A_Corpus-based_Approach_to_Emotion metaphor in korean

To this end, the current study identiies and examines Korean metaphorical expressions through a conceptual analysis, supported by both quantitative and qualitative methods, and aims to i

his is a contribution from Review of Cognitive Linguistics 11:1

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metaphors in Korean

A case study of anger, happiness, and sadness

Ebru Türker

Arizona State University1

he major goal of this study is to investigate conceptual emotion metaphors of Korean, particularly those of ANGER, HAPPINESS, and SADNESS, by utilizing

a corpus-based analysis he universality of conceptual metaphors continues to

be a controversial topic in cognitive linguistics and thus, more cross-linguistic and language-speciic studies are needed to support the theoretical framework

of the Conceptual Metaphor heory (CMT) To this end, the current study identiies and examines Korean metaphorical expressions through a conceptual analysis, supported by both quantitative and qualitative methods, and aims to ind out the types of concepts with which ANGER, HAPPINESS, and SADNESS are associated, and thus, to what extent these associations comprise primary (universal) and complex (cultural) metaphors, as suggested by the current view

of the CMT I argue that while it is important to distinguish between universal and cultural metaphors, the hierarchical mapping of variation also describes the characteristics of a language vis-à-vis universality or cultural speciicity Furthermore, I claim that the characteristics of metaphorical expressions should also be determined based on analysis of their occurrences in language use he data suggest a positive correlation between frequency and productivity Under-standing the frequency and productivity of emotion metaphors through analysis

of their occurrence in actual language use will allow better understanding and provide a basis for further investigation of native speakers’ cognitive styles and cognitive tendencies

Keywords: anger, conceptual metaphor, corpus linguistics, emotion, English, happiness, Korean, metaphor, metonymy, sadness, submetaphor

Review of Cognitive Linguistics 11:1 (2013), 73–144 doi 10.1075/rcl.11.1.03tur

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1 Introduction

he major goal of this study is to investigate conceptual emotion metaphors of rean by utilizing a corpus-based analysis Emotions as well as emotion lexicons for each target domain were determined by a case study conducted prior to the corpus analysis In the case study, three basic emotions, ANGER, HAPPINESS, and SAD-NESS, and the most representative emotion lexicons were identiied to provide a basis for exploring a large number of metaphorical emotion expressions

Ko-his study contributes to the literature on conceptual metaphor theory as it lates to the study of emotion metaphors Most of the current research on emotion concepts has focused on English; only a few studies have been conducted on other languages (Barcelona & Soriano, 2004, on Spanish; Kövecses, 2010, on Hungar-ian; Matsuki, 1995, on Japanese; Mikołajczuk, 1998, on Polish; Yu, 1995, 1998, on Chinese, inter alia) All of these studies apply conceptual metaphor theory within the framework of cognitive linguistics In conceptual metaphor theory, there is a strong belief in the universality of conceptual metaphors, considering that concep-tual metaphors are grounded in correlated human thought and experiences, and that they are not language-speciic (Johnson, 1987; Kövecses, 1986; Lakof, 1987; Lakof & Johnson, 1980; Lakof &Turner, 1989) he universality of conceptual metaphors is still an ongoing research topic in cognitive linguistics, and although the inventors of the conceptual metaphor theory (Lakof, 1993; Lakof & Johnson,

re-1980, inter alia) rarely refer to languages other than English, their claims point to the idea that the most basic metaphors are universal As evidence for such claims, they note that the same conceptual metaphors may exist in diferent languages and function in the same way in the sense that they are grounded in our human physical experience Several important studies have suggested that human emo-tions, which are abstract in nature, are largely understood and expressed by meta-phorical expressions, but the evidence provided in most previous studies comes from the English language (Kövecses, 1986, 1988, 1990, 1991; Lakof, 1987; Lakof

& Johnson, 1980; Lakof & Kövecses, 1987) he main idea is that because phorical thought has a close relationship with bodily experience and brain func-tion and we think that all human beings share more or less similar experiences,

meta-we should expect to see similar metaphors in other languages and cultures around the world However, more cross-linguistic studies are needed to provide further evidence of the universality and variation of conceptual metaphors Furthermore, several scholars (Gibbs, 1994, p 206; Palmer, 1996, p 107) have suggested that universality and cultural variation should be considered not with an “either/or” view, but rather with an integrated and balanced approach hat is, while the bodi-

ly bases of language and cognition are more likely to be widespread or universal, the choice of variations from among many possible options within the nature of

bodily experiences depends largely on cultural understanding and interpretation (Yu, 2008, 2009) Gibbs (1999, p 155) indicates that “embodied metaphor arises not from within the body alone, and is then represented in the minds of individu-als, but emerges from bodily interactions that are to a large extent deined by the cultural world.” hus, variations in universality and culture-speciicity constitute the general experiential basis of conceptual metaphors based on the interaction between body and culture (Gibbs, 1999, 2003) In this particular study, adhering

to the newer version of conceptual metaphor theory that acknowledges the gration of universality and culture, I will be providing supporting evidence from Korean metaphorical expressions of emotions

inte-Although this is not a direct contrastive study with English due to the large scope of the analysis, the fact that I will mainly consider Korean emotion met-aphors in reference to the emotion metaphors of English as they are proposed

in the literature will bring many insights regarding similarities and diferences between the two languages I believe that it is important to highlight such simi-larities and diferences because these two languages belong not only to diferent language families but also to two distinct cultures, namely East and West

he main questions to be answered in this study are (i) what type of phorical expressions does Korean have for the concepts of ANGER, HAPPINESS, and SADNESS? and (ii) to what extent do the Korean data support the claim that emotion metaphors are universal or cross-linguistically common? In addition to these main questions, the study will also answer two more detailed questions: (iii) to what extent are these emotion metaphors productive and how frequent are they? and (iv) what are the implications of the productivity and frequency of the metaphors in regard to the integration of universality and culture?

meta-his paper proceeds as follows: First, I present a primary case study on tion lexicons of Korean followed by a description of the methodology and the scope of the study Second, I provide the main analysis of emotion metaphors of Korean in the order of ANGER, HAPPINESS, and SADNESS, applying both a corpus-based and an introspective approach In conclusion, I discuss the Korean corpus analysis results in connection with the universal and culture-speciic na-ture of metaphors

emo-2 Case study

In the case study conducted prior to the corpus analysis, I identiied three tion concepts: ANGER, HAPPINESS, and SADNESS he goals of the case study were threefold: (i) to collect the most representative sample of possible emotion-related words; (ii) to identify various emotion words, particularly synonyms or

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similarly associated ones for one emotion category (e.g happiness, joy for the piness-related emotion category); and (iii) to determine the frequency of the most commonly used emotion words I replicated Fehr and Russell’s (1984) methodol-ogy he participants were native speakers of Korean who had lived in the United States for less than ive years and who had completed a college degree in Korea

hap-he participants (N = 26; 11 males, 15 females) were given ive minutes to write down as many emotion-related words, regardless of grammatical category (e.g verb, adjective, noun, etc.), as they could

he results of the analysis are provided in Table 1 and Table 2 As Table 1 indicates, the results of the free-listing task show that emotion words related to HAPPINESS, ANGER, and SADNESS are the most prominent and frequent for

Table 1 Mean ratings for free-listing emotion terms

# of sample # of terms # of happiness

terms

# of anger terms

# of sadness terms

# of other terms

Table 2 Frequency ratings for free-listing emotion terms

bunno, buntong, bunnaem, bunhada (rage) 12 dapdaphada (choking) 6 jjajeung, jjajeungnada (annoyance) 12 nollada (surprised) 5 jeungo, jeungohada (infuriated) 8 museopda (fearful) 5

buranhada (anxiety) 5

jeulgeoum, jeulgeopda (enjoyable) 19 jing-geureopda (disgusting) 5 haengbok, haengbokhada (happy) 17 siljjeungnada (tired of doing) 4

heungbun, heungbundoeda (excitement) 6 useupda (ridiculous) 4

ttatteutada, ttaseuhada (warm) 4 jwajeolhada (frustrated) 4 sangkwaehada (refreshing) 4 honranseureopda (confusion) 4

SADNESS

uul, uulham, uulhada (gloom) 11

seoreoum, seoreopda (sorrow) 4

Korean native speakers he participants produced an average of 25.0 emotion words each he mean ratings were 5.3 for words in the category of happiness, 4.8 for anger, 3.3 for sadness, and 9.0 for various emotions outside of these three cat-egories Table 2 lists the emotion words in English and the Korean terms2 in italics based on order of frequency he frequency of occurrences of the emotion words assisted me in deciding which lexical items to choose for each target domain for the corpus analysis Overall the words used most frequently by the participants were seulpeum, seulpeuda (‘sad’; 26); gippeum, gippeuda (‘joyful’; 24); hwa, hwa-nada (‘anger’; 20); jeulgeoum, jeulgeopda (‘enjoyable’; 19); haengbok, haengbokha-

da (‘happy’; 17); silta, sireohada (‘dislike’; 13); bunno, buntong, bunnaem, bunhada (‘rage’; 12); jjajeung, jjajeungnada (‘annoyance’; 12); and uul, uulham, uulhada (‘gloom’; 11) hese words were additionally tested in the initial stage of the cor-pora analysis, and the ones that allowed more metaphorical patterns were chosen

as the representative lexical items for the target domains

3 Methodology and scope of the analysis

For this study, I utilized the Primary Corpus of the Korean National Corpus (KNC),3 which is a collection of modern Korean language in South Korea com-posed of both written and spoken texts he Primary Corpus includes corpora with various types of annotations; there is a grammatically tagged corpus (15,293,

877 eojul4), a parsed corpus (825,127 eojul), and a semantically tagged corpus (12,691,945 eojul) I have looked at the target lexical items in each of these three corpora, and I decided to use the semantically tagged corpus because it provides the most data of the sort that I need for this study

Because conceptual metaphors do not always contain speciic lexical items,

I chose two lexical items from the free-listing study to represent each target emotion, and then extracted sample occurrences of each item from the Korean corpus In deciding on the target lexical items, I found that more metaphorical expressions occur in the noun category than the verb category; thus I chose nouns for the lexical items For ANGER, I selected two lexical items, hwa and bunno, and their variations (e.g hwanada, hwanaeda, bunto) For HAPPINESS, the two lexical items I chose were haengbok and gippeum, with the variations of gippeu (e.g gippeo, gippeul) And for SADNESS, I selected uul and seulpeum, along with seulpeum’s variations (e.g seulpeo)

he analysis was conducted with the following procedures First, I collected all the target lexical items used in the corpus, discarding the homonyms he words or phrases that contain the target lexical items are included, along with a note of their distribution across registers or word classes Here an issue arose as

