieve it is source of

disagreement among people, scholars, and states leading to divergent development paradigms (Peet and Hartwich, 2009)

Paradigms and models are used interchangeably some times and have related meaning but, for the purpose of this study they hold different meanings Paradigm and models differ in the sense that paradigms are world views to be adopted based on certain assumptions without referring to their origin, while models are paths of foreign exemplars to be adopted by local elites Models are more transferable than are paradigms; the latter are rooted in the cognitive perspectives of those who hold them and are determined by a variety of factors Paradigm is a general framework to follow to achieve certain goals including development Paradigms are world views based on scientific assumptions of cause and reality (Fourie, 2012)

Bellù (2011) defined “development paradigm” as a modality to follow to achieve development, based on a codified set of activities and/or based on a vision regarding the functioning and

evolution of a socio-economic system (G.Bellu, 2011:1)

Teshome (2012) defined development paradigm as follows:-

Development paradigm is a completely new way of thinking that can bring

social, economic and political transformation to improve the well being of the society In other words, it is a way of socio-economic system for development involving the interactive function of markets, governments and institutions (Teshome , 2012:2).

Although, there is no doubt on the necessity of cooperation among states to achieve development and the desire for development has become top agenda both at national and international levels, the way basically, the political economic model which could ensure development is highly debatable between the developed and developing countries or between the North and the South

in general (Radice, 2008)

What type of development paradigm was appropriate for the achievement of development in the developing countries has been a big question since 1950s? The success of the East Asian states and the failure of the Sub- Saharan African states using the state model at the same time are the two historical scenarios which led to debates and emergence of new theories and towards the type of development models The differences on the relation between market and state, between the developed and the developing countries and among scholars led to the emergence of two

dominant development paradigms, these are the neoliberal and developmental state development paradigms (Radice, 2008)

2.1.3 Neoliberal and Developmental State Paradigms

Based on the state – economy relations development paradigms can be categorized in to two namely, the neoliberal, and developmental state development paradigms (Maman and Rosenhek, 2011) Neo-liberalism is a political economic paradigm that argues development can be achieved

by ensuring individual liberty with entrepreneurial freedoms and skills under institutional framework consisting strong private property rights, free markets and free trade (Harvey, 2005) Neo- liberalism argues that state should not intervene in the economy rather the central role of market is needed, since state cannot ensure rational allocation of goods and services however, it leads to rent-seeking and corruption or what it calls government failure because the state is full

of interest maximizing politicians(Kohsaka, 2004) Therefore, neo-liberal development paradigm calls for withdrawal of state intervention in the economy and removal of the political and institutional arrangement of state to control economic processes (Maman and Rosenhek, 2011) Neoliberal and developmental state paradigms are opposite types of world views in which the adoption of one of them connotes the weakening of the other For instance the adoption of neoliberal paradigms connotes the weakening of state role visa -vis the economy, since neo-liberalism advocates privatization and the role of market distancing the state from the economy,

it finally weakens the developmental state paradigm (ibid)

Generally, neoliberal development paradigm is based on the following basic assumptions, namely: (1) trade liberalization or promotion of world economy through free trade policies; (2) minimal role of the state in the economy (3) reduction of public expenditure;(4) deregulation; (5) privatization of state-owned enterprises; (6) abolition of boundary to foreign direct investment; (7), financial liberalization ;(8) secure private property and so on (Peerenboom, 2007)

Developmental state paradigm argues the role of state is necessary to achieve development through regulating the economy and the market; otherwise market failure could be a danger (Stark, 2010) Beeson (2007) cited in Judit, (2014), holds that the term developmental state has been used to identify governments which try to actively intervene in economic processes and direct the course of development rather than relying only on market forces The concept

developmental state refers to a state which facilitates and guides the way and pace of economic development (Teshome, 2012)

Therefore, developmental state paradigm can be characterized as a complex institutional solution

to realize the aim of lifting up the developing countries to the advanced world, but, all interventionist states are not developmental states (Judit, 2014) Developmental state paradigm is

a development path in which state plays a great role in the process of structural transformation (Teshome, 2012) Developmental state paradigm is neither liberal free market capitalism nor state -socialist planned economy rather it is a unique political economic modality that combines market and state based on mixed economy and authoritarian technocracy with egalitarian distribution of income and wealth Hence, market forces are controlled through selective tariffs, subsidies, and access to finance to improve the capital accumulation while, the authoritarian nature of the government aims to ensure the state goals through facilitating the competing interest of sectors to contribute to industrialization and urbanization (Radice, 2008)

