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1 Introduction: Family Life in an Age of Migration and Mobility: Introducing a Global and Family Majella Kilkey and Ewa Palenga-Möllenbeck 2 Mobilities and Communication Technologie

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Edited by Majella Kilkey

and Ewa Palenga-Möllenbeck

Global Perspectives through the Life Course

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Series Editors

Robin   Cohen Department of International Development

University of Oxford Oxford ,  UK Zig   Layton-Henry Department of Politics and International Studies

University of Warwick Kenilworth ,  UK

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Editorial Board: Rainer Baubock, European University Institute, Italy; James F. Hollifi eld, Southern Methodist University, USA; Daniele Joly, University of Warwick, UK; Jan Rath, University of Amsterdam, Th e Netherlands.

Th e Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship series covers three tant aspects of the migration process: fi rstly, the determinants, dynamics and characteristics of international migration Secondly, the continuing attachment of many contemporary migrants to their places of origin, signifi ed by the word ‘diaspora’, and thirdly the attempt, by contrast, to belong and gain acceptance in places of settlement, signifi ed by the word

impor-‘citizenship’ Th e series publishes work that shows engagement with and

a lively appreciation of the wider social and political issues that are infl enced by international migration Th is series develops from our Migraton, Minorities and Citizenship series, which published leading fi gures in the

u-fi eld including Steven Vertovec, Daniele Joly, Adrian Favell, John Rex, Ewa Morawska and Jan Rath Details of publications in the series can be viewed here: www.palgrave.com/products/series.aspx?s=MMC

More information about this series at

http://www.springer.com/series/14044

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Editors

Family Life in an Age

of Migration and

Mobility Global Perspectives through

the Life Course

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ISBN 978-1-137-52097-5 ISBN 978-1-137-52099-9 (eBook)

DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-52099-9

Library of Congress Control Number: 2016946833

© Th e Editor(s) (if applicable) and Th e Author(s) 2016

Th e author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identifi ed as the author(s) of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988

Th is work is subject to copyright All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfi lms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar

or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed

Th e use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifi c statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use

Th e publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made

Cover image © Katja Piolka / Alamy Stock Photo

Printed on acid-free paper

Th is Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

Th e registered company is Macmillan Publishers Ltd London

Majella Kilkey

Department of Sociological Studies

University of Sheffi eld

Sheffi eld , UK

Ewa Palenga-Möllenbeck Department of Gender Studies University of Frankfurt Frankfurt , Hessen , Germany

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In Th e Seventh Man , John Berger and Jean Mohr show an uncanny

photo-graph of a man’s face ripped diagonally in half In the upper left, one sees

a cap, ear, eye, and nose In the remaining right part, the other eye, ear, and mouth He is poorly shaved His shirt is worn, his identity unknown Many Turkish guest workers put themselves in the hands of dubious smugglers who were known to have abandoned migrants along treacher-ous mountainous journeys To guard against such danger, a family would tear the photograph of a migrant’s face in half, give half to the smuggler and await the receipt of the other half from the migrant himself—they were mostly men—safely arrived in France, a sign that the smuggler had been honest and should be paid Th e torn photograph is also a powerful metaphor for many of the kinds of separation—and reunion—described

in this exciting new collection of original research-based essays

We learn in one chapter of a ‘kind of wake’ held at a local pub in the 1890s when an Irish uncle boarded a boat for Australia But what is the experience of a lengthy separation today in the age of the cell phone and Skype? Does technology join the two sides of the photograph, or become part of the separation between them? What does the appearance

on a screen of a face known to be far away mean for the nine-million Filipino children who live without one or both parents? How is it for the elderly parents of migrant brides who fl y to join Korean bachelors? What

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is the experience of Italian migrants in Norway, of Ghanaian workers

in Holland, of Poles in Germany and Ukrainians in Poland? And what

of elderly Swedes who become isolated, then trapped, in the beautiful coastal villages of Spain, and elderly Albanians who follow their chil-dren to Italy? What is the experience of the children of divorced parents frequently working at distant jobs, in diff erent countries, who live with

a caregiver hired to stay with them in a family home in Germany? Th e essays in this volume off er answers

In doing so, they vastly expand the meaning of the term ‘work–family balance’ As it is often used, the term carries the image of a family seated

at a common dinner table in a shared household, located in the same town, country and continent ‘Balance’ is imagined between an offi ce job and an after-school pick-up But, for an increasing number of families around the world, that ‘balance’ is between phone calls and remittances

to small children in the ‘Global South’ and a ten-hour job as a nanny to other small children in the ‘Global North’

Such new families also invite us to expand the concept of global care chains As the research of Rhacel Parreñas and others have shown, a Filipina nanny may care for the children of an Italian couple in Rome In turn, her children may be cared for by a local nanny hired by the migrant nanny’s mother or sister Th e long hours of work of that local nanny may require her to leave her own small children in the care of her parents back in the distant Filipina village, or in desperate circumstances, young children are left in the care of older ones Th is volume invites us to think

of care in ecological terms For each act of care is part of a larger pattern

of care Who, we ask, cares for those the caregiver is responsible for ing for? Who cares, if anyone, for the caregiver herself? Can we speak of

car-fi ctive care—care which is imagined but which sadly does not actually transpire? Can we speak of invisible care—care which is real but unrec-ognized? What various forms do care chains take, and at what points do

fi ction and invisibility appear? Do care chains always extend from poor countries to rich ones? Does care diminish as we move down the eco-nomic ladder? When people don’t get to live the lives they wish to live, to what extent do they develop an imagined ‘potential self ’—the self they would be if only they had time, if only they had money, if only they were

in one place and not another? (Hochschild, 1997)