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to whether or not to code the lexical items as belonging to metaphorical or eral registers As I am dealing with abstract concepts (emotions), the expressions themselves already indicate abstract concepts, and thus the distinction between concrete and abstract usage was not applicable in coding the metaphors here-fore, expressions simply verbalizing emotions in a straightforward way, such as hwanasseoyo ‘I was angry’, haengbokhaeyo ‘I am happy’, and seulpeosseoyo ‘I was sad’ were considered to be used literally, and eliminated from the data Such uses manifest basic meanings and do not demonstrate any metaphorical mappings Furthermore, the analysis does not consider whether the metaphors under study are explicitly metaphorical (as in simile, analogy, and so on) or implicitly meta-phorical (as in substitution and ellipsis)

lit-Second, the expressions that were coded as metaphors were then examined

in terms of how they were integrated into a context his was done to decide if they represented instances of metaphor as a matter of cross-domain mapping in the conceptual structures that are expressed in language To say that metaphors

in language are the product of conceptual cross-domain mapping, their tic relation with linguistic expressions, as well as their experiential and cultural motivations, have to be explained in such a way that they can be identiied by the type of inference structures that exist between source and target domains he expressions were checked to see whether the mappings provided a fully-ledged referential baseline between the target and source domains Detailed elucidations

linguis-of such metaphorical mappings are provided for the metaphorical expressions that are discussed throughout the analysis

he semantically tagged corpus provided 2,172 tokens (1,343 for hwa and 829 for bunno) for the concept of ANGER; 4,178 tokens (2,179 for haengbok and 1,999 for gippeum) for the concept of HAPPINESS; and 1,910 tokens (583 for uul and 1,327 for seulpeum) for the concept of SADNESS, including both literal and meta-phorical meanings hese tokens yielded 593 metaphorical patterns for ANGER,

952 for HAPPINESS, and 562 for SADNESS Next, I grouped these metaphorical patterns into source domains (e.g UP, FIRE, HEAT, etc.) and for each source do-main, the data were further analyzed to ind various features such as entailments

or speciications within each domain In the last step, I created a detailed tion for each source domain, providing hierarchical information, describing the relation with other metaphors and metonymies, and examining the motivation of the mappings by investigating further semantic, cultural, social, and physiological evidence

explana-In investigating these three emotional concepts, I witnessed a number of principles of conceptual metaphor theory (Lakof, 1993) One of them is an in-heritance hierarchy between mappings he hierarchy allows a number of meta-phors to be connected under one general concept and enables complex coherence

across metaphors he reason that I have observed a number of mappings ring in all three emotional concepts is that these mappings are subsumed under a central metaphor for EMOTION concepts his is in accordance with Kövecses’s earlier works (Kövecses, 1998, 2000, inter alia), where he presented a number of central metaphors of EMOTION and their source domains that apply to all/most/some emotion concepts Naturally, the hierarchy can also be examined within each emotional concept It is important to note that simultaneous mappings can occur within one emotion concept As Lakof (1993, pp 218–219) points out, it

occur-is possible that two diferent parts of a metaphorical expression can make use of two distinct metaphorical mappings at once while focusing on diferent aspects

of the target domain, thus creating a simultaneous mapping Likewise, I detected many simultaneous mappings (32 for ANGER, 53 for HAPPINESS, and 14 for SADNESS) in which metaphorical expressions came from more than one meta-phorical source domain In short, I observed metaphorical mappings occurring

in each of the emotion concepts, namely ANGER, HAPPINESS, and SADNESS,

as well as mappings that fell into more than one source domain within a single emotion concept

As mentioned earlier, the main purpose of this research is to identify tion metaphors in Korean, particularly for ANGER, HAPPINESS, and SADNESS Moreover, this study will provide both qualitative and quantitative information about both Korean and English, although the main focus is on Korean I will not only examine similar and diferent metaphors that exist in both languages, but also describe the elaborations and the speciications of the Korean metaphors However, this study will not provide any comparison of the degree of conceptual elaboration or degree of linguistic conventionalization because of the large num-ber of metaphors I am dealing with Neither will I make any quantitative compari-son between the two languages, for two reasons (i) Although this corpora analysis allows the identiication of a large number of mappings, it still excludes other emotion metaphors that do not contain the target lexical items herefore, future studies should analyze more lexical items in order to make more generalizable claims about the overall structure of the Korean emotion concepts And (ii) the only potentially comparable corpora analysis for English is Stefanowitsch’s (2006) metaphorical pattern analysis he current analysis was conducted in a similar manner; however, the two studies difer in two ways First, Stefanowitsch limited his analysis to a sample of 1,000 occurrences for each target lexical item, whereas

emo-I did not set a limit in order to ind the greatest possible number of metaphorical variations Second, Stefanowitsch’s metaphorical pattern analysis considers only one lexical item for each emotion, whereas I chose two lexical items, again to gather as much metaphorical data as I could For these reasons, a quantitative comparison between the two languages is not possible

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4 Corpora analysis of ANGER for Korean

hrough the corpora analysis, I was able to detect 626 metaphorical patterns (658 including simultaneous mappings) for hwa and bunno on the concept of ANGER hese mappings, listed in Table 3, were identiied solely based on these two lexi-cal items, which both can be translated as anger in English I do not make any distinction in their English translation because the semantic diference does not matter in this analysis he metaphorical patterns vary in the occurrences of these

Table 3 he comparison of ANGER metaphors in Korean and English

two lexical items Some mappings allow them to be used interchangeably whereas others allow one but not the other he mappings that are listed in (1) to (13) are those that have also been discussed for English (Kövecses, 1986, 1990, 1995, 2000; Lakof, 1987; Lakof & Kövecses, 1987; Stefanowitsch, 2006); those listed

in (14) to (25) are additional anger metaphors found by Stefanowitsch (2006)

in his corpus analysis he ‘✓’ symbol indicates the existence of the metaphor in the language, while ‘x’ indicates the absence of the metaphor in that language Notice that the mappings listed in (8) and (11) are marked ‘x’ for English, because

in Stefanowitsch’s corpus analysis, these mappings were not identiied his does not mean that these metaphors do not exist in English; rather, it means that they did not appear when the metaphorical pattern analysis was restricted to one lexi-cal item, in this case, anger here is a possibility of inding such mappings with

a diferent lexical item (e.g rage) or even without a lexical item from the target domain he same is true for the Korean metaphors; the listed mappings are based only on the lexical items hwa and bunno he absence of a mapping from this list does not mean that the particular metaphor does not exist in Korean, only that this analysis did not detect it Moreover, I identiied further mappings for Korean, listed in (26) to (29), which are not mentioned in the literature for English he metaphor in (30) is a general metaphor, not a particular metaphor for the concept

of emotion he metaphors that I have identiied as occurring in Korean are cussed in Sections 4.1 and 4.2

dis-4.1 Anger metaphors shared by Korean and English

he ANGER IS HOT FLUID IN A CONTAINER metaphor [Source: HOT FLUID

IN A CONTAINER; Target: ANGER], one of the most commonly found pings in cross-linguistic studies, also exists in Korean Converging on the meta-phoric and metonymic principles, these conventionalized expressions constitute

map-a commonly known systemmap-atic conceptumap-alizmap-ation of ANGER in Koremap-an heir ontological and epistemic correspondences are very similar to those in English as described by Lakof and Kövecses (1987, pp 201–202) In general, the container

is considered the body, but there are cases in which the container can be certain parts of the body such as the heart or head (e.g (gaseum mitbadageseo) kkeureo-oreuneun bunno ‘anger boil up (from the bottom of X’s heart)’, gaseume deulkkeul-teon hwa ‘anger seething in X’s heart’) As the temperature of the luid increases, the intensity of the ANGER rises (e.g hwaga kkeulta ‘anger seethe on the sim-mer’) Much as in English, the luid can also be blood, which corresponds with ANGER (e.g bunnoga (bunnoui pi) deulkkeulta ‘anger (anger’s blood) seethe’, piga meoriro sotkkuchineun bunno ‘blood-raise-to-head anger’)

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he ANGER IS FIRE metaphor [Source: FIRE; Target: ANGER] is one of the general emotion metaphors for ANGER in Korean, as it is in English One of the lexical items that I investigate, the word hwa, is borrowed from Chinese and originally meant ‘ire’ he expression hwanada/hwaneda means ‘to be (become) angry’ hese are the two main patterns, with the highest frequency (excluding all overlaps, hwa has 374 occurrences and hwanada/hwaneda has 140 occurrences)

I decided to remove these patterns because these highly conventionalized sions have experienced a meaning change over time; the original meaning of ‘ire’ has nearly disappeared in native speakers’ minds, and the expression is now used

expres-to denote simply the emotion of ANGER Apart from this particular case, the ANGER IS FIRE metaphor expresses the rising of anger (e.g nuneseo bunnoui bulkkiri taoreuda ‘lame of anger spark in X’s eyes’), the start of anger (e.g hwa-

ga yeolbulnada ‘anger break out’, gaseume bunnoui bureul jireuda ‘set anger’s ire into the/X’s heart’), anger’s intensity (e.g hwalhwal taoreuneun bunno ‘vigorously burning anger’), its range (e.g bunnoga onmomeul bultaeuda ‘anger burn whole body’), and its disappearance (e.g bunnoga/hwaga sageureojida ‘anger melt away’, hwagiga gara-anta ‘anger ire sink/calm down’) he metaphorical expressions re-lated to these mappings constitute a systematic conceptualization very similar to that in English, as described by Lakof and Kövecses (1987, pp 202–203) Fur-thermore, the Korean data include two linguistic expressions that are novel, and thus not frequent, involving smoke, which I consider to belong to the ANGER IS FIRE metaphor As a submetaphor, the SMOKE mapping [Source: SMOKE; Tar-get: ANGER] indicates the beginning stage of ANGER (e.g bunnoga pieo-oreuda/pieonada ‘anger ascend/rise’), rather than the inal stage, as an entailment of our conventional knowledge of ire he corresponding knowledge for this mapping is that smoke rises from a ire prior to the occurrence of lames Although it seems natural to make such an association between ire and smoke, this mapping has not been detected or discussed either for English or in other cross-linguistic studies

he ANGER IS AN OPPONENT IN A STRUGGLE metaphor [Source: PONENT; Target: ANGER] also yields a wide variety of conventionalized expres-sions, focusing mainly on the issue of controlling the ANGER (Lakof & Kövecses,

OP-1987, pp 205–206) With this metaphor, ANGER is viewed as the opponent in

a struggle, with the angry person being viewed as the defender Motivated by both ontology and knowledge, identiied mappings highlight winning over the anger (e.g bunnoreul/hwareul igiji motada ‘X cannot win over anger’), control/loss of control or suppression of the ANGER (e.g bunnoreul/hwareul eognureuda

‘X control/suppress anger’, bunnoreul/hwareul sagida ‘X mitigate/resolve anger’), dealing with ANGER (e.g bunnoreul/hwareul chamda ‘X bear with anger’, hwaga naseo gyeondil su eopda ‘X be unable to bear anger’), losing anger or surrender-ing to ANGER (e.g bunnoe sarojapida ‘X get caught by anger’, bunnoga gamssada