Generally, a developmental state paradigm consists of: development oriented political leadership,

an autonomous and effective bureaucracy, production oriented private sector, and performance oriented governance as its characteristic features (Meyns and Musamba, 2010)

2.1.4 Development Model and Chinese Experiences

Model in social sciences are simplified bodies of reality that represent certain part of phenomena

or process constituting some realty about real world (Lave and March, 1993) Model could also

be defined as a way or a thing that serves as an example to follow or emulate (Fourie 2012) According to Kuznets (1988) models entail lessons to be learned which match with real world experience rather than theoretical products For him to identify a distinct experience of countries

as a model there should be economic attributes unique to it and it should be successful and significant to emulate In this regard, Fourie (2012:48) defined development model as “a simplified version of an existing or historical development policy (or set of policies) that is viewed by others as an example for emulation”

2.1.5 The Essence of Chinese Development Model

The concept Chinese model refers to different things to different authors China model sometimes is used to refer the ideologically rooted Chinese socialist experience (Kennedy, 2010) The China model which is interchangeably used with the term Beijing Consensus6 is used to refer the Chinese domestic development trajectory of the post-Mao period rooted in pragmatic approach to reforms and support for a larger role of the state in guiding the economy and ensuring equitable growth, or simply the market reforms without democracy (Shelton and Puark, 2008) While, others use the concept to refer the Chinese way of acting or approaching in the international system including with developing countries using policies of non-interference preferring trade and investment as its instruments, in contrast to the Washington Consensus (Fourie, 2012) For the purpose of this study the China model is used from the former conception point of view i.e the Chinese domestic development trajectory of post –Mao azaaChina

The Chinese development model is the result of different reforms and strategies in different aspects such as economic, political, demographic, and educational sectors In the economic sense, the China model is characterized as export-led economy and foreign direct investment attracting through different incentives and the establishment of Special Economic Zones (SEZs)7 The educational policy reform, which places emphasis on science and technology, is also another component of Chinese development model Demographically speaking, the population control success of China through family planning is the integral part of the Chinese development model (Shelton and Paruk, 2008)

According to Zhao (2010) the China model is composed of two elements The first is copied liberal economic policies from the neo-liberal development paradigm Second, interventionist

6

The term Beijing Consensus in this study refers to the Chinese mode of engagement with states in the international system based on economic partnership and cooperation without interference in the political affairs of sovereign states (Fourie, 2012)

7

“Special Economic Zones” (SEZs) refers to free trade zones, free ports, export processing zones,

industrial parks, and economic cooperative zones They are designated areas where economic regulations

are different from those of the rest of the country with the purpose to increase trade and investment,

promote job creation, and ensure effective administration (Kapoor and Mollinedo, 2016)

state apparatus, in which the ruling party is allowed to control everything in the political sphere

including the government, the courts, domestic security, the army, and free flow of information (Zhao, 2010) The Chinese development model is a kind of state capitalism characterized by the transition from agriculture based economy to industrialization, from central planned economy to mixed economy, from agricultural production into integration of the economy in to the external world in search of trade and investment (Shelton and Paruk, 2008)

The China model also utilized initiatives and aid effectively in a manner that contributed to the economic growth and poverty reduction Although, aid has played a prominent role in the transformation of China, it however was used in a way donor countries could not intervene in the internal affairs of the country Therefore, Chinese development model is characterized by narrowing a space for the intervention of aid donors such as in planning, relying on its own domestic development strategy (Anshan, 2009) The economic aspect of China model is characterized by free market known as socialist market economy in which the private sector hold

a special place in the economy and there is free flow of different means of production such as labor, capital and goods Although, China's economy is free market it does not mean that it is totally free, the state plays a significant role in some aspects The Chinese state controls the services sector such as transportation, telecommunications, finance, and the media, as well as, the industrial sector Therefore, economically China model employs the private sector with selected state intervention (Zhao, 2010)

For this reason, it is characterized by the active role of the government in facilitating and leading the market to achieve development In this case, Gereffi (2009) characterized government as the main actor of the China model in different activities such as in attracting foreign investment, reliance on market, opening of domestic market to the external world, and utilization of low cost labor and so on The combination of both the state and market to achieve economic development makes the Chinese development model distinct from the Western neo-liberal model which

distances state and market each other (Fang et al, 2013)