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Th is volume is important for its empirical richness, the ideas it generates and the questions it invites It is especially important attached as it is to a moral urgency that is likely to increase in light of two trends One is the increase in global inequality, which will enlarge the number of people in poor countries seeking a better life in richer ones Th e other is the increase

in climate change, which is already forcing farmers from their parched plots, and exacerbating confl ict and fl ight Based on such research, we can hopefully devise ways to rejoin the separated images of loved ones and so make a better world

Department of Emeritus of Sociology Arlie   Russell   Hochschild University of California, Berkeley

Berkeley , CA , USA

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Sarah van Walsum was Professor of Migration Law and Family Ties at the

VU University Amsterdam Her writings on migration law and the family and women and migration law were also infl uenced by other disciplines, such as sociology and political science Her creative and penetrating anal-ysis was recognized in 2011 by the award of a prestigious Vici grant of 1.5 million euros over fi ve years from the Netherlands Organization for Scientifi c Research to chart the relationship between migration, nation and family with her own research group

She argued that immigration law should be analyzed in relation to other fi elds of law, especially family law, as well as other fi elds of public policy As she outlined in an interview, Lady Justice is not Blind , given

at the time of her inaugural lecture Intimate Strangers in June 2012,

immigration law operates within a duality which can be compared to the representation of the world through two contrasting maps One is the traditional map divided into diff erently coloured and bounded states; the other, as in in-fl ight magazines, shows the aviation routes connecting diff erent places across continents She stressed that neither map was to replace the other as a source of truth, but that the tensions between both representations of global connections and disconnections could be the source for alternative (legal) discourses

1955–2014

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Her work also demonstrated the legal–historical continuity between European colonialism and contemporary European migration politics with particular attention paid to gendered shifts over time Probably her best known publication was Th e Family and the Nation: Dutch Family Migration Policies in the Context of Changing Family Norms , 2008 In it

she analysed the development of Dutch family migration policies through three periods from the 1940s until 2000 (post-war reconstruction and decolonization, debating the Dutch welfare state and reconstruction of the welfare state) and showed how, today, as in colonial times, the moral order as shaped by dominant norms on gender, family and sexuality serves as a framework for inclusion and exclusion, that is, to distinguish between those who belong and those who do not

Sarah van Walsum’s work also pointed out how today’s family norms are presented as modern, emancipated and egalitarian—partly as a func-tion to keep others outside of the state’s borders Th e antithesis of this good citizen is the problematic migrant: the man or woman who sticks

to traditional, patriarchal and hierarchical family and gender values and practices Th e migrant family then becomes the site where obstacles to integration originate: a threat to the Dutch social order As Van Walsum argued, this normative order is operationalized in state policies through merged techniques of immigration control, integration policy and peda-gogy On the one hand, the normative order allows for selective poli-cies of entry and residence, aimed at welcoming those who fi t—such as transnational elites of highly skilled labour migrants and their families—and rejecting those who do not fi t, such as asylum seekers and family migrants from the Th ird World On the other hand, the normative order legitimates state intervention in the intimate sphere of transnational fam-ilies living in the Netherlands

Her entry point of family relations in studying migration law allowed Sarah van Walsum to go beyond divisions between citizens and migrants Families often stretch across borders and are thus a good example of shared interests between individuals that are otherwise classifi ed by states

as citizens and migrants Sarah also took families very seriously as social units that form normative fi elds that can diff er and stand in opposition

to dominant normative discourses transmitted through state institutions

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Sarah’s acute awareness of historical shifts allowed her to trace and nect developments in family norms, migration policy and family law As family ties have come to be defi ned in more inclusive manners by states, for example, the family unit has received less protection in migration law

con-As Sarah herself infamously put it, as homosexuality and non-marital sex have lost their stigma, matrimony has lost its sanctity

In an eff ort to balance the top-down approach in her analysis of ily migration policies, she addressed the issue of modes of resistance by migrants and migrant families from the 1970s to the present day, men-tioning the equality principle from minority policy and international law

fam-as important modes of resistance

Her research also extended to domestic and care work, for which she explored with great insight, the changing role that work performed in households has played in the construction of citizenship and inclusion and exclusion through migration law in the Netherlands and the EU level, for example, resulting from free movement She asked to what extent such work was conceptualized as contractual labour or family obligations, and the diff erences at national and EU levels to which such reproductive labour qualifi ed for residence and subsequent citizenship Her untimely death takes away from us a truly inspirational scholar and practitioner

School of Law Maybritt   Jill   Alpes

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Department of Gender, Migration Eleonore   Kofman and Citizenship, Social Policy Research Centre

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Many of the chapters in this book were presented and discussed at the international conference ‘Family Life in the Age of Migration and Mobility: Th eory, Policy & Practice’ at Linköping University, Sweden,

in September 2013 We would like to acknowledge the fi nancial support

of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Linköping University, Riksbankens Jubileumusfonds and Fritz Th yssen Stiftung

Professor Helma Lutz was co-organizer of the conference and off ered expert advice with her usual wisdom and generosity as we planned this book—we extend a special and heartfelt thank you for her valuable contribution to this project Many thanks also go to Marija Grujic, who managed the conference with grace and good humour Special thanks

go to all the conference participants for their inspiring presentations and intellectual engagement with the conference themes, and to all the contributors to this volume who responded with collegiality to our many requests We wish to thank Philippa Grand, Emily Russell and, in par-ticular, Judith Allan from Palgrave Macmillan for their kind support Gyuchan Kim deserves special thanks for completing the painstaking task of formatting the manuscript and of preparing the index Finally, our wonderful colleague Sarah van Walsum died in the early stages of this book’s preparation Before her death, Sarah gave us permission to reprint