‘anger surround X’), and lessening ANGER (e.g bunnoreul/hwareul gara-anchida

‘X’s anger sink/calm down’) hese mappings are also similar to English spondences

corre-In the case of the A NATURAL FORCE metaphor [Source: NATURAL FORCE; Target: ANGER], Korean also displays a number of metaphorical expres-sions in which natural phenomena correspond with ANGER by conceptualizing the experience or the image of natural phenomenon he metaphorical instantia-tions mainly focus on conceptualizing ANGER as a natural phenomena such as wind, thunder, waves, etc., manifesting related aspects (e.g bunnoga hwimorachi-

da ‘anger blow violently’, bunnoui gyeongryu ‘violent stream of anger’), lability involving wind and clouds (e.g bunnoro soyongdorichida ‘low in whirls with anger’, hwaga gureumeuro mollyeo-oda ‘anger come in locks with clouds’), and arising out of active motions associated with waves and water (e.g bunnoui illeongimeul neukkida ‘X feel sway/wave of anger’, bunnoui mulgyeol/mulsal ‘wave

uncontrol-of anger’) As a result, the self becomes passive and helpless under the efect uncontrol-of this extremely powerful entity (e.g wind, waves, water, etc.) just as physical objects are passive and helpless in relation to powerful natural forces acting on them, as noted by Kövecses (2008a, p 384)

he SOCIAL SUPERIOR metaphor is a general metaphor for emotion that

is applicable to the concept of ANGER as ANGER IS A SOCIAL SUPERIOR [Source: SOCIAL SUPERIOR; Target: ANGER] he main notion of this meta-phor is that emotion is a socially superior being, while the self is a social inferior

to be controlled by the emotion (Kövecses, 2000, p 71) A social superior, namely emotion, has long-term control over an inferior in such a way that the inferior unconditionally obeys the superior, acting from emotion, not reason herefore, this metaphor mainly denotes a certain kind of person behaving emotionally, rather than an event or state caused by emotion he Korean data include igu-rative expressions that represent such relations for the concept of ANGER (e.g bunnoe sarojapida ‘X get caught by anger’, bunnoga onmomeul hwigamda ‘anger twine round (whole body)’) hese igurative expressions denote that ANGER has full control while the self is losing strength and has no choice other than to obey the socially superior being In Stefanowitsch’s (2006) analysis, similar expressions were categorized under an OPPONENT IN A STRUGGLE mapping along with other linguistic expressions, while I have categorized these expressions under both mappings

Korean yields an extensive amount of various linguistic expressions, each with

a signiicant number of realizations, for indicating the intensity of emotion he INTENSITY metaphor is discussed by Kövecses (2000, pp 41–42) as a more gen-eral metaphor that can be applied to emotion concepts with a number of source domains, such as INTENSITY IS AMOUNT/QUANTITY, INTENSITY IS HEAT,

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INCREASE IN THE INTENSITY IS GROWTH, and INTENSITY IS STRENGTH

OF EFFECT In this case, naturally, the INTENSITY metaphor itself is also sidered a submetaphor of the two bigger metaphors, namely HOT FLUID IN A CONTAINER and SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAINER UNDER PRESSURE he INTENSITY metaphor is closely related with these two metaphors, considering the various aspects of the movement of luid (or gas) contained in a pressured container Such close relations are well-known in the literature; however, in order

con-to focus on source domains of the INTENSITY metaphor, I composed a separate category Combining its various “simple” or “primary” source domains enables the INTENSITY metaphor to be a complex metaphor where each source domain highlights a diferent aspect of this metaphor Korean demonstrates all these source domains with a wide range of metaphorical expressions and demonstrates the complexity of the INTENSITY metaphor for the concept of ANGER For in-stance, in the case of the INTENSITY OF ANGER IS AMOUNT/QUANTITY metaphor [Source: AMOUNT/QUANTITY; Target: INTENSITY OF ANGER], the linguistic expressions describe the amount and quantity of ANGER accord-ing to its degree, size, and density in a number of conventional expressions that involve limits (e.g kkeudeomneun bunno ‘limitless anger’, muhanhan bunno ‘ini-nite anger’), greatness (e.g keodaran bunno ‘huge anger’), density (e.g bunnoreul jeungpoksikida ‘X amplify anger’, bunnoga chukjeokdoeda ‘anger accumulate’) and severity (e.g gyeokhan/gyeokryeolhan bunno ‘violent anger’, simhan bunno ‘severe anger’) he INTENSITY OF ANGER IS AMOUNT/QUANTITY metaphor is further represented by conceptual mappings based on a scale, mainly in terms of high to low, which is derived from physical experience as well as image-schema Highlighting mainly the two opposite ends, high and low, the metaphor addresses reaching the extreme end or limits in both directions to emphasize the intensity of ANGER in relation to two metaphors, namely MORE IS UP and LESS IS DOWN his conceptualization is also closely related with and needs to be considered as part of other metaphorical domains, such as the ANGER IS A HOT FLUID IN

A CONTAINER metaphor he hot luid, metaphorically representing the GER inside the container, namely the body, can rise up or go down depending

AN-on the intensity of the emotiAN-on In Korean, this aspect of intensity is exhibited

by a wide range of highly frequent metaphorical expressions he intensity of the ANGER is most oten associated with high, connoting the level of ANGER (e.g bunnoga deunoptta ‘(level of) anger be high’), arising (e.g bunnoreul bulleoireu-kida ‘X rouse anger’, bunnoreul/hwareul ireukida ‘X raise anger’, bunnoga ireonada

‘anger arise’), rising up (e.g hwaga dotda/hwareul (buk)doduda/dotguda ‘X’s ger come up (rise)/X raise (make higher) anger’, bunnoga/hwaga (meorikkeutk-kaji) sotkkuchyeo-oreuda/sosaoreuda ‘anger rise quickly (to the top of the head)’), reaching a climax (e.g bunnoga/hwaga geuge dalhada ‘anger reach the limit

an-(climax)’, bunnoga haneuleul jjireuda ‘anger scrape sky’) Even though the

majori-ty of these mappings involve the concept high, there are a few mappings ing the concept low, as the opposite end of this scale, both in English and Korean While UP indicates an increase in intensity, DOWN indicates a decrease in the intensity of ANGER (e.g bunnoga/hwaga sageurajida (sageuradeulda) ‘anger go down’) Moreover, while studies on English do not denote DEPTH as another domain of intensity, the Korean data do (e.g bunnoga gipeojida ‘anger get deeper)

manifest-he concept of DEPTH, difering from DOWN, signiies an increase in intensity regarding its amount his conceptualization of ANGER’s intensity evokes the ex-perience of covertly nurturing something, perhaps as a seed is planted deep in the ground before it can grow into a plant

According to Kövecses (2000, pp 41–42), HEAT is also considered one of the source domains of intensity Because emotions are oten conceptualized as temperature (Kövecses, 2000), we can consider that the ANGER IS HEAT/COLD metaphor is a submetaphor of the INTENSITY OF ANGER IS HEAT metaphor

he corpora analyses of Korean and English (Stefanowitsch, 2006) reveal that the ANGER IS HEAT/COLD metaphor [Source: HEAT/COLD; Target: INTENSITY

OF ANGER] does exist in both languages, though it has not been discussed in the literature much In this metaphor, the focus is particularly on the temperature of the body in relation to the intensity of ANGER (e.g bunnoro tteugeopge daraoreu-

da ‘X get hot with anger’, hwaga na onmomi hukkeungeorida ‘X’s whole body get heated with anger’) Considering the more general metaphors such as ANGER IS FIRE or ANGER IS HOT FLUID IN A CONTAINER, this use of heat is not sur-prising Furthermore, in both languages, coldness also emphasizes the intensity of ANGER (e.g momi bunnoro chagapge sikda ‘X’s body cool of/become cold with anger’) although more of the mappings in this domain are associated with heat Both aspects, HEAT and COLD, give rise to metaphorical expressions related to the physiological reactions of the body, and thus the mappings are motivated by the PHYSIOLOGICAL AND EXPRESSIVE RESPONSES OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMOTION metonymy, suggested by Kövecses (2000, p 134).Moreover, the source domain of TENSION portrays anger as an indication of INTENSITY [Source: TENSION; Target: INTENSITY OF ANGER],which can be conceptualized as tightening (e.g bunnoga mogeul joeda ‘anger tighten up throat’)

or releasing (e.g hwaga pullida ‘anger become loosened (relieved)’, hwapuri hada

‘X make anger-relief (vent one’s wrath)’), as ways to exhibit the event (state) of increasing or decreasing the intensity of ANGER I propose that this mapping can

be considered a product of the INCREASE IN THE INTENSITY IS GROWTH (OF TENSION), and the INTENSITY IS STRENGTH OF EFFECT metaphors discussed by Kövecses (2000, pp 41–42)

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he Korean data furthermore demonstrate that the source domain of COLOR has an aspect of relecting the INTENSITY of ANGER he COLOR domain is introduced in more detail in the following section as a general source domain; however, the igurative expressions that manifest intensity through their color features are the ones that require particular focus here In the Korean data, it is mostly the color red that is associated with ANGER, and moreover, the tone of the color is associated with the intensity of the ANGER he intensity is expressed with the tone of the color in such a way that if the color darkens or deepens (e.g bunnoga/hwaga geombukta ‘anger be blackish red’, bunnoro eolguri sippeolgaejida

‘turn deep red with anger’), the intensity of this emotion increases [Source: TONE

OF THE COLOR; Target: INTENSITY OF ANGER] To make this distinction possible, the Korean language has a unique feature, so-called sound symbolism, where bright (a and o) vs dark vowels (eo, u, and eu) as well as plain vs tensed consonants (e.g b vs pp) provide contrast; for instance, the word for red has many lexical variations: balgata (+bright vowel) (with bright vowel), beolgeota (–bright vowel) (with dark vowel), and also ppalgata (+bright vowel) (with tensed consonant) Dark vowels in color terms suggest dark feelings, as the tone of the color is dark, whereas bright vowels suggest brighter colors and associated feel-ings Tensed consonants represent a greater intensity and vividness of the color as compared to the same term with the regular consonant (i.e ppalgata vs balgata)

In the case of ANGER, red is associated with dark tones (e.g eolguri bunnoro beolgeotge daraoreuda ‘X’s face get red-hot with anger’).5 Moreover, red is not the only color associated with ANGER in Korean When the intensity of ANGER reaches the utmost point and there is a sense of scariness and sharpness, blue or

a dark blue color can also be associated with ANGER (e.g (hwaga naseo) eolguri bureurakpureurakhada ‘X’s face be alternately blue (pale) and red with anger’) In this case, I assume that this refers to the way our faces can look bluish when we turn very pale from emotion, another indication of the physiological changes that occur in people when they are angry hus, this physiological change manifests the creation of such linguistic expressions according to THE PHYSIOLOGICAL AND EXPRESSIVE RESPONSES OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMO-TION metonymy, as suggested by Kövecses (2000, p 134)