For Zhao (2010), the Chinese development model is characterized by three attributes namely, 1) Pragmatism i.e China’s development trajectory is driven by pragmatism rather than ideology due to the Chinese leadership’s priority for the economic development than the ideological

framework through different reforms in selected sectors 2)Strong and pro-development state leadership : state plays a great role in the development and modernization of China by creating conducive environment for the achievement of national goals through different activities such as creating national consensus , ensuring economic and political stability

3) Selective learning form liberalism such as western models, Chinese development model has drawn lessons from the liberal economic ideologies in a manner it can work and be adjusted to its communist status When China adopted some principles from the Washington Consensus8 it is

in a way that cannot reduce its developmental state status It selectively took some policies which

do not undermine the role of the state For this reason, it focused on market related principles to draw lessons from the neo-liberal development paradigm

Chinese development model is described as containing four major pillars namely, state led development path, priority to development, ’focus on good governance” and gradual and

“pragmatic reform” in political and economic aspects (Li , 2015:130-32) Such Chinese development model is the result of special concentration and reforms on political leadership, social stability, agricultural production, initiatives and aid receiving (Anshan, 2009) China has reformed the political leadership of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) through creating a new generation of leadership with different mechanisms to make politicians committed towards achieving development through different reform measures such as the succession of power in fixed terms actually two terms or ten years and party school trainings, and experience accumulating with the aim creating efficient leadership (ibid)

According to Zhao (2010), the political sphere of China model is composed of different political reforms under a single party leadership Among the major ones there are four political reforms through which China model can be described namely 1) institutionalization of decision making system and intra-party democracy rather than personal decision making: the China model focuses

on institutional decision making system as part of post-revolutionary China political reform.; 2)

8

Washington Consensus which is usually used as a synonym for neo-liberalism or market fundamentalism refers to

a set of policies that command or commanded a consensus in some significant part of Washington, either the US government or the IFIs or both, such as supply-side economics, monetarism, or minimal government (Williamson, 2004)

Cadre responsibility is another principle of the political aspect of China model in which cadres are held responsible for their activities and their response to public interests; 3) Constitutional reform is the third aspect of Chinese political reform rooted in the China model intended to adapt changing circumstances; 4) Reform of the communist party rule is another political reform of China model in which the rule of the party is subject to different reforms In this regard, the change of the party rule has been taking place in the political history of China in which the party has been revolutionary party changed in to communist party during the Mao period and now days it is becoming a kind of socialist -democratic party

2.1.6 Debates over the Chinese Development model and its transferability

The Chinese development model is somewhat complex and difficult to categorize due to its mixed nature composed of both the liberal and socialist ideologies Its economic aspect is neither Western type of liberalism, nor European social market, and it is not a Stalinist command economy making the China model market authoritarianism This leads to the controversy on the peculiarity of the China model among scholars and practitioners or whether it has its own unique features enabling to be a model or not, remained debatable (Wei, 2007) Even among the Chinese leadership, there is controversy on the peculiarity of Chinese model of development; the former leaders of China Hu Juntao, and Wen Jiabao have hardly believed the existence of unique Chinese development model, while, the current Chinese President Xi Jinping believes that the Chinese development model is unique This shows that the current Chinese leadership seems committed to enhance the popularity of China model For this reason, the current Chinese Government paid due focus to enhance the power of the authoritarian state along with market economy Then, the Chinese development model is pronounced by the Xi's government as the combination of market and state in complementarily fashion (Amighini & Berkofsky, 2015) Not only has its peculiarity, the transferability of the Chinese development model also become

an area of debate The transferability of China’s success story of domestic development has dominated the literature as sources of debate among scholars and researchers There are scholars who hold a positive view on the transferability of Chinese development experience to other countries: there are those who oppose the transferability of the model, and there is a group neither of them who simply doubt the existence of China model As a result, the scholars are

categorized in to three as advocates, opponents and skeptics by Fourie (2013)