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an article she had recently published We are honoured to be able to include a contribution from Sarah in this volume, and we wish to thank Judith Allan at Palgrave Macmillan for negotiating the formal permission

on our behalf

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1 Introduction: Family Life in an Age of Migration

and Mobility: Introducing a Global and Family

Majella Kilkey and Ewa Palenga-Möllenbeck

2 Mobilities and Communication Technologies:

Loretta Baldassar

3 Everyday Practices of Living in Multiple Places

and Mobilities: Transnational, Transregional,

Michaela Schier

4 Polymedia Communication Among

Transnational Families: What Are the Long-Term

Mirca Madianou

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5 Traveling to the USA for Fertility Services:

Lauren Jade Martin

6 Transnational Surrogacy and ‘Kinning’ Rituals in India 119

Amrita Pande

7 Marriage Migration Policy as a Social Reproduction

Gyuchan Kim and Majella Kilkey

8 Strangers in Paradise? Italian Mothers in Norway 163

Lise Widding Isaksen

9 Transnational Mothers and the Law: Ghanaian

Women’s Pathways to Family Reunion

Miranda Poeze and Valentina Mazzucato

10 Fatherhood and Masculinities in Post- socialist Europe:

Ewa Palenga-Möllenbeck and Helma Lutz

11 Swedish Retirement Migrants in Spain:

Anna Gavanas and Ines Calzada

12 Contrasts in Ageing and Agency in Family

Migratory Contexts: A Comparison of Albanian

Russell King , Julie Vullnetari , Aija Lulle , and Eralba Cela

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13 Defamilialization of Whom? Re-Th inking

Defamilialization in the Light of Global Care

Chains and the Transnational Circulation of Care 287

Florence Degavre and Laura Merla

14 Th e Contested Meaning of Care in Migration Law 313

Sarah van Walsum

Majella Kilkey and Ewa Palenga-Möllenbeck

Index 351

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Loretta   Baldassar is Discipline Chair of Anthropology and Sociology at the

University of Western Australia and Adjunct Principal Research Fellow at Monash University and at the Catholic University of Louvain, Belgium Loretta has published extensively on transnational migration, caregiving and settlement issues with a particular focus on families; ageing; the second generation; and student mobility Her most recent books include, Chinese Migration to Europe: Prato, Italy and Beyond (with Johanson, McAuliff e & Bressan, Palgrave, 2015); Transnational Families, Migration and the Circulation of Care: understanding mobility and absence in family life (with Merla, Routledge, 2014); Confl icting Identities: Refugee Protection and the Role of Law (with Kneebone & Stevens, Routledge, 2014) Baldassar is a Board Member of the ISA Migration Research Committee and a regional editor for the journal Global Networks She is cur- rently conducting research on migration and ageing, as well as student mobility and Internationalization at Home

Inés   Calzada holds a PhD in Sociology (University of Salamanca, Spain) and

MSc in Methodology for the Social Sciences (London School of Economics) She is a research fellow in the Institute of Public Goods and Policies of the Spanish National Research Council In her research, she combines the fi eld of comparative social policy and that of attitudes towards the Welfare State She has participated in several national and international research projects on diff er- ent aspects of welfare policies, paying particular attention to the ways in which individuals make sense of social inequalities and state intervention In parallel,

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she maintains a sharp interest in the diff erent methodologies that can be applied

in the social sciences

Eralba   Cela is a postdoctoral researcher in Demography at the Polytechnic

University of Marche in Ancona, Italy, where she has held several research and teaching positions since her PhD in Demography from the University of Bari Her research interests are in the fi elds of migration, remittances, family studies, gender, ageing and well-being, and she has published in several Italian and inter- national journals, including Rivista Italiana di Economia , Demografi a e Statistica , International Migration Review , Journal of Mediterranean Studies , and Population, Space and Place

Florence   Degavre is a socio-economist She is an assistant professor at the

Faculté Ouverte de Politique Economique est Sociale and research coordinator

at the Centre de Recherches Interdisciplinaires Travail, Etat et Société (CIRTES)

of the Université catholique de Louvain Her main research theme is elderly care which she analyses through a Polanyian and feminist perspective In relation with this, she has conducted research on European social policies, care regimes and elderly care social services She is also interested in the gender dynamic in social economy organisations Her current research is on social innovations in the elderly home care sector in Belgium She is a member of the EMES network and Feminist economics She has recently published book chapters on defamil- ialization in a comparative perspective (with Annamaria Simonazzi and Ludovica Gambaro), migrant carers’ use of reciprocity (with Anna Safuta) and social inno- vation in the care sector (with Mélanie Bourguignon and Ela Callorda Fossati,

Sociologies pratiques )

Anna   Gavanas is Associate Professor of Social Anthropology and Gender Studies at Remeso/Linköping University She has a background in Social Anthropology and Gender Studies Gavanas is involved in research on Swedish retirees in Spain as the principal investigator of the project ‘Swedish retirement migrants to Spain and their migrant workers: interlinked migration chains and their consequences for work and care in Ageing Europe’ Her research covers a wide range of areas, including migration, welfare policies, labour market infor- malization and social exclusion Additional areas of specialization are global care chains in the EU, privatization of elderly care in Sweden, as well as US father- hood politics

Lise   Widding   Isaksen is a professor in the Department of Sociology, University of Bergen, Norway Her research interests include gender, migra- tion, welfare states and globalization She has written extensively on gender

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and power- relations, welfare politics and feminism, international migration and the social organization of care work and gendered migrations in the Global South and in Nordic and European contexts Publications: Lise Widding Isaksen (ed) (2010) Global Care Work Gender and Migration in Nordic Societies (Sweden); Lise Widding Isaksen (2012) ‘Transnational spaces

of care: migrant nurses in Norway’, Social Politics 19, 58–77 She is working

on transnational issues related to new migration fl ows in Europe, South– North (Italy–Norway) and East–North (Poland–Norway)