Another source domain of the INTENSITY metaphor is SPEED Kövecses (2005, p 27) discussed it as one of the source domains of ANGER metaphors, particularly for the complex conceptual metaphor ANGER IS A HOT FLUID

IN A CONTAINER, but he did not provide related metaphorical expressions for English In comparison to English, the INTENSITY IS SPEED metaphor [Source: SPEED; Target: INTENSITY OF ANGER] of Korean is fully conventionalized and frequently occurs as a source domain of linguistic expressions It highlights the speed of ANGER when it arises (e.g balkak/balkkak/beolkeok hwareul naeda/

hwaga nada ‘X suddenly be roused to anger’, ulkeok/beolkeok hwaga chimilda ‘get angry all of a sudden’), accumulates (e.g bulkkeun/balkkeun/gapjagi hwaga chi-milda ‘anger suddenly be illed’), rises (e.g bulkkeun hwaga chisotda ‘anger sud-denly soar/skyrocket’) and explodes (e.g balkkeun/bulkkeun/beoreok hwareul naeda ‘X burst out anger all of a sudden’, bulkkeunbulkkeun bunnoga chimireo oreuda ‘anger gush up with a burst’) hus, some of these metaphors are also listed

in the SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAINER metaphor, as they relect multiple pects simultaneously In Stefanowitsch’s (2006) analysis, the INTENSITY meta-phor was not indicated; rather, he categorized these metaphorical concepts in the source domains of HEAT/COLD and HIGH/LOW as a separate category, and he did not detect QUANTITY/AMOUNT, TENSION, COLOR, or SPEED source domains In my analysis, all of these source domains are categorized under a more general INTENSITY metaphor, and thus the combination of primary metaphors allows the INTENSITY metaphor to be a complex metaphor

as-Another metaphor that English and Korean share is the ANGER IS A FLUID/ SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAINER (UNDER PRESSURE) metaphor [Source: A FLUID/SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAINER (UNDER PRESSURE); Target: AN-GER] As Lakof and Kövecses (1987, p 199) point out, our extensive knowledge about the source domain enables us to exploit further details of that knowledge

in our metaphors; thus languages develop metaphorical entailments, and these constitute part of our conceptual system his particular metaphor has a number

of entailments related to this source domain, such as ANGER accumulating (e.g bunnoga (baessoge) chukjjeokdoeda ‘anger become accumulated (in stomach)’, illing up a container (e.g bunnoe (gadeuk) chada ‘X be/become full of anger’, bunnoga/hwa(gi)ga chimilda ‘anger well up’), releasing (e.g bunnoreul balsanhada

‘X release/difuse anger’, bunnoreul tohaenaeda ‘X disgorge anger’), and letting ANGER out of the container so that it can be seen (e.g bunnoreul pyohada ‘X express/show anger’, bunnoreul deureonaeda ‘X expose/disclose/uncover anger’)

If the container is conceptualized as closed, pressure builds and eventually ates an explosion (e.g bunnoreul/hwareul teotteurida ‘X blow up (explode, blast) anger’) Such entailments exist in both languages In some languages, for instance Chinese, the substance is considered a luid or gas inside a container that is the human body In the case of Korean, there is no such restriction; some igura-tive expressions imply luid or gas whereas some do not indicate any particular substance

cre-he Korean data also demonstrate tcre-he ANGER IS A LIQUID metaphor [Source: A LIQUID; Target: ANGER], similar to English; however, it manifests

in many fewer igurative expressions than in English he liquid metaphor is sumed under the EMOTION IS A LIQUID metaphor, in which the self gets af-fected by the emotion in a passive manner he two Korean linguistic expressions

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categorized in this mapping, bunnoe jamgida ‘X be soaked/submerged in anger’ and bunnoe jeojeo itda ‘X be wet with (soak in) anger’ demonstrate a concept of a self being immersed by anger compulsorily he feeling of ANGER metaphorical-

ly infuses into the experiencer while the experiencer interacts with the ANGER without resistance he source domain of LIQUID difers from the ANGER IS A FLUID/SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAINER (UNDER PRESSURE) mapping in that

no container is involved to contain the liquid/substance

Kövecses (2000, p 39) notes that metaphorical source domains of “light-dark” apply to the concept of HAPPINESS and SADNESS only However, the corpora analyses of Korean and English (Stefanowitsch, 2006) reveal that the ANGER IS LIGHT mapping [Source: LIGHT; Target: ANGER] does exist in both languages, although the Korean data yield fewer igurative patterns than English he only two such patterns I detected in the corpus are the ones relecting the conceptual-ization of ANGER as light or sparkling (e.g bunnoui bit ‘lash of anger’, nuni bun-noro beonjjeokbeonjjeokhada ‘X’s eyes sparkle with anger’), which is most likely be

an entailment of the ANGER IS FIRE metaphor, as ire can be related with light

he opposite mapping, ANGER IS DARKNESS [Source: DARKNESS; Target: ANGER] is also found in the Korean data, as well as in English (Stefanowitsch, 2006).However, compared to its counterpart in English, which yields more igu-rative expressions, this mapping in Korean yields only one linguistic expression (e.g nunmeon bunno ‘blind anger’) he DARKNESS and LIGHT mappings are not meant to be considered as having two contrastive meanings encoding oppo-site aspects Rather, I suggest that this expression is metonymically grounded in our conventional experiences: we know that when people get angry, they tend to lose their rationality and ability to act or think objectively, and thus their anger interferes with their ability to behave logically Furthermore, there may not be

a particular focus for their anger, rather the person’s anger is not directed, and thus they show their emotion to anyone, carelessly and under any circumstances hus, the PHYSIOLOGICAL AND EXPRESSIVE RESPONSES OF AN EMO-TION STAND FOR THE EMOTION metonymy (Kövecses, 2000, p 134) seems

to be associated with this igurative expression in which such behavioral ences and expressive responses motivate the mapping and enable the derivation

experi-of such metonymically motivated mapping

he DISEASE metaphor [Source: DISEASE; Target: ANGER] manifests rative expressions in both Korean and English ANGER is conceptualized as ill-ness, as represented in the expression hwabyeong ‘anger illness’, in which the rest

igu-of the mappings solely deal with the aspects igu-of being or getting ill (e.g geul alta ‘X be ill with anger illness’, hwabyeong geollida ‘X catch anger illness’) In English, it is possible to see further entailments of this mapping in Stefanowitsch’s (2006) analysis; however, Korean displays less variety for this mapping

hwabyeon-4.2 Anger metaphors existing in Korean but not English

In this section, I will present the metaphorical mappings of ANGER that occur in Korean but have not been identiied for English

he PHYSICAL AGITATION mapping [Source: PHYSICAL AGITATION; Target: ANGER] is suggested by Kövecses (2000, pp 80–81) as a general metaphor

of emotion with the EMOTION IS PHYSICAL AGITATION metaphor he rean data yield this mapping for the concept of ANGER, in which the entailments

Ko-of the mapping denote bodily agitations such as trembling, shivering, or shaking

As Kövecses pointed out, the scope of the mapping is “emotion → response” that

is involved with the “resultant action” part of the force schema where the response

is agitation arising from an emotion his source domain yields igurative sions denoting physical agitations (e.g bunno/hwaro(e) momeul tteolda (momi tteollida) ‘X’s body tremble with anger’, bunnoro budeulgeorida ‘X quiver with an-ger’) he source of the Korean igurative expressions is primarily metonymic, not metaphoric, associated with the physiological changes that occur in people when they are angry he physiology of ANGER involves various symptoms such as pounding heart, faintness, shaking, red face, stomachache, etc., where many peo-ple share similar reactions, and thus these physiological changes in fact become bodily experiences that are used in the creation of these linguistic expressions (Kövecses, 2005, p 4) he metonymic principle that motivates this mapping is THE PHYSIOLOGICAL AND EXPRESSIVE RESPONSES OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMOTION, as suggested by Kövecses (2000, p 134)

expres-I propose that the A Lexpres-IVexpres-ING ORGANexpres-ISM metaphor for anger [Source: Lexpres-IV-ING ORGANISM; Target: ANGER] is an emotion mapping of the EMOTION IS A LIVING ORGANISM metaphor described by Kövecses (2000, p 36) his source domain motivates linguistic expressions for the concept of ANGER in which AN-GER is conceptualized as a living entity while the self nurtures it he linguistic expressions manifest two random aspects, growing and putting to sleep (e.g bun-noreul kiuda ‘X grow anger’, bunnoreul jamjaeuda ‘X put anger to sleep’)

LIV-Color words can apply to emotions in general (Burgoon & Saine, 1978), but it

is hard to make any generalization across cultures Proposing the EMOTION IS COLOR metaphor, Goatly (2007, pp 230–232) suggests that the metaphor could

be motivated by the EFFECT-AS-CAUSE metonymy he COLOR mapping [Source: COLOR; Target: ANGER] associated with the ANGER concept mostly involves red in Korean (e.g eolguri bunnoro beolgeotge daraoreuda ‘X’s face get red-hot with anger’) and we can see that this lexical meaning seems to be moti-vated by this particular metonymy, THE PHYSIOLOGICAL AND EXPRESSIVE RESPONSES OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMOTION, as indicated earlier Getting a red face is another physiological change that happens to people

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when they get angry As a reaction to anger, the body sends more blood to the face of the skin, and thus the face becomes lushed his embodied experience has been useful as a resource in creating related igurative expressions, particularly the ones involving red, as red is the color of blood In addition, the Korean data demonstrate further related igurative expressions where the tone of the color is associated with the intensity of the ANGER, as discussed in the previous section And although it is not as common as the use of red, blue or a dark blue color can also be associated with the intensity of the ANGER, signifying a state of extreme rage (e.g (hwaga naseo) eolguri bureurakpureurakhada ‘X’s face be alternately blue (pale) and red with anger’, bunnoga sipeoreotge meorireul deulda ‘anger lit up its head black and blue (ghastly)’)

sur-he SOUND mapping [Source: SOUND; Target: ANGER] can be considered

a novel metaphor; appearing to be a very rare instance in Korean, it manifests in only one occurrence in the corpus data I consider that such an expression can

be a product of a bodily reaction when a person gets angry It is not unusual to see people making sound, such as screaming or shouting, as an expressive re-sponse when they are in a state of anger his metonymic reasoning is related with THE PHYSIOLOGICAL AND EXPRESSIVE RESPONSES OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMOTION metonymy

he Korean data do not display many of the event structure metaphors (Lakof, 1993, p 220) for the concept of ANGER he only related metaphor that I have detected is an existence-related metaphor, which indicates mostly the disap-pearance of the ANGER emotion and which I grouped into the NONEXISTENCE source domain, depending on the NONEXISTENCE IS ABSENCE metaphor Lakof and Kövecses (1987, p 210) listed similar metaphors for English and note that such mappings are independent of the rest of the ANGER system hus, I will leave these metaphors out of the scope of this study, but I will list the particular metaphorical patterns associated with them in the Appendix In Appendix A, I present all the metaphorical expressions of the concept of ANGER and their fre-quency