Ramo (2004), Peerenboom (2007), Shelton and Paruk (2008), and Ravallion (2008) are among the advocates who support the transferability of China model to other countries For this reason, Ramo (2004) argued that the Chinese development experience could be a model for other countries to develop and rise in to the international system Peerenboom (2007) also holds a positive view on the Chinese domestic development trajectory as a model for developing countries attempted by different countries such as Laos, Vietnam and Iran Shelton and Paruk (2008) argued that China model could be source of lessons and a model for African countries due

to the similarities between the reforms days of China and Africa in different aspects including the agriculture base and large rural population, and possession of huge labor As a result, they reached a point that China could teach African counties how to achieve economic growth and reduce poverty Juma (2007) supported the relevance of China model to Africa arguing that the relation between China and African countries is underpinned not only by the China's interest for Africa’s natural resources but also by African countries’ desire for the Chinese development model (Juma, 2007)

Ravallion (2008) is another author who holds a positive outlook about the relevance of China model of development to African countries For him China could be source of experience to African countries from which lessons could be imported due to the similarity of both China and Africa but, at the same time there are differences that constrain the success of the Chinese development experience in Africa including domestic contexts Therefore, what African countries should do is drawing some lessons than copying programs and policies from China Opponents of the transferability Chinese development model to other developing countries are mostly western scholars from the United States and Europe Those scholars do not deny that developing countries are engaged in adopting the Chinese model but, they argue it is in accurate and systematically used to escape the influence of the Western values and it is prioritizing economic development at the expense of democracy, while both are necessaries (Fourie, 2013) Stefan Halper (2010) is one of the opponents of the transferability of Chinese model to developing countries, who shares this view Callick (2007) is another opponent who criticizes the China model as destructive leading to leader’s preference of regime stability over democracy and transparency in developing countries (Fourie, 2012) There are also scholars from Africa who hold a pessimistic view about the China model such as Obiorah (2007), Askouri (2007), and

Gaye (2008) For them African governments are using the China model as an instrument to extend their power through securing support and aid from China (ibid)

The third group of scholars is those who doubt on the existence of China model, who are labeled

as skeptics by Fourie (2013) This group of scholars holds a skeptical view about the China

model arguing that the combination of market economy and authoritarian leadership is not unique to China; rather, there are other countries which combine both specially, the East Asians

at their early period They argue that the environmental, and social problems of the Chinese development trajectory hinders China from becoming a model and developing countries emulation of China is done to escape western influence and prescriptions These and other reasons enabled this group to reach a conclusion that the Chinese development experience is hardly a model to be transferred to other developing countries (Fourie, 2013)

Despite the debates on Chinese development model among, researchers, practitioners, and between the north and the south in general, the Chinese development model may teach developing countries in different aspects as many developing countries governments are striving

to make use of the China model due to different reasons Among the factors which increased the demand for the China model to be admired and viewed as alternative by the developing countries include first, the late developer nature of China which was as poor as most of the developing countries before 30 years (its dramatic move out of poverty could be important inspiration for developing countries) Second, the failure of the neo-liberal model under which developing countries have not escaped from poverty and underdevelopment pushed them to look for alternative model Thirdly, the conditionality-free Chinese diplomacy by which the developing countries are allowed to engage in economic and technical cooperation with China, which is believed to help the developing countries not only to learn the lessons of the China model but, also to implement the lessons using the non-conditional aid, investments and loans they can get from China (ibid)

The Chinese development model could be a source of lessons and important path for developing countries including African countries, though, impossible to apply without modification (Shelton and Paruk, 2008) The Chinese model cannot be copied or transferred to other countries due to different reasons Especially, countries which adopt free market economy and liberal democracy

have no opportunity to emulate Chinese model, which is full of state intervention and societal control (tight political control including in service delivery and state intervention in the society limiting liberties) China’s possession of large potential domestic market , the labor abundant nature of Chinese economy, and strong authoritarian state based on market reform are among the unique qualities of China which cannot be found easily in other countries are among the factors challenging the transferability of Chinese model (Amighini & Berkofsky, 2015) In contrast, Ethiopia is among the few countries which relatively possess some of the similar domestic characteristics of China such as, availability of huge labor, and large potential of domestic market (though very small compared to China) enabling to learn different lessons from the development experience of China