Majella   Kilkey is Reader in Social Policy, Department of Sociological Studies,

University of Sheffi eld, UK and Co-Director of the University’s Migration Research Group She researches at the intersection of migration and family studies, focusing particularly on the intra-European Union mobility of European Union citizens and the outward migration of UK nationals Recent publications include Gender, Migration and Domestic Work: Masculinities, Male Labour and Fathering in the UK and USA (with Diane Perrons, Ania Plomien, Pierrette

Hondagneu-Sotelo and Hernan Ramirez, Palgrave 2013) and articles in Global Networks , International Migration , Men and Masculinities , Social Policy and Society, Time and Society , Feminist Economics , Community, Work and Families and European Urban and Regional Studies With Loretta Baldassar, Laura Merla and

Raelene Wilding she has contributed on ‘Transnational Families’ to the 2015

Wiley-Blackwell Companion to the Sociology of Families and the 2016 Handbook

of Migration and Health Between 2016 and 2021 she is co-editor of the

Cambridge University Press journal Social Policy and Society

Gyuchan   Kim researches in the Department of Sociological Studies, University

of Sheffi eld, UK. His PhD thesis, which he completed in 2015, focused on the intersections of the migration regime and the care regime in South Korea His research interests include the care–migration nexus especially with regard to transnational aspects of family life, the evolution of East Asian welfare regimes and policy learning between Korea and other welfare states

Russell   King is Professor of Geography at the University of Sussex, where he

founded and directed the Sussex Centre for Migration Research During 2012–

2013 he was Willy Brandt Guest Professor in Migration Studies at Malmö University He has long-standing and wide-ranging research interests in the interdisciplinary fi eld of migration studies, including theorizing migration in its various forms, and empirical studies on labour migration, international retirement migration, student migration, return migration, diasporas and the relationship between migration and development Most of his fi eld research has

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been carried out in Southern Europe and the Balkans Amongst his recent books have been Counter-Diaspora: Th e Greek Second Generation Returns ‘Home’

(joint with Anastasia Christou), Remittances, Gender and Development (joint

with Julie Vullnetari) and Out of Albania (joint with Nicola Mai) From 2000

to 2013 he was the editor of the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

Aija   Lulle is a postdoctoral research fellow in the Department of Geography at

the University of Sussex, and director of the Centre for Diaspora and Migration Research at the University of Latvia Trained both as a sociologist and human geographer, her PhD thesis used time-geography to examine the translocal lives

of Latvian migrants in Guernsey Her current interests relate to youth mobilities, ageing and migration, and the lives of transnational families, as well as the broader notion of identities Her recent research also focuses on ‘new diasporas’ within the European Union as a result of intra-European migration She has published her research in several journals, including Geografi ska Annaler , Women’s Studies International Forum and Population, Space and Place

Helma   Lutz is Professor in Sociology and Chair of Women’s and Gender

Studies at the Goethe University Frankfurt/Main Her work combines insights from Gender and Migration Studies concerning her research on transnational migrant domestic work She has published widely on issues of care, work, migra- tion, transnationalism, intersectionality, ethnic and racial discrimination Her latest monograph in English is Th e New Maids Transnational Women and the Care Economy (2011)

Mirca   Madianou is a Reader in the Department of Media and Communications

at Goldsmiths, University of London She has published extensively on the social consequences of new media, especially in relation to processes of transna- tionalism and migration She is the author of Mediating the Nation: News, Audiences and the Politics of Identity (2005) and Migration and New Media: Transnational Families and Polymedia (2012 with D. Miller), as well as editor of Ethics of Media (2013 with N.  Couldry and A.  Pinchevski) She directs the

ESRC programme ‘Humanitarian Technologies’ which investigates the uses of social media in the context of disasters, while between 2007 and 2011, she was Principal Investigator for the ESRC research programme ‘Migration, New Communication Technologies and Transnational Families’

Lauren   Jade   Martin is Assistant Professor of Sociology and Women’s Studies

Coordinator at Pennsylvania State University, Berks Her work focuses on the social impacts of assisted reproductive technologies Martin has published

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articles in Gender & Society , Science, Technology and Human Values , and Globalizations journals, and recently published her fi rst book, Reproductive Tourism in the United States: Creating Family in the Mother Country

Valentina   Mazzucato is Professor of Globalization and Development at Maastricht University, Th e Netherlands, and Honorary Professor at the Department of Social Work and Social Administration at Hong Kong University She heads several international research projects on transnational families (www tcra.nl) fi nanced by the Netherlands Organization for Scientifi c Research (NWO) and NORFACE. Th ese projects use mixed methods ranging from large- scale surveys to in-depth ethnographic research to study the eff ects of transna- tional families on parents abroad and caregivers and children in origin countries Some of her latest publications are in Journal of Marriage and Family (2011), Population Space and Place (2010; 2004), Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

(2014; 2008), Global Networks (2009), World Development (2014; 2009), and

book chapters in Encyclopedia of Quality of Life and Well- being Research (Springer,

2014), Th e Encyclopedia of Global Human Migration (2013) and Multi-sited ethnography: Th eory, praxis and locality in contemporary social research (2009)

Laura   Merla is Professor of Sociology at the Catholic University of Louvain

(Belgium), where she is director of the Interdisciplinary Research Center on Families and Sexualities (CIRFASE) She is also Honorary Research Fellow at the University of Western Australia Her main research areas are the sociology of the family; migration, transnational families and care; ageing; social policies; and gender and masculinities Her research has been funded by the Belgian National Funds for Research, the Belgian Federal Science Policy and two Marie Curie fellowships In 2014, Laura Merla published two edited volumes: (1)  Transnational families, migration and the circulation of care: understanding mobility and absence in family life (in collaboration with Loretta Baldassar); and

(2) Distances et Liens (in collaboration with Aurore François)