5 Corpora analysis of HAPPINESS for Korean

Utilizing the corpora analysis, I worked out 42 mappings for the concept of PINESS, listed in Table 4 I investigated 1,000 metaphorical patterns (1,053 in-cluding simultaneous mappings) based on two lexical items, namely haengbok and gippeum,which mean happiness in English, without making further distinc-tions intheir translation he mappings that are listed in (1) to (20) are those that appear in the literature on the HAPPINESS metaphors of English, whereas the

HAP-Table 4 he comparison of HAPPINESS metaphors in Korean and English

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ones listed in (21) to (28) are those only detected by Stefanowitsch’s (2006) lish corpus analysis I discovered additional mappings for Korean, listed in (29)

Eng-to (34), which are not shared by English Furthermore, I have identiied a number

of event-structure system (Lakof, 1993, pp 220, 225) metaphors for Korean and some image-schema metaphors (e.g container schema, source and goal schema, etc.), which are listed in (35) to (41) Metaphors marked as ‘x’ in items (3), (8), and (9) were not found by Stefanowitsch in his corpus analysis, but they are men-tioned in the other literature on English Metaphors that are marked with ‘–’, list-

ed in (16), (17), (18), (19), and (20), are also discussed in the other literature on English, but were not considered in Stefanowitsch’s corpus analysis As in Table 3, metaphors that are marked as ‘x’ in either language have not been found through the corpora analyses conducted for certain lexical item(s); however, it may be possible to ind such mappings with a diferent analysis In Sections 5.1 and 5.2, I briely describe the 41 mappings

5.1 Happiness metaphors shared by Korean and English

he HAPPINESS IS UP metaphor [Source: UP; Target: HAPPINESS], which is

a commonly traced metaphor in cross-linguistic studies, is also present in rean It reveals that the concept of happiness can be associated with orientation Erect posture implies a positive emotional state such as HAPPINESS whereas a drooping posture mostly indicates a negative emotional state such as SADNESS

Ko-or DEPRESSION (Lakof & Johnson, 1980, pp 15–16) Lakof and Johnson claim that such orientational metaphors are based on our physical and cultural experi-ences and can vary from culture to culture his source domain enables similar igurative expressions in Korean as in English (e.g gippeumi haneureul jjireuda

‘happiness soar to the sky/be sky-high’) Kövecses (1991, p 32) suggests that the motivation for conceptualizing HAPPINESS as upward-oriented may be ground-

ed in our experience of the action of jumping (up and down) associated with HAPPINESS hat is, when we are happy, we tend to be more active, as opposed

to being motionless, and even to jump up and down Moreover, he also suggests

a cultural motivation that can be related to religious belief In such a view, we imagine heaven to be located somewhere up in the sky, as opposed to hell, which

is located somewhere below us I did not ind any mapping indicating such a religious belief in the Korean data However, if one wishes to present a more con-textual and culturally related description, in addition to the basic and embodied motivation of this mapping, it is possible to bring up the Korean philosophical concept of eum yang, which is equivalent to the Chinese concept of yin and yang Eum represents the negative aspects of the world and yang represents the positive

aspects; together they depict the contrasts as well as the harmony within the verse In this philosophy, for instance, the earth is eum, the sky is yang, the moon

uni-is eum, the sun uni-is yang; the night uni-is eum, the day uni-is yang; and the winter uni-is eum, while the summer is yang Focusing on the earth and sky contrast, where sky can also be interpreted as heaven, we would expect to see a contrast in the case of the SADNESS and HAPPINESS concept; however, in the current analysis, there is no such contrast I believe that Lakof and Johnson’s claim about orientation provides

a better understanding for describing this source domain

he BEING OFF THE GROUND metaphor [Source: BEING OFF THE GROUND; Target: HAPPINESS] is similar to the UP metaphor as it also concep-tualizes the concept of HAPPINESS as having an upward orientation he data in Korean support this orientational metaphor (e.g gippeume deultteuda ‘X loat/levitate with joy’) Furthermore, this metaphor may be in part associated with birds Kövecses (1991, p 31) explains the relation between the BEING OFF THE GROUND metaphor and birds as having two reasons: irst, birds are typically seen in the air, that is, of the ground; second, birds are viewed as a symbol of free-dom; thus they are associated with HAPPINESS In regard to the irst motivation,

I have found similar expressions in Korean (e.g heangbogui nalgae ‘wings of piness’, gippeoseo nalgaereul pyeoda ‘X spread the wings due to happiness’) that contain implications corresponding to those found in English in regard to birds However, in the case of the second reason, rather than seeing birds as a symbol of freedom, Koreans believe that they symbolize hope and expectation

hap-he HAPPINESS IS LIGHT mapping [Source: LIGHT; Target: HAPPINESS]

is also one of the most prominent metaphors in cross-linguistic studies his aphor also exists in Korean, in which I have identiied many conventional linguis-tic expressions where HAPPINESS is conceptualized as light (e.g haengbogui bit

met-‘light/gleam of happiness’, haengbogui haeppit ‘sunshine of happiness’, chanranhan gippeum/haengbok ‘bright/brilliant happiness’) Kövecses (1991, p 30) suggests that this metaphor oten emerges against a background of unpleasant or negative emotional experiences In the Korean corpus, the unpleasant or negative emo-tional context is apparent for some expressions, but not all of them Some map-pings relect this contrast whereas others convey HAPPINESS emerging from a neutral emotional state (e.g gippeumeuro hwanhada/hwanhaejida ‘X be (become) bright with happiness’, gippeume eolguri hwanhaejida ‘X’s face become bright’)

he VITALITY metaphor [Source: VITALITY; Target: HAPPINESS]

express-es that HAPPINESS is conceptualized with energetic movement A similar notion seems to exist in the Korean data (e.g gippeume chungmanhada ‘X be full of vital-ity with happiness’, haengbogui hwalgi ‘vitality of happiness’) As Kövecses (1991,

pp 33–34) notes, the main emphasis of this metaphor is that a happy person is energetic and active and full of life

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Korean also contains the WARMTH metaphor [Source: WARMTH; Target: HAPPINESS] Even though this mapping is manifested in only one expression (e.g pugeunhan haengbok ‘warm (and comfortable) happiness’), it conveys ex-actly the same experiential basis employed in igurative expressions in English Kövecses (2005, p 2) claims that these metaphorical expressions have an experi-ential basis as a function of the human body and can be considered universal he WARMTH metaphor is in close relation to the AFFECTION IS WARMTH meta-phor We conceptualize afection as warmth due to our childhood experiences of parental love and close physical relationships involving bodily warmth (Kövecses,

1986, p 101) his linguistic expression is motivated by the PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR EMOTION metonymy he Korean expression related to this mapping relects a similar entailment, in which warmth

is primarily motivated by the social connection between a child and parent In dition to the theme of warmth, this mapping also entails sotness and comfort

ad-he HEALTH mapping [Source: HEALTH; Target: HAPPINESS] yields one linguistic expression in Korean (e.g geonganghan haengbok ‘healthy happiness’)

in which good health is a source domain of the concept of HAPPINESS While this mapping is not discussed much in the literature, other than by Kövecses (2000, p 24), the source domain of HEALTH is regarded as including wellness, strength, irmness, and wholeness in Korean

While the HAPPINESS IS A FLUID IN A CONTAINER metaphor is

relat-ed to a more general metaphor EMOTIONS ARE FLUIDS IN A CONTAINER (Kövecses, 1991, p 34, 2008b, p 135), Korean metaphorical expressions demon-strate that not only luid but any other substance can be considered to ill the con-tainer herefore, combining these two variations, I propose that the HAPPINESS

IS A FLUID/SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAINER (UNDER PRESSURE) mapping [Source: FLUID/SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAINER; Target: HAPPINESS] yields a more distinct picture for the concept of HAPPINESS Two aspects of this map-ping distinguish it from the similar ANGER metaphors: (i) it does not specify the temperature of the luid or substance and (ii) the container can be open or closed hese aspects highlight the features of the HAPPINESS concept such that

if the container is open, due to the intensity of the emotion, the luid may low, whereas if it is closed, an explosion may occur he Korean data depict ex-actly such an image of a container with a luid (or another substance) inside (e.g gippeume/gippeumeuro/haengbokgame neomchida ‘X overlow with happiness’, gippeumi/haengbogi neomchyeoheureuda ‘happiness overlow and run over’) Just

over-as in the cover-ase of English, the container can be the body or a part of the body such

as the eyes or heart(e.g maeumsogeuro gippeohada ‘X’s be happy (covertly) in the heart’) In Korean, the fullness of the container is associated with experienc-ing an emotion (e.g gippeume/gippeumeuro/haengbogeuro chada ‘X be illed with

happiness’, (maeume) gippeumi/haengbogi gadeukhada ‘X(’s heart) be full of (with) happiness’, gippeumeul damda ‘X ill with happiness’) Intensity, excessiveness, and uncontrollability of emotion are also associated with HAPPINESS (e.g gippeume/haengboge gyeopda ‘X be happy beyond capacity’, beokchan/beokchaoreuneun gippeum/haengbok ‘overwhelming happiness/too much happiness’) he action

of gushing out conveys the meaning of the appearance or expression of NESS due to its intensity (e.g gippeumeul ppumeonaeda ‘X spout out happiness’)

HAPPI-As the intensity grows, the pressure in the container increases and eventually an explosion occurs (e.g gippeumeul teotteurida ‘X blow up (explode, blast) hap-piness’, haengbogi teojida ‘happiness break out (blast)’) In the end, as Kövecses (1991, p 35) notes, the bursting damages the container (e.g gaseumi teojidorok gippeuda ‘X be happy until X’s heart explode’), but not harmful for other people; thus the container becomes dysfunctional in the case of extreme happiness If the HAPPINESS can be controlled, it can stay inside the container (e.g gippeumi meomureuda ‘happiness stay/remain’, gippeumeul meogeumda ‘X bear/keep hap-piness’) hese linguistic expressions demonstrate that the container metaphor is one of the most complex metaphors, which involves various entailments that are related with other source domains

he HAPPINESS IS AN OPPONENT IN A STRUGGLE metaphor [Source: OPPONENT; Target: HAPPINESS] manifests a number of frequently occurring conventional expressions in Korean As in English, the focus of this metaphor is the issue of control between an attacker and defender In Korean, the control issue

is elaborated upon in various ways, such as winning HAPPINESS (e.g gippeumeul igiji motada ‘X cannot win happiness’), controlling or suppressing HAPPINESS (e.g gippeumeul nureul su eopda ‘X cannot control/suppress happiness’, gipeu-meul ganul su eopda ‘X cannot keep happiness under control’), being unable to manage HAPPINESS (e.g haengbokhae/gippeoseo/gippeume eojjeol jul moreuda