2.2 Theoretical Framework

2.2.1 Policy Transfer

In the international system countries need each other in order to share what they cannot achieve separately (Meseuger, 2005) To that extent, states are influenced by the activities and achievements of other states including in policy choices through policy transfer Policy transfer

is among the central business of Political Science and Public Policy by which countries adopt other countries' experience (Meseguer and Gilardi, 2009) Different scholars use the concepts such as policy transfer, policy diffusion, and policy convergence interchangeably creating some confusion to readers (Stone, 1999) but, for the purpose of this study they are different and the focus is on policy transfer because policy diffusion, which usually refers to the transfer of policies from a single country to many countries at the same time, and that mostly refers to the transfer of social policies, and policy convergence, which is the process of transferring policies due to the existence of the same policy choice between countries without considering their relevance (Fourie, 2012) are irrelevant In addition, policy diffusion and convergence are the transfer of policy by structural factors not by elites (Stone, 1999) are both less relevant for this study Policy transfer is the process by which countries share knowledge and experiences of policies, administrative techniques, ideas, and institutions (Benson and Jordan, 2011) Policy transfer could be coercive, voluntary and combination of both and it can take place within countries and across countries, international organizations at different times (Stone, 2003)

The transferability of other countries model of development such as the East Asian model, the China model could be understood by the theoretical perspective of policy transfer in which it has different variants which are used differently by different authors (Fourie, 2012) For this reason, these variants of policy transfer are ways by which states in the international relations and international political economy use to transfer policy from other states Namely, 1) policy convergence pushed by powerful actors/ imposition, 2, emulation 3.learning /lesson drawing, 4, economic competition (Meseguer and Gilardi, 2009)

Policy convergence by powerful actors which is also referred as imposition is the coercive push

of policies to sovereign states by dominant international organizations and powerful countries It

is forceful push of policies in to the governments of sovereign countries most of the time to developing countries including African countries (Meseguer and Gilardi 2009; Benson and Jordan, 2011) Emulation is the process by which policies are transferred to other countries as far

as they are valued by the leaders irrespective of their relevance Emulation is about admiration and support for models Economic competition is also the process that governments adopt the policy option of their competitors to compete for the same resources fearing of an economic loss they can pose to them ((Meseguer and Gilardi 2009) Learning /lesson drawing is the process by which countries use the experiences of other countries to get relevant evidence on the effects of a given policy Learning is the instrument of actors including governments who are engaged in search for alternatives throughout the world (ibid)

Emulation and lesson drawing are interchangeably used by others but, for this study they are different Emulation is about adopting other countries experiences without enhanced knowledge

of the policies and their outcomes It is a “symbolic imitation” of polices which resulted success

in other countries Emulation is not done for effective policy out comes rather it in search of credibility, status or acceptance in the international system Learning and emulation are different

in purpose and process of policy transfer (Meseuger, 2005) While learning is purposive which is done to seek solutions for problems identified and solution is searched based on observed experiences and analysis to choose the policy that lead to the better out comes However, emulation is motivation- driven policy adoption without proper justification for choosing policies based on cause – outcome analysis (ibid)

Learning is the voluntary way of policy transfer which strengthens the idea that policy transfer could be successful if there is a pull from the recipient rather than only a push from the country

of origin (Fourie, 2012) can be used to analyze the relevance of Chinese development model to Ethiopia Since evidences reveal that Chinese economic development trajectory could be a development model for African countries due to the commonalities both Africa and China share such as strong agricultural base, and large rural population as a pull factor and China's help to transfer its experience to Africa through institutional arrangements such as the FOCAC including the training program it delivers to African officials to reduce poverty as a push factor (Shelton and Paruk, 2008) Therefore, for the purpose of this study, learning or lesson drawing is more appropriate to access the relevance of Chinese development model to Ethiopia framing from this theory point of view

Countries are highly influenced by the positive outcomes of other countries in learning the experience This is what was happened in the 1980s when many developing countries including Latin Americans and Africans were engaged in learning neo-liberal policies simply because of the success of Western countries For instance Argentina and Peru which had rejected privatization later became convinced to learn from the successful experience of liberal countries (Meseguer, 2005) Then, in learning policies, leaders of developing countries must also consider the local contexts or the geographical domain of the models and the recipients Learning needs the conscious selection of policies that can match to the learner country rather than copying due

to the success of the model country (ibid) Learning understands the idea that it is policies and programmes that can be transferred from role model countries not the implementation process, to show that domestic factors of the recipient countries determine the success of a programme or

policy (Stone, 1999) In this regard, Rose (1991:4) characterized the process of lesson drawing as

a “contingent” by which programme is not blindly copied and blindly condemned that is the domestic contexts and generic attributes which influence the success of programmes