Ewa   Palenga-Möllenbeck is a postdoctoral researcher in the Gender Studies

Department at Goethe- University, Frankfurt Her research interests include migration, transnationalism, gender studies, care work, diversity, and qualitative research methods She is working on transnational migration of Polish handy- men working in German households She has published widely in books and international journals on gender, care and migration Her monograph

Pendelmigration aus Oberschlesien Lebensgeschichten in einer transnationalen Region Europas (Bielefeld: transcript, 2014) is based on her PhD thesis

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Amrita   Pande, author of Wombs in Labor: Transnational Commercial Surrogacy

in India (2014), teaches in the Sociology department at University of Cape

Town Her research focuses on the intersection of globalization and tive labor Her work has appeared in Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society , Gender and Society , Critical Social Policy , International Migration Review , Qualitative Sociology , Feminist Studies , Indian Journal of Gender Studies , Anthropologica , PhiloSOPHIA and in numerous edited volumes She has written

reproduc-for national newspapers across the world and has appeared in Laurie Taylor’s

Th inking Allowed on the BBC, Sarah Carey’s Newstalk on Irish radio, DR2 Deadline (Danish National television) and Otherwise SAfM (south African

Radio) to discuss her work on surrogacy She is also an educator-performer ing the world with a multi-media theatre production ‘Made in India: Notes from a Baby Farm’

Miranda   Poeze is a PhD candidate at Maastricht University, Th e Netherlands Her PhD research focuses on Ghanaian transnational families and examines from the viewpoints of migrant parents and stay-behind children and how local, national and global processes interlink and impact on the everyday experiences of family members Her research is embedded in the international research project

‘Transnational Child Raising Arrangements’ (TCRAs) of which Valentina Mazzucato is the primary investigator She holds an MA in Social Research— Cultural Anthropology of the VU University of Amsterdam Her publications include book chapters in Transnational Families, Migration and the Circulation of Care: Understanding Mobility and Absence in Family Life (2013) and Long Journeys: African Migrants on the Road (2013)

Michaela   Schier has been a senior researcher at the Munich-based German

Youth Institute (DJI) since 2006 and heads the DJI Division ‘Life Situations and Family Life’ She studied geography as well as social and cultural anthropol- ogy at the University of Tübingen and holds a PhD in social geography from the Technical University of Munich, Germany From 2009 to 2014, she was awarded

a fellowship by the Volkswagen Foundation to run the DJI-based Research Group ‘Multi-local Families’ Exploring work-related and post- separation issues among this target group, the team conducted quantitative secondary data analyses and two ethnographic studies Her theoretical and empirical research interests focus on the geography of family and work; migration, mobilities and multi-locality; gender, space and time; everyday life practices; and qualitative methodology

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Julie   Vullnetari is Lecturer in Human Geography at the University of Southampton where she specializes in teaching population studies and the geog- raphy of post- socialist societies Her research interests focus around migration and development; the interactions between migration, gender and age; and Romani communities More recently she has been researching everyday life during the communist era in Albania She is the author of two books: Albania

on the Move: Links between Internal and International Migration (2012); and Remittances, Gender and Development (2011, joint with Russell King) Her

articles have been published in several journals, amongst which are Global Networks , International Migration , Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies and Population, Space and Place

Sarah   van Walsum (18 February 1955–14 November 2014) was known for

her research on transnational family relations and law, women and migration law, as well as the position of migrant domestic workers She was Professor of Migration Law and Family Ties at the VU University Amsterdam Here she led the prestigious Netherlands organization for Scientifi c Research’s fi ve-year research programme Migration Law as Family Matter Her publications explored

tensions between states, families and individuals, including Th e Family and the Nation: Dutch Family Migration Policies in the Context of Changing Family Norms

(2008); Women and Immigration Law: New Variations on Classical Feminist

Th emes (2007) and articles in a range of journals such as European Journal of Migration and Law, International Migration and the European Journal of Social Security As a researcher, Sarah was dedicated to both working with practitio-

ners, such as trade union organizers, and combining empirical, sociological and historical work with legal analysis

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Table 3.1 Comparing three case studies of multi-local families 60 Table 7.1 Migration growth by route in Korea (stocks) 140 Table 7.2 Th e basic plan for ‘Multicultural Family Policy’:

Table 7.3 ‘Multicultural Family Policy’ across the family

life-course 148 Table 9.1 Respondent characteristics (at time of fi rst interview) 194

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© Th e Editor(s) (if applicable) and Th e Author(s) 2016

M Kilkey, E Palenga-Möllenbeck (eds.), Family Life in an Age of

Migration and Mobility, Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship,

DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-52099-9_1

1

Introduction: Family Life in an Age

of Migration and Mobility: Introducing

a Global and Family Life-Course

Perspective Majella   Kilkey and  Ewa   Palenga-Möllenbeck

Th e fi nal stages of our preparation of this volume coincided with the publication of an article in the Economist entitled ‘Frequent fl yers: Th e sad, sick life of the business traveller’ (A.W., Th e Economist August 17, 2015 ) Its authors refer to a recent study on ‘hypermobility’, which warns: ‘whilst aspects of glamorisation in regard to mobility are omnipresent in our lives, there exists an ominous silence with regard to its darker side’, such as health problems and social costs, including implications for family life and rela-tionships Even though the subjects of the study are members of a ‘mobile

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elite’, the by-now proverbial ‘one per cent’ of the global population, which

is compensated for such hardships with high incomes that, among other things, enable them to buy-in services from (migrant) nannies, maids and handymen, the authors make a case for demystifying hypermobility If, one may ask, the consequences of mobility are already harsh for the families of the ‘mobile elite’, then what about the costs for those less privileged? Th is

is an important question to ask since mobility is neither the preserve of a global elite nor restricted to the world of business