‘X not know what to do with happiness’, gippeume/haengboge gyeopda ‘X cannot hold back happiness’), and catching HAPPINESS (e.g haengbogeul geomeojwida

‘X grab happiness’, haengbogeul japda ‘X catch/capture happiness’) As these amples show, there are two main relationships: irst, the self is powerful enough

ex-to capture and control this emotion, that is, the self wins over the HAPPINESS Second, the HAPPINESS takes control and captivates the self, and thus conquers the self, as described in Kövecses (1991, p 36) In this latter type, the linguistic ex-pressions are also eligible to be listed in the SOCIAL SUPERIOR source domain Furthermore, in Korean HAPPINESS metaphors, HAPPINESS can be conceptu-alized as a goal that one is eager to achieve (e.g haengbogeul iruda ‘X achieve/ac-complish happiness’, haengbogeul doechatda ‘X get back/regain happiness’)

he RAPTURE/HIGH mapping [Source: RAPTURE/HIGH; Target: NESS] is another metaphor shared by both English and Korean Kövecses (1991,

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p 36) mentions that the notion of vitality and pleasure is integrated with the cept of HAPPINESS because rapture or a high is associated with energetic be-havior or celebrations Likewise, the igurative expressions of this source domain manifest pleasure (e.g gippeumeuro heungcheong-georida ‘X indulge in pleasure

con-of happiness’), excitement (e.g hwangholhan gippeum ‘ecstatic happiness’, jjaritan gippeum/haengbok ‘tingling/electric happiness’), and loss of self control or uncon-sciousness (e.g gippeume dochwihada ‘X be intoxicated/drunk with happiness’, gippeume/haengboge chwihada ‘X get/be drunk with happiness’) due to the exces-siveness of HAPPINESS

he features of the NATURAL FORCE metaphor [Source: NATURAL FORCE; Target: HAPPINESS] relate natural phenomena to HAPPINESS he source domain relects either the image of the natural phenomena or, in other cases, the manner or efect of natural phenomena In Korean, the data display

an association with waves and water, evoking their motions to characterize the unruliness and even wildness of emotion (e.g gippeumui mulgyeol ‘wave of hap-piness’, gippeumi chulleonggeorida ‘happiness surge/wave’), as well as the settling down of emotion (e.g janjanhan haengbok ‘settled happiness’) During this pro-cess, the self appears to be passively undergoing the efect of HAPPINESS without resistance To highlight this aspect, it is beneicial to consider the PASSIVITY

OF EMOTIONAL EXPERIENCE IS THE PHYSICAL EFFECT OF NATURAL/PHYSICAL FORCES metaphor (Kövecses, 2000, p 42) as a submetaphor for this source domain

he VALUABLE COMMODITY metaphor [Source: VALUABLE ITY; Target: HAPPINESS] represents the idea that HAPPINESS is a valuable commodity (Kövecses 1991, p 38); however, the Korean data demonstrate such meaning only indirectly Rather than focusing on the buying action, the linguis-tic expressions highlight the value of the HAPPINESS (e.g haengbogi gapjjida

COMMOD-‘happiness be expensive’, guijunghan haengbok ‘valuable/priceless happiness’) In order to determine whether the buying action is indeed not a common expression

in Korean, I searched for occurrences of the linguistic expression haengbogeul sada ‘X buy happiness’ with the Google search engine and found 2,070 hits his shows that Korean does have a similar linguistic expression with a connotation similar to that in English, despite the lack of evidence in the corpus

he entailments of the (DESIRED) HIDDEN OBJECT metaphor [Source: (DESIRED) HIDDEN OBJECT; Target: HAPPINESS] present various aspects

of the concept of HAPPINESS in Korean In comparison to other metaphors of the concept of HAPPINESS, it is one of the most frequent and productive meta-phors As Kövecses (1991, p 38) notes, the most important source associated with the concept of HAPPINESS is that in which it is conceived of as something that

is highly desirable Such desire causes one to have this emotion Because being

happy is the ultimate goal, the metaphoric expressions are associated with ing/wishing (e.g haengbogeul bilda ‘X wish/plead/pray for happiness’, haengbogeul barada ‘X want/crave happiness’), craving or starving (e.g haengbogeul galmang-hada ‘X crave happiness’, haengboge gumjurida ‘X starve for happiness’) or expect-ing (e.g haengbogeul gidaehada ‘X expect happiness’) Furthermore, HAPPINESS

want-is a concept in Korean that one prays for (e.g haengbogeul giwonhada ‘X pray/supplicate for happiness’) and longs for (e.g haengbogeul geurida ‘X long for hap-piness’) It is characterized as something that is not easy to access or ind, and thus one has to search for it (e.g gippeumeul/haengbogeul chuguhada ‘X pursue/seek happiness’, haengbogeul guhada ‘X look for happiness’); sometimes, one needs

to make a plan to reach it (e.g haengbogeul domohada ‘X plan happiness’) or struggle to attain it (e.g haengbogeul seongchwihada ‘X win happiness’) If there is success in reaching the goal, one inds HAPPINESS (e.g gippeumeul/haengbogeul balgyeonhada ‘X discover happiness’, gippeumeul/haengbogeul chatda ‘X ind hap-piness’), accepts it (e.g gippeumeul majihada ‘X welcome happiness’), and cher-ishes it (e.g gippeumeul/haengbogeul anda/kkyeoanda ‘X hold/hug happiness’) Once the HAPPINESS is attained through efort, it is considered valuable and important (e.g sojunghan gippeum/haengbok ‘important/signiicant happiness’), and thus requires an efort to keep (e.g gippeumeul/haengbogeul ganjikhada ‘X keep/harbor happiness’, haengbogeul jikida ‘X keep/guard/protect happiness’) or secure (e.g haengbogeul bojanghada ‘X secure/ensure happiness’) We can show our HAPPINESS intentionally or unintentionally (e.g gippeumeul naeboida ‘X show happiness’, gippeumeul balhyeonhada ‘X reveal happiness’, gippeumi na-tanada/deureonada ‘happiness appear’, gippeumi naebichida ‘happiness relect’) If one fails to keep it, HAPPINESS can be lost (e.g haengbogeul ireobeorida ‘X lose happiness’) he Korean data manifest a wide range of such conventionalized ex-pressions of HAPPINESS related to the (DESIRED) HIDDEN OBJECT mapping, which are by no means taken as metaphorical by native speakers

he source domain of TASTE or FOOD is not a typical metaphor solely for emotion; rather it is a general conceptual metaphor relevant for experiences in general and related to the meaning of inducing altered physical and psychologi-cal states (Newman, 2009) While the metaphorical source domain of eating and drinking is theoretically discussed by Newman, Song (2009) examined this do-main particularly for Korean and briely indicated the use of the verb mek- ‘to eat’ in regard to the concept of love by providing an example, aidurun sarangul mekko carayahanta ‘children must grow on love (lit children must eat love and grow)’ Although the source domain of TASTE/FOOD is not a common mapping for emotion concepts, Tissari (2008) presents it in her analysis for English6 while

I found exactly the same correspondences in Korean he corpus data contain only two linguistic expressions of this mapping [Source: TASTE/FOOD; Target:

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HAPPINESS], which address taste and tasting in particular (e.g gippeumeul/haengbogeul matboda ‘X taste happiness’, haengbokhan mat ‘happy taste’) here are two important aspects of these igurative expressions, which need to be dis-cussed briely he common metaphorical connotation for eating is having a plea-surable experience (Newman, 2009), and thus the Korean expression ‘happy taste’

is a metaphorical mapping based on the metonymic use of ‘happy’, which refers

to enjoyable experience associated with HAPPINESS he other important aspect

is the act of tasting, which is considered part of the eating and drinking process, followed by satiation, pleasure, or displeasure (Newman, 2009, p 5) he act of tasting refers to the initial stage of a temporal process of eating, and oten denotes

a irst experience or encounter However, by metaphoric extension it can refer to

an eating experience in general, not only initially, and also, in another metaphoric extension, to overall experience

Because the SOCIAL SUPERIOR mapping [Source: SOCIAL SUPERIOR; Target: HAPPINESS] is a general emotion metaphor, it also appears as a source domain for the concept of HAPPINESS While Kövecses (2008b) briely present-

ed this mapping for HAPPINESS in English in his recent study, he discussed it earlier (2000, p 37, p 71) as a general metaphor for emotion He notes that “social superior” is understood as the social equivalent of physical-natural forces; it ap-plies to emotion that can control a person’s behavior, and a person thus controlled can be described by this feature, that is, as an “emotional person.” he linguistic expressions in Korean (e.g gippeumeul ganul su eopda ‘X cannot keep happiness under control’, gippeume/haengboge gyeopda ‘X cannot hold back happiness’) sug-gest similar aspects, that it, the way that HAPPINESS keeps the self under control and the self obeys it passively hese expressions are also categorized under the OPPONENT IN A STRUGGLE source domain In Stefanowitsch’s (2006) analy-sis, the SOCIAL SUPERIOR mapping was not included as a metaphorical source domain nor were similar linguistic expressions found under the OPPONENT IN

A STRUGGLE mapping hus, it appears that Korean demonstrates more tive expressions of this source domain in comparison to English

igura-Regarding the INTENSITY metaphors, Kövecses (2000, pp 41–42) described

a number of source domains, which makes this mapping a complex one Some

of these source domains are applicable to the concept of HAPPINESS First, the AMOUNT/QUANTITY source domain [Source: AMOUNT/QUANTITY; Tar-get: INTENSITY OF ANGER] demonstrates that HAPPINESS is conceptualized

as concrete notions, such as scale (e.g haengbokjisu ‘index of happiness’, bogui cheokdo ‘scale of happiness’), limit (e.g kkeudeomneun gippeum ‘limitless happiness’, muhanhan gippeum/haengbok ‘ininite happiness’), size (e.g choedaeui haengbok ‘the biggest happiness’, keun/keodaran gippeum/haengbok ‘enormous

haeng-(big) happiness’, jageun/jogeumahan gippeum ‘small/tiny happiness’), and degree (e.g gajang/jeil haengbokhada ‘be most/extremely happy’).