The process of learning from others is not an easy task and it does not necessarily mean that achieving what the model countries have succeeded It may be constrained by different impediments such as “institutional and structural problems, lack of ideological compatibility between transferring countries: and insufficient technological, economic, bureaucratic and political resources” on the side of receiving country causing environmental and implementation challenges (Benson and Jordan, 2011:372) Policy learning or lesson drawing is about transferring policies, programmes, and knowledge form countries through different ways following new occasions such as the success of the originator and similar policy choice (Wolman, 2005) Regarding this issue, Wolman (2005) discussed some of the mechanisms by which policy of other countries can be learned To use his original words:-

Policy makers can learn about the policies of other countries through trips abroad by individual ministers and civil servants, more formal fact finding missions, usually by groups of civil servants, reports from civil servants who participate in formal exchange programs involving a stay of substantial duration

in another country, formal and informal contacts with foreign visitors, and advice and information from academics, think tanks, consultants, and journalists , both through personal contact, and through reading their reports, articles, and books (ibid,30)

The theory of learning has two categories namely, bounded and rational In both types of learning getting information is a common challenge, while bounded learning has a double burden

in interpretation of information received To do so, it uses heuristics methods even though it leads to cognitive biases such as over representation of the effectiveness of policy (Meseguer and Gilardi, 2009) Rational learning is the process by which leaders adopt a policy through scanning available information without referring its origin interpreting in the same way and drawing the same conclusion about the relevance of policies without being influenced by prior beliefs about the polices Rational learning is about learning polices that are feasible to a country according to scientific analysis or reasoning Bounded learning is learning that entails governments should refer to the relevant information near them considering geographic, cultural and historical factors According to bounded learning, development success of countries could be used to learn policies and programmes (Mesuger, 2005)

Contrary to imposition, learning is a voluntary activity by which leaders adopt policies that are successful in other countries In this case, the China model is free of conditionality in which African leaders are trying to learn its successful trajectory contrary to the neo-liberalism, which was imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank Therefore, in policy learning, policies of other countries should be adopted if they are believed to be relevant by the leaders of the countries learning rather than pushing by the model countries (ibid) Learning tries

to consider the circumstances under which and the extent a programme in effect in one country can be transferred to other In the process of lesson drawing the first activity is scanning porogrammes in effect elsewhere, and it ends up with the prospective evaluation of what would result if a policy or a programme in use elsewhere were transferred here in future (Rose, 1991)

as the first visit of the post- 1991 government to strengthen the diplomatic relation with China which was later followed by the Chinese counterpart Jiang Zemin's visit to Ethiopia in 1997 (Tefera , 2011) As a result of Ethiopia’s and China’s interest to diversify their relations: Ethiopia in search of additional partners from the south and the interest of China in Africa have contributed for the strengthening of the Ethio- China relations through the establishment of Forum on China –Africa Cooperation (FOCAC)9 in 2000 and Ethiopia's hosting the second and fifth Ministerial meetings of FOCAC in Addis Ababa in 2003 and 2005 respectively helped for

further consolidation of the post -1991 Ethio -China relations (Melaku, 2014; Thakur, 2009)

The post- 1991 Ethiopian Government’s emphasis on economic development as major policy interest of the country is also another important reason for the strengthening of Ethio-China relations in which EPRDF believed that the Asian giants including China are important for the development and poverty eradication efforts of the country following their remarkable economic growth (Muna, 2015) Consequently, the two countries doubled their interest to cooperate in economic and political issues during the visits of Wen Jiabao to Ethiopia in1996 and 2003 and the Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s second and third visit to China in 2004 and 2006 signing different agreements on trade, economic and technical cooperation (ibid)

Ethiopia has been improving its relations with China to get its economic and technical support viewing China as important partner for development China also took different measures to enhance its cooperation with Ethiopia at the Beijing Summit in 2006 where China announced

9

FOCAC (Forum on China –Africa Cooperation) is a collective consultation and dialogue platform established by China and friendly African Countries helping as cooperation tool between them It uses as to promote economic and political partnership with the first FOCAC Ministerial meeting held in China in 2000, the second in Ethiopia in

2003, third in China in 2006 and the fourth in Egypt in 2009… (Tefera, 2011)