In this edited volume, we consider the implications of mobility beyond that small group of the ‘one per cent’, predominantly consisting of white men from the so-called Global North, circulating in the globalized world

of high fi nance, by focusing on a more universal domain of the social world—family life Our starting point is that in an age of migration and mobility, not only do many facets of contemporary family life take place against the backdrop of intensifi ed movement in its various forms, but the practices of families themselves are deeply embedded in such movements

Th is book seeks to ‘make sense’ of the opportunities and challenges this poses for families and for academic, empirical and policy understandings

of ‘family’ To do so, we adopt three key analytical lenses: a migration and

mobilities lens, a global lens and a family life-course lens

We adopt both a migration and a mobilities lens to better capture,

fi rstly, the diff erent spatial scales across which contemporary family life is stretched, and secondly, the diff erent rhythms of movement implicated in the doing of families across spaces Th ere is by now a large body of schol-arship within migration studies on how international migration aff ects the formation, practices and experiences of families across the globe Th is

is typifi ed by research on transnational families, examining on the one hand, families in which parents (predominantly mothers) 1 and children are physically separated because migrating parents left their children in the country of origin (a poor country) due to constraints in the receiving country (a rich country) environment, such as restrictive migration poli-cies and precarious labour market positioning (e.g Abrego 2014 ; Dreby

2010 ; Hondagneu-Sotelo and Avila 1997 ; Kilkey et al 2014 ; Lutz and Palenga-Möllenbeck 2012 ; Mazzucato et al 2015 ; Parreñas 2001 ), and

on the other hand, families from the Global North 2 in which migrant adult children are separated from elder kin members who have remained

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in the ‘home country’ (e.g Baldassar et al 2007 ; Baldock 2000 ; Bryceson and Vuorela 2002 ; Gardner and Grillo 2002 ) 3 As reviewed thoroughly

by Michaela Schier (Chap 3 ), there is also a parallel body of scholarship within demography and family studies, examining families within single nation states, which are impacted by the division of households due to parental separation on the one hand (Ahrons 1979 ; Haugen 2010 ; Schier

2015 ; Smart et al 2001 ; Stewart 2007 ) and job-related mobility on the other (Bergström Casinowsky 2013 ; Hardill and Green 2003 ; Reuschke

2010 ; Schneider and Collet 2010 )

In this book, we use the concept of multi-local families to unsettle the

division between those bodies of scholarship—the fi rst focused on tional migration, the second on internal mobility—inviting consideration

interna-of the commonalities and diff erences between the experiences interna-of families separated by distance across diverse spatial scales A multi- locality perspec-tive, however, also requires a troubling of the international and the national

In respect of the former, and as is demonstrated in a number of the chapters

in this volume, it requires us to take account of the cross-national ment of persons that occurs without the presence of border controls; this

move-is uniquely relevant to the European context where European Union (EU) citizens have freedom of movement (FOM) rights between EU Member States In respect of the latter, a multi-locality perspective illuminates tran-sregional and intra-communal movements, scales that are particularly important in nation states with federal and or local systems of governance

In addition to capturing diff erent scales, combining migration and mobilities also captures diff erent rhythms of movement within which con-temporary practices around family life are embedded Th us, while migra-tion is commonly understood as an enduring and long-term movement (in offi cial statistics, migration relates to a movement that lasts at least one year), mobilities also incorporate moves which are more fl eeting and short term Including the latter invites us to focus, among other things,

on how family for some people is constituted through the practice monly referred to as ‘reproductive tourism’—a growing phenomenon (Inhorn and Gürtin 2011 ), but one which is rarely considered at the nexus

com-of migration and family studies

We also adopt a global lens on family life in an age of migration (Castles and

Miller 2009 ) and mobility (Urry 2007 ) Th is entails at its most basic, casting

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our geographical net wide to incorporate analysis of a range of societies

Th us, in relation to Europe, we include case studies from the East and West,

as well as the North and South, and beyond Europe, we focus on India, Philippines, South Korea, USA and Australia Some of those countries rarely appear in volumes, originating in Europe and North America, but as is dem-onstrated by Kim and Kilkey (Chap 7 ), who focus on the social reproduc-tive role of marriage migrants in South Korea, their inclusion can yield fresh insights for predominantly ‘Western’ theoretical frames A global perspective also requires situating examination of the meanings of migration and mobil-ity for family life within an understanding of global interdependencies and inequalities While the perennial divisions along the North–South global axis are critical here, the volume highlights some important nuances Th us, the chapter by Pande (Chap 6 ), for example, reveals how international migra-tion has contributed to the creation of an Indian middle-class diaspora in the USA, whose relative wealth compared to their immobile co-nationals, posi-tions them as major consumers of commercial surrogacy services ‘back home’

in India In addition to divisions between the so-called Global North and

South, the chapter is also attuned to relationalities within the Global North

and South, as well as within countries in each of those world regions Th e signifi cance of regional, as opposed to global, geographical inequalities, and the infl ection of geopolitical inequalities with other social divisions including gender, social class, age and migrant status are points collectively captured

in the chapters by Palenga-Möllenbeck and Lutz (Chap 10 ), Gavanas and Calzada (Chap 11 ) and King and colleagues (Chap 12 ), which highlight such divisions within the EU

Our third and fi nal lens is that of the family life-course Th is brings, fi rst

of all, another aspect of temporality into migration studies, a fi eld which is predominantly concerned with spatial aspects As has been stated elsewhere, research on family migration cannot succeed without adopting an intergen-erational, life-course perspective that takes diff erent life stages of individuals into consideration (King et al 2006 ) A family life-course perspective has micro and macro dimensions (Griffi ths et al 2013 ) On the micro level, there is the subjectivity of time or, more specifi cally, its relational and emo-tional dimensions On the macro level, there is the role of states in the social management of time, for example, through policies that deny or grant individuals access to a certain legal status according to certain time frames