Second, as presented earlier, the AMOUNT/QUANTITY source domain

is closely related with another mapping, INCREASE IN THE INTENSITY OF EMOTION IS GROWTH, suggested by Kövecses (2000), in which he maintains that if the intensity of the internal pressure of a container increases, an emotional response grows Likewise, if there is a decrease in internal pressure, then an emo-tional response lessens hese mappings have application beyond the domain of emotion; they are related to more general metaphors, namely MORE IS UP and LESS IS DOWN, derived from physical experience and image-scheme transfor-mation here is more substance in the container in the former case than in the lat-ter hese mappings for HAPPINESS are not as elaborate as the related mappings for ANGER Rather, the majority of mappings focus on the UP concept, some on DEPTH, and only one appears for DOWN Both the UP and DEPTH mappings highlight the intensity of HAPPINESS associated with growth he UP-related metaphors signify increase (e.g gippeumi sosanada ‘happiness well up (gush out)’, gippeumi chisotda ‘happiness soar/skyrocket’) whereas the DEPTH metaphors are associated with settling or further accumulation and growth (e.g gippeumi gipta

‘happiness be deep’) he DOWN-related metaphor denotes a decrease of sity of HAPPINESS (e.g haengbokgami nat-ta ‘feeling of happiness be low’)

inten-hird, the HEAT/FIRE metaphor [Source: FIRE; Target: HAPPINESS], though it is not a frequent one, is another shared mapping implying intensity in both languages In Korean, the focus is on FIRE rather than HEAT he pivot of the mapping is the initial stage of HAPPINESS, which is associated with the lar-ing up of ire (e.g gippeume bultaoreuda ‘X lare up in happiness’, gippeumui bulgil

al-‘lame of happiness’) and even smoke (e.g gippeumi pieonada ‘happiness emit’) When the intensity aspect is less prominent, these linguistic expressions also im-ply hope and optimism characterized by the light of the ire

Fourth, the source domain of SPEED [Source: SPEED; Target: INTENSITY

OF HAPPINESS], as mentioned earlier, is characterized by further entailments

of the SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAINER and UP/DOWN mappings It only cuses on one aspect of this concept, the speed of the process during the stage of HAPPINESS as it arises as a mass (e.g gippeumi millyeodeulda ‘happiness surge/lood into’)

fo-Fith, the source domain of COLOR [Source: COLOR; Target: INTENSITY

OF HAPPINESS] manifests in the tones of a color as an indication of intensity While dark tones or vivid tones are associated with an increase in intensity (e.g gippeume nunsiuri bulgeojida ‘X get/have red eyes with happiness’), dull or faint colors are related with a decline in intensity (e.g euneunhan haengbok ‘faint happi-ness’).7 Although these mappings are discussed as submappings for INTENSITY

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in Kövecses’s (2000) work, they were not found in Stefanowitsch’s (2006) analysis for HAPPINESS, whereas in my analysis these source domains are collected under

a more general INTENSITY metaphor

For the HAPPINESS IS A LIQUID metaphor [Source: LIQUID; Target: PINESS], the Korean data demonstrate more diverse aspects of this conceptual-ization of the emotion of HAPPINESS compared to English Relecting one of the most prominent features of the EMOTION IS A LIQUID metaphor, HAPPINESS

HAP-is considered a liquid that lows and runs naturally (e.g gippeum/haengbogi reuda ‘happiness low’).What I mean by “naturally” is that the emotion is allowed

heu-to go its own way without any inluence, guidance, or obstruction It is something that happens to us, not something chosen by us; thus, the self gets afected in a passive way (e.g gippeum/haengbokgame jeotda ‘X damp with happiness’, gippe-um/haengbokgame jamgida ‘X be soaked/submerged in happiness’) Moreover, this particular mapping exposes an interesting feature of HAPPINESS, where it can also be conceptualized as a stable or permanent entity he Korean linguistic expressions (e.g gippeumi seumyeodeulda ‘happiness soak’, gippeumi baeda ‘hap-piness soak (through, into)’) indicate that HAPPINESS infuses into something and thus can be stable he expressions of the emotion of HAPPINESS are further associated with liquid coming of or oozing out (e.g ureonaneun gippeum/haeng-bok ‘happiness soaked out/come of ’, gippeumi bae-eonaoda ‘happiness ooze out’),

in order to show or reveal the emotion naturally Another interesting expression, haengbogeul galguhada ‘X thirst for happiness’, involves a natural physical neces-sity of the body, as water is essential for living he expression implies that HAP-PINESS, like liquid consumption, is a physiological necessity, an essential element for health and the daily maintenance of our bodies In its absence, one feels the need to obtain it he source domain of LIQUID is distinguished from the HAP-PINESS IS A FLUID/SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAINER (UNDER PRESSURE) mapping because, here, no container to control or retain the liquid is involved Rather, the HAPPINESS IS A LIQUID metaphor demonstrates a number of other entailments such as (i) the absence of a container (e.g gippeum/haengbogi heu-reuda ‘happiness low’); (ii) the liquid is considered an agent and the experiencer interacts with it passively (e.g gippeum/haengbokgame jamgida ‘X be immersed

in happiness’, gippeumi seumyeodeulda ‘happiness soak’), or (iii) the experiencer interacts with it volitionally due to need (e.g gippeum/haengbokgame jeotda ‘X

be damp with happiness’, haengbogeul galguhada ‘X thirst for happiness’) With HAPPINESS IS A FLUID/SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAINER (UNDER PRES-SURE), the focus is on the manner or the movement of the luid or any other substance located inside a container, while with HAPPINESS IS A LIQUID, the focus is on the interaction of the experiencer and the liquid more generally

he HAPPINESS IS A LIVING ORGANISM metaphor [Source: LIVING GANISM; Target: HAPPINESS] is a submetaphor of the basic metaphor EMO-TION IS A LIVING ORGANISM he main characteristic of this mapping is that the emotion is personiied or manifests the behavior of living things, not just hu-man beings but any other organism, including plants or animals he patterns in the Korean data indicate that this mapping is conceptualized in a variety of ways

OR-in Korean and is more productive compared to its counterpart OR-in English For instance, Koreans conceptualize HAPPINESS as something one can be pregnant with (e.g haengbogeul ingtaehada/imsinhada ‘X get pregnant with happiness’) and as something that can return to life (e.g gippeumi saranada ‘happiness return (come back) to life’) he source domain of LIVING ORGANISM is also associ-ated with plants in a number of diferent ways, including planting (e.g haeng-bogeul simda ‘X plant/grow happiness’) and growing (e.g haengbogeul gakkuda

‘X raise/grow happiness’) as well as sprouting (e.g gippeumi ssakteuda ness sprout/bud’) and blooming (e.g gippeumui kkochi pida ‘lower of happiness bloom’) Furthermore, this source domain motivates linguistic expressions asso-ciated with the establishment of HAPPINESS that evoke the behavior of animals (e.g gippeumi/haengbogi gitdeulda ‘happiness dwell/nest’)

‘happi-5.2 Happiness metaphors existing in Korean but not English

he following metaphors exist in Korean and appear to have no equivalents in English

he PLEASURABLE PHYSICAL SENSATION metaphor [Source: SURABLE PHYSICAL SENSATION; Target: HAPPINESS] was irst presented in Kövecses (1991, p 36), but Stefanowitsch (2006) did not identify it in his meta-phorical pattern analysis of the lexical item joy In my Korean corpus analysis, I have detected a number of frequently occurring linguistic expressions in Korean denoting the experience of pleasure, comfort, and well-being of a happy person (e.g gippeumeul mankkikhada ‘X enjoy happiness to the full’, gippeumeul/haeng-bogeul nurida ‘X enjoy happiness’) All of these instances indicate the correspon-dence of physical pleasure to the concept of HAPPINESS, connoting the way HAPPINESS feels to the person experiencing it

PLEA-As with the concept of ANGER, the PHYSICAL AGITATION metaphor has not been identiied in English for the concept of HAPPINESS, but it is related to

a general emotion metaphor, EMOTION IS PHYSICAL AGITATION (Kövecses,

2005, pp 80–81) [Source: PHYSICAL AGITATION; Target: HAPPINESS] It cuses on the “resultant action” part of the force schema, which maps as “emotion → response” rather than “cause → emotion” in the emotion scenario In Korean, this

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metaphor highlights certain aspects of physical bodily agitation as a result of the physiological body’s reaction to HAPPINESS, including shivering, shaking, or lut-tering (e.g gippeume jeonyulhada ‘X shiver with happiness’, gippeume/gippeumeuro momeul tteolda/tteollida ‘X tremble/shake in (of) happiness’), and having redness

in the body (e.g gippeumeuro sanggidoeda ‘X be lushed with happiness’, gippeume nunsiuri bulgeojida ‘X get/have red eyes with happiness’) hus, the source of this mapping is metonymic, related to the THE PHYSIOLOGICAL AND EXPRES-SIVE RESPONSES OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMOTION metonymy, relecting the body’s physiological responses

In the case of SOUND mapping [Source: SOUND; Target: HAPPINESS] the HAPPINESS is conceptualized as a sound; this mapping is most likely derived from a reaction to this emotion When people are happy, they tend to cheer, shout,

or even scream as an involuntary action, particularly when the emotion arrives suddenly Such igurative expressions that are the product of responsive reactions

to emotion are associated with THE PHYSIOLOGICAL AND EXPRESSIVE SPONSES OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMOTION metonymy In the Korean data, I have found various linguistic patterns where HAPPINESS is related

RE-to a sound, such as a shout or cheer, in order RE-to express this emotional state (e.g gippeumui tanseongeul jireuda ‘X shout with happiness’, gippeumui hamseong ‘an outcry of happiness’, sorijireugo/oechigo sipeun gippeum ‘wanting to let out a yell for happiness’) he data yield a few other instantiations of the sound mapping, such as some that evoke an echo, which connotes the pleasantness of HAPPINESS before it disappears (e.g gippeun meari ‘echo of happiness’, euneunhan haengbok

‘faint/faded/serene happiness’) Although they are not common, these igurative expressions are speciic to Korean, and their existence, denoting diferent aspects

of the HAPPINESS concept than have so far been discussed in the literature, lects culturally speciic notions

re-In the case of the SHARING mapping [Source: SHARING; Target: NESS], the concept of HAPPINESS pertains to social aspects of this emotion and relects the collectivist nature of Korean society “Sharing,” as an idea and an act, can be considered one of the most important norms of Korean society as it relates

HAPPI-to establishing, maintaining, strengthening, and fostering social relations within

a community Such reciprocal social interactions are understood as keeping mony within the society he Korean data manifest three aspects of the concept of HAPPINESS under the SHARING source domain First, HAPPINESS, an abstract emotion, is considered a concrete entity, and this concrete entity is supposed to

har-be shared by two or more people (e.g gippeumeul hamkkehada/hamkke nanuda

‘X share happiness (together)’) he second and related important aspect is about HAPPINESS as something that should be experienced with others rather than alone (e.g hamkke/gachi gippeohada/haengbokhada ‘X be happy together’) he

third aspect emphasizes perfect harmony when the possessors of HAPPINESS share this experience reciprocally and collectively (e.g osundosun haengbokhada

‘X be happy harmoniously’) Such conceptualizations of HAPPINESS are closely related to Korea’s collectivist culture, and can be associated with shared property and group ownership

As with the concept of ANGER, when the COLOR metaphor [Source: OR; Target: HAPPINESS] is associated with the HAPPINESS concept in Korean,

COL-it is again the color red his is again motivated by physical responses to emotion (e.g gippeumeuro sanggidoeda ‘X be lushed with happiness’, gippeume nunsiuri bulgeojida ‘X get/have red eyes with happiness’), and partakes of the metonymy THE PHYSIOLOGICAL AND EXPRESSIVE RESPONSES OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMOTION Furthermore, conventional knowledge of how color penetrates and difuses leads to a characterization of HAPPINESS as infus-ing the experiencer (e.g gippeume muldeurida ‘X imbued with happiness’)

I have also come across a novel metaphor in the Korean data, which I call the LESSON mapping [Source: LESSON; Target: HAPPINESS] Despite the fact that this mapping is manifested in only two instances of this metaphor, and occurs with an insigniicant frequency, it is a notable association HAPPINESS is concep-tualized as a lesson that we can learn and teach (e.g haengbogeul baeuda ‘X learn happiness’, gippeumeul gareuchida ‘X teach happiness’) he mapping character-izes HAPPINESS as a lesson in which one learns or one teaches somebody else how to be happy Many of the metaphors I have discussed so far focus on aspects

of HAPPINESS that emphasize the fact that HAPPINESS is an emotion that quires a lot of efort to attain as well as to maintain and to control he value of HAPPINESS is described as priceless, and one needs to struggle to obtain HAP-PINESS Considering the complexity and diiculty of these tasks, it makes sense that Korean also conceptualizes HAPPINESS as a teaching A person who knows how to be happy can naturally have a happy life Furthermore, the metaphor can also be described as expressing a motivation for learning and teaching how to enjoy HAPPINESS or how to igure out what HAPPINESS is

re-he Korean data present a number of event structure metaphors (Lakof,

1993, p 220; Lakof & Johnson, 1999, pp 179, 196) for the concept of NESS he source domains for these metaphors are EXISTENCE/NONEXIS-TENCE, POSSESSION, TRANSFERRABLE/MOBILE OBJECT, CONTAINER, SOURCE, and LAND/PLACE Because these are independent metaphors, they are not signiicant in the study of emotion concept metaphors herefore, I will not discuss them, although I present the linguistic expressions associated with them in the Appendix B

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6 Corpora analysis of SADNESS for Korean

For the concept of SADNESS, I studied a total of 36 mappings, listed in Table 5

I selected two Korean lexical items, uul and seulpeum, that occurred in a total of

626 metaphorical patterns (640 including simultaneous mappings) hese words can both be translated into English as ‘sadness’, and no further semantic distinc-tions were made between these two lexical items Even though both of these lexi-cal items belong to the noun category, the word uul shows some variation It is rare to use it by itself; rather, it appears in compound nouns such as uulham ‘state

of melancholy’, uulgam ‘sense (feeling) of sadness’, uuljeung ‘symptoms of sadness (depression)’ he SADNESS metaphors that are listed in (1) to (15) are those that have been discussed in the literature on SADNESS metaphors of English, whereas those listed in (16) to (24) are the additional ones detected by Stefanowitsch’s (2006) corpus analysis Apart from these mappings, I discovered additional map-pings for Korean, which I list in (25) to (32) Moreover, I have listed event struc-ture system metaphors and image-schema metaphors (e.g container schema, source and goal schema, etc.) in (33) to (35) Of the metaphors listed in (1) to (14), the ones that are marked ‘x’ appear in the other literature on English but were not found by Stefanowitsch’s corpus analysis, whereas metaphors that are marked with ‘–’ are the ones that Stefanowitsch’s corpus analysis did not consider, although they are discussed elsewhere in the literature In this section, I will irst discuss the metaphors that exist in both Korean and English, and then those that exist only in Korean

6.1 Sadness metaphors shared by Korean and English

he SADNESS IS DARKNESS metaphor [Source: DARKNESS; Target: NESS] is considered to be the opposite of the HAPPINESS IS LIGHT metaphor Kövecses (2000, p 39) notes that some metaphorical source domains such as

SAD-“warm-cold,” “light-dark,” “up-down,” and “vitality-lack of vitality” apply to the concept of happiness and sadness only Barcelona (1986, p 10) suggests that HAPPINESS IS LIGHT or UNHAPPINESS IS THE ABSENCE OF LIGHT are perceptual metaphors and are based on experience; for instance, in most cultures, light is viewed as a positive phenomenon whereas absence of light (i.e darkness)

is a negative one With regard to light perception metaphors, Korean presents exactly the same phenomenon, where SADNESS is considered as darkness (e.g eumulhan seulpeum ‘dark/gloomy sadness’, seulpeumui geurimja ‘shadow of sad-ness’) he motivation of this metaphor is also similar to that of English

Table 5 he comparison of SADNESS metaphors in Korean and English

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Likewise, the LACK OF HEAT is also considered a perceptual metaphor Barcelona (1986, p 11) claims that a REDUCED BODY HEAT metonymy is the basis for this mapping he SADNESS IS A LACK OF HEAT mapping [Source: LACK OF HEAT; Target: SADNESS] is also a contrastive metaphor with HAPPI-NESS IS WARM Barcelona proposes that being cold is usually disadvantageous, even dangerous, from a physical point of view herefore, DEPRESSION or SAD-NESS is usually conceptualized with cold (or cold through damp) his explana-tion also applies to Korean, although only one linguistic expression in the Korean data (e.g chadichan uul ‘icy sadness’) displays the association of coldness with the concept of SADNESS

As with the concept of HAPPINESS, the FLUID IN A CONTAINER phor and the SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAINER (UNDER PRESSURE) metaphor are combined under one category as the FLUID/SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAIN-

meta-ER (UNDmeta-ER PRESSURE), because these mappings overlap [Source: STANCE IN A CONTAINER; Target: SADNESS] In the case of SADNESS, the mapping does not signify the temperature aspect of the luid or the substance; however, the data indicate that the container is mostly closed, which is diferent from the HAPPINESS concept he FLUID/SUBSTANCE IN A CONTAINER (UNDER PRESSURE) metaphor exhibits similar aspects to those for the con-cepts of ANGER and HAPPINESS in Korean For example, the container can be the body or a part of body, such as the heart (e.g seulpeumi gaseumeul gadeuk meuda ‘sadness ill up X’s heart’) Other features are illing up the container (e.g seulpeume/seulpeumeuro/uure (gadeuk) chada ‘X be illed with sadness’, seulpeu-

FLUID/SUB-mi gadeuk damgyeo itda ‘sadness be fully illed’), accumulation (e.g seulpeumeul damda ‘X pile up sadness’, seulpeumi damgida ‘be full of (with) sadness’), gath-ering and forming (e.g seulpeumi goida/goeda ‘sadness be enclosed/collected), surging up (e.g seulpeumi chimilda ‘sadness surge up’, seulpeumeul peo-ollida ‘X draw up sadness’), lack of control and excessiveness (e.g seulpeume gyeopda ‘X cannot hold back sadness’), releasing SADNESS (e.g seulpeumeul balsansikida ‘X let release/difuse sadness’), exposure of SADNESS (e.g seulpeumeul torohada ‘X unbosom/speak out sadness’, seulpeumeul pyochulhada ‘X express sadness’) and explosion (e.g seulpeumui pokbal ‘explosion of sadness’, seulpeumi teojyeo ollaoda

‘sadness break out and come up’) According to these aspects, we can claim that the container is conceptualized as a closed one and there is pressure inside the container due to the excessiveness of the SADNESS he substance can be any-thing, not necessarily luid or gas here is no indication that the bursting dam-ages the container or harms other people

Stefanowitsch (2006) analyzed the NATURAL FORCE and WEATHER NOMENON metaphors separately in his metaphorical pattern analysis Although the Korean data exhibit both mappings, I have decided to combine them under one

PHE-metaphor category, which is the NATURAL FORCE PHE-metaphor [Source: RAL FORCE; Target: SADNESS] Korean conventional expressions imply a num-ber of aspects of the concept of SADNESS utilizing natural phenomena Wind, waves, and water are common entities or phenomena associated with the arising

NATU-of active motion and harshness (e.g seulpeumi hwimorachida ‘sadness blow lently’, seulpeumui mulgyeol/mulsal/pado ‘wave of sadness’, uuljeungui gyeokryu

vio-‘violent stream of sadness’), uncontrollability and excessiveness of SADNESS (e.g seulpeumi mollyeo-oda‘sadness come surging’, uulgami/seulpeumi millyeodeulda

‘sadness surge/lood into’) he smoothing of wind or wave action corresponds

to the calming of SADNESS (e.g janjanhan seulpeum ‘still/calm sadness’), and the limitlessness and enormousness of SADNESS is depicted with a sea metaphor (e.g uurui bada ‘sea of sadness’) Overall, the main aspects of this mapping are an uncontrollable external force of a natural phenomenon that maps onto the con-cept of SADNESS, along with passivity corresponding to the attitude of the person that undergoes the excessive force I further detected two linguistic expressions related to the weather phenomena fog and snowlakes (e.g uulhamui angae ‘fog of sadness’, seulpeumui nunsongi ‘snowlake of sadness’) When fog is associated with SADNESS, it denotes a number of characteristics, such as gloomy, dusky, calm, and misty situations as well as a cold atmosphere or mood he snowlake denotes features such as a wet, cold, and even beautiful entity dropping down when it cor-responds to SADNESS

he ILLNESS metaphor [Source: ILLNESS; Target: SADNESS] is one of the most frequently used metaphors due to the high frequency of the Korean ex-pression uuljeung ‘melancholy/depression’ Uuljeung is a compound word in whichjeung indicates mental depression In this metaphor, being sad is concep-tualized as being weak and lacking in vitality, as it deals with physical unease (Barcelona, 1986, p 13) Such implications are also represented in other expres-sions in the Korean data (e.g byeongjeogin seulpeum ‘morbid sadness’), which also exhibit further entailments of this conceptualization, such as curing, healing, and recovering from SADNESS (e.g uuljeungeul gochida ‘X remedy/heal sadness’, uulhameul chiyuhada ‘X cure/recover Y from sadness’)

In the case of the BURDEN metaphor [Source: BURDEN; Target: SADNESS], the concept of SADNESS is related to experiencing hardship Barcelona (1986,

p 14) points out that this metaphor is oten used to represent the cause of sadness and the existence of sadness hese two aspects of this metaphor lead to expres-sions about the force SADNESS exerts upon the person afected and the harm sad-ness does to that person Similar to English, Korean has metaphors that involve both of these aspects, force (e.g seulpeume/uuljeunge sidallida ‘X be harassed/an-noyed/troubled by sadness’, seulpeumeul danghada ‘X be faced with sadness’) and harm (e.g seulpeumeul gyeoktta ‘X sufer from sadness’, seulpeume jichida ‘X be