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An understanding of migration and mobility as dynamic processes

includes an acknowledgement that such dynamism is present within each

stage of the family life-course as well as across the diff erent stages, an vation that becomes apparent in the chapter by Gavanas and Calzada, which explores the experiences of Swedish retirement migrants in Spain through the lens of ageing As Wall and Bolzman ( 2014 : 62) argue, migra-tion and mobility processes need to be seen ‘in relation to contextual fac-tors such as life conditions, inequalities or migration policies’, which are also rarely static Th us, the meanings of family life in an age of migration and mobility are examined in many of the chapters in this volume against the backdrop of wider social change, including in the realms of technol-ogy, politics, economics, demography, social policies and migration law Secondly, a family life-course perspective invites us to use the con-cept of social reproduction—the production and reproduction through-out the life course of people as physical and social beings (Kofman and Raghuram 2015 ) Th is incorporates, on the one hand, family building through relationship formation and procreation, and on the other hand, the ongoing care required in the maintenance of people on a daily and intergenerational basis In other words, ‘it entails taking account of how families are formed, procreate and care over time’ (Kilkey 2013 : no page number) Following Kofman ( 2012 ), we argue that putting social repro-duction at the centre of analysis leads us to examine a range of migration and mobility circuits, including ones that are often dealt with by separate bodies of scholarship As Kofman argues ( 2012 : 144), ‘[R]eproduction takes place not just through labor processes and clear-cut economic migration, but also through other circuits of migration such as marriage, which create new families as well as the reunifi cation of existing ones.’

obser-Th is volume examines how reproductive and social reproductive aspects

of family life are increasingly mobile, in terms of where they take place and who does them, across four stages of the family life-course—biological reproduction, relationship formation (i.e marriage), childrearing during working life and fi nally, ageing Th us, chapters focus on issues such as international reproductive tourism, transnational parenting, ‘mail order brides’ and ‘sunset migration’ Our intention is to develop understanding

of the continuities and discontinuities between each stage in their lying processes and implications for the (re)confi guration of family life

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In examining the intersection between migration/mobility and family life, this volume pays particular attention to the policy and legal contexts at subnational, national, supranational and transnational levels, which frame family life in an age of migration and mobilities Th us, we seek to demon-strate the ways in which legal and policy analyses can contribute to theo-retical and empirical understanding of migration, mobilities and family life We also set out to identify the weaknesses and gaps in current legal and policy frameworks, their impacts for individual families and broader pat-terns of inequalities, and the kinds of policy and legal reframings required

to create a more conducive environment for family life on the move

Th e volume comprises a further 14 chapters Th e fi rst three of those focus on diff erent scales of multi-local family living, considering in par-ticular the mediating role of technological developments, especially in the

fi eld of Internet and communication technologies Th e following seven chapters are concerned with exploring family and globalized (social) repro-duction across the family life-course, with contributions relating to biolog-ical reproduction, marriage, childrearing during working life and ageing While all of the chapters address relevant policy dimensions, the last two substantive chapters deal more concretely with broader policy debates con-cerning family life in an age of migration and mobility

Chapter Overview

Chapter 2 , by Loretta Baldassar , invites us to consider family life under conditions of increased migration and ever more diverse forms of mobility, in conjunction with another contemporary social change—the growth in new media (Internet-based communication) and information and communication technologies Baldassar focuses specifi cally on how caregiving—one of the central practices of family life—is sustained (or not) across geographical distance through the use of these new technolo-gies Th e concept of ‘care circulation’ (Baldassar and Merla 2014a ) is pre-sented as a methodological framework to capture all the actors involved in family life, as well as the full extent of their care activity, including practi-cal, emotional and symbolic, that defi nes their membership in a family

Th is, Baldassar argues, helps avoid the implicit normative privileging of

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certain types of care and caregiving relationships over others, especially proximate and hands-on care, which often forms a roadblock to valu-ing distant caregiving practices and the capacity of new communication technologies to facilitate these Th e chapter draws on fi ndings from two empirical studies on distant families that cover two diff erent spatial scales

of analysis and caregiving at two diff erent stages of the family life-course: the fi rst, on transnational family caregiving in the context of Australian immigration, which tends to produce families in which migrants live with their children but are separated from ageing parents; and the second, on so-called Fly-In-Fly-Out families, increasingly common among person-nel employed in the mining industry, particularly in Western Australia, and entailing a commute arrangement where (almost exclusively male) workers are fl own into the mine site on a roster system while their wives and children live many thousands of miles away in the capital city, Perth

In bringing these two very particular sets of empirical fi ndings together, Baldassar shifts the focus from the predominant emphasis in scholarship

at the intersection of family and migration studies on family caregiving

across borders to family caregiving across distance

Chapter 3 , by Michaela Schier , explicitly advocates such a shift for

its potential to contribute to theoretical refl ections on families scattered across geographical space by highlighting the points of convergence and divergence in the situations, practices and needs of these family arrange-ments Schier introduces the concept of multi-local families to explicitly capture the increasing diverse spatial scales over which people ‘do family’

on an everyday basis in the context of rising job-related mobility, parental separation and migration She draws on fi ndings from two ethnographic studies of German middle-class multi-local families with young children, which, as a result of professional or personal reasons, organize their lives

on three spatial scales: transnational, transregional and intra-communal Schier fi nds important commonalities in the arrangements developed to manage family life, which include establishing space-spanning networks

of social relations and manifold specifi c practices that aim to handle the multi-sited relationships As in Baldassar’s studies, new media and commu-nication technologies play a signifi cant role across all family types because they fulfi l multiple functions that support organizing, communicating, settling confl icts, socializing, and expressing emotions More specifi cally,

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in the case of these very mobile families, portable technical devices (e-book readers, smartphones, tablets, etc.) are turned to in order to reduce lug-gage, especially children’s, when on the move Schier also fi nds impor-tant diff erences, however Th us, transnational multi-local families face additional challenges emerging from legal, administrative, cultural and language discrepancies between states At the same time, though, Schier’s

fi ndings point to the importance of regional borders too Th us, in a alist state such as Germany, families living their lives simultaneously across more than one region are confronted with diff erent local welfare and edu-cational systems, as well as cultural diff erences, for example, between rural and urban lifestyles She concludes, therefore, that when examining the experiences of multi-local families, it is important to scrutinize not only the jurisdictional and cultural contexts of the nation state, but also other levels of governance regimes and cultural contexts

Chapter 4 , by Mirca Madianou , continues the examination of the

role played by new communication technologies in ‘doing family’ across distance, focusing specifi cally on transnational mothering among Filipino migrant care workers, the by-now archetypal case of transnational families

in the context of the feminization of migration and the growing national division of domestic and care labour Drawing on a seven-year long comparative and multi-sited ethnography of long-distance commu-nication within Filipino transnational families living between the UK and the Philippines, which encompasses not just interviews with transnational families but also a broader ethnography of institutions that deal with and regulate migration in the Philippines, Madianou seeks to extend explo-ration of the relationship between new communication technologies and transnational families beyond a focus on micro family dynamics, anal-ysed as practices of ‘polymedia’, to consider the cumulative consequences

inter-of such technologies for the phenomenon inter-of migration per se Th us, she argues that the increasing ‘taken-for-grantedness’ of transnational com-munication in Filipino social life, made possible because of the availabil-ity and aff ordability of new media, is emerging as an important catalyst for the transformation of Filipino patterns of migration and migratory experiences Madianou’s fi ndings show that migrants increasingly justify decisions relating to migration and settlement on the availability of trans-national communication In doing so, they echo an optimistic discourse

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about the role of communication technologies found in the Philippine public life, which, despite widespread evidence that these technologies can-not address all the problems of family separation, has become implicated

in making female migration more socially acceptable in the Philippines, infl uencing the Philippine government’s long-standing labour-export/foreign remittances development strategy

Chapter 5 , by Lauren Jade Martin , introduces us to yet another aspect

of new technologies—assisted reproductive technologies Progress in reproductive medicine is not only changing our understanding of fami-lies and their biological and social reproduction, but—as Martin’s chapter and the following chapter by Amarita Pande demonstrate—is also giving rise to international markets for reproductive services Th is renders the social and ethical consequences for all involved parties even more com-plicated Martin describes how parents-to-be from various regions of the world travel to the USA to make use of services such as in vitro fertilization (IVF), sex selection, surrogacy, or to purchase sperm or eggs In focusing

on the USA, Martin complicates analysis of the globalization of tive services, which usually centres on North–South fl ows She, thus, raises the critical question as to why the USA has become the most important destination of ‘reproductive tourists’ in the world, with a whole industry catering for their needs, even though the same services are being off ered in other, lower income, countries (e.g in India or the Czech Republic) for a quarter of the American price Martin analyses the reasons for the develop-ment of fertility tourism in the USA in terms of push and pull factors: the

reproduc-‘sending countries’ usually have legal restrictions on reproductive cine, while the American law is liberal Another trump card the American fertility industry plays while competing for solvent clients is the superior reputation of American health care

Chapter 6 , by Amarita Pande , introduces what could, the American

case notwithstanding, arguably be seen as the prototypical case of ductive tourism: the surrogacy industry in India Th e chapter is based on

repro-an ethnographic study conducted in the country’s largest commercial rogacy clinic over a period of eight years, which observed physicians, inter-national brokers, gestational mothers, their partners and intended parents Pande describes what she calls ‘kinship rituals’ both between gestational and genetic mothers and between mothers and children She argues that

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sur-the present laws and legal discourses around sur-the world privilege intended parenthood over gestational motherhood and tend to protect the privacy

of intended parents at the expense of gestational mothers Further, Pande argues that the surrogacy market is based on the logic of contractual asso-ciation between equal partners, when reality clearly privileges one group of women over the other As her analysis shows, the relationships gestational mothers attempt to forge with children and intended mothers are strongly constrained by the clinic and usually terminated by the intended mothers

as soon as the contract is fulfi lled—rendering the bodily and emotional labour of gestational mothers invisible and unacknowledged

Chapter 7 , by Gyuchan Kim and Majella Kilkey , analyses

mar-riage migration policy in South Korea Family migrants and in particular (female) marriage migrants have become the most important migrant category in South Korea in the last 15 years Similar to labour migration,

it is, above all, Asians—Chinese, Vietnamese, Japanese and Filipinos—who migrate to South Korea as ‘migrant brides’ Th e authors show how the South Korean state attempts to address its growing demographic chal-lenges and care defi cits by recruiting and supporting marriage migrants who are implicitly expected to fulfi l certain (social) reproductive roles giving birth to the next generation and doing unpaid care work as wives, mothers and daughters-in-law As opposed to other migrant categories, such as labour migrants or students who are constrained by temporal or circular migration regimes, marriage migrants are supposed to settle and assimilate, and in return they receive full citizenship rights Th e fi ne-tuned social integration programmes under scrutiny in this chapter have been introduced to reduce the (often observed) risk of failure of international marriages and, as the authors show, obviously aim at assisting migrant brides in their expected (social) reproductive roles

Chapter 8 , by Lise Widding Isaksen , also focuses on migration and

mobility at the childbearing and childrearing stage of the family course but shifts our geographical gaze to the EU, in which mobility between member states is a right of all EU citizens under European FOM provisions consisting of free movement, residency and equal treatment in all fi elds, including social welfare In the context of the economic crisis and austerity-infl icting Southern European countries in the aftermath of the 2007–8 Global Financial Crisis, increasing numbers of citizens from

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