ICTs and everyday communication of migrant female domestic workers in singapore

This study seeks to apply the technology domestication theory and the uses and gratifications theory as the conceptual framework to understand the pattern and motivations of use of ICTs

ICTs AND EVERYDAY COMMUNICATION OF MIGRANT DOMESTIC WORKERS IN SINGAPORE

MINU THOMAS

(M.A English, MADRAS UNIVERSITY, INDIA)

A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

COMMUNICATIONS AND NEW MEDIA PROGRAMME

NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE

2008

Acknowledgements

“Feeling gratitude and not expressing it is like wrapping a present and not giving it.”

~William Arthur Ward

The writing of this thesis has been a new and wonderful experience for me I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr Lim Sun Sun for her valuable time and guidance for this study Her constructive comments and constant encouragement has helped me throughout the period of my candidature

I would also like to thank the faculty and administrative staff of Communications and New Media (CNM) Programme, who have always been there for me Especially Dr.Milagros Rivera, whose enthusiasm and love for learning initiated me into this long journey of writing and research I would also like to make a special mention of

Dr Hichang Cho and Dr.Kevin Mc.Gee for their valuable insights during the Research Methods classes

Most importantly, I would like to thank all my respondents and their employers for agreeing to participate in this study Without their support, this thesis could not have been completed

Thanks, to my friends, especially Pratichi, Manjari and Nandini, for always being there for me; and to my parents, my in-laws, and my siblings for their constant support and encouragement during the past two years

Finally, the most important person in my life, my husband Jayan, without whose support this whole Masters programme at CNM would not have happened

I thank him for his love, patience and guidance throughout my period at CNM, and also for his constant support on the home front

Thank you to all those who have helped me in this wonderful journey and whose names I have not been able to mention

Thank you

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements ii

Summary vi

List of Tables ix

List of Abbreviations x

Chapter 1 Introduction 1

1.1 Context for research 1

1.2 Relevance for research 2

1.3 Research question and chapter organization 4

Chapter 2 Living and Working Conditions of Foreign Domestic Workers 6

2.1 History of migration of foreign domestic workers to Singapore 6

2.2 The role of migrant domestic workers in Singapore’s economy 8

2.3 State and migrant domestic workers in Singapore 10

2.4 Conditions of work and living for migrant domestic workers 11

2.5 Representations of migrant domestic workers in Singaporean society 13

2.6 Everyday communication of migrant domestic workers 14

2.7 Conclusion 16

Chapter 3 ICT and Society: A Review of Literature 17

3.1 Introduction 17

3.2 Theoretical framework: Domestication of technologies 18

3.2.1 Development of domestication as a concept 21

3.2.2 Consuming technologies 22

3.2.3 Domestication and everyday life 25

3.2.4 Recent applications of the domestication concept in empirical studies 26

3.3 Uses and gratifications perspective 27

3.4 Women and the sociology of everyday life 29

3.5 Research problem 30

3.6 Conclusion 31

Chapter 4 Methodology 32

4.1 Ethnographic research 32

4.1.1 Meaning condensation 33

4.1.2 Methodologies for previous research on domestic workers 34

4.2 Methodology used in this study 35

4.2.1 Location of the Interviews and Some Limitations of the Methodology Used 37

4.3 Profiles of Indian and Filipino workers interviewed 39

4.4 Conclusion 42

Chapter 5 Use and Domestication of ICTs by Migrant Female Domestic Workers 43

5.1 Introduction 43

5.2 Pattern of use of technologies 43

5.3 Proficiency levels in the use of technologies 48

5.3.1 Education 50

5.3.2 Age 51

5.3.3 The specific need for using technologies as a determining factor 52

5.4 Routes to domestication of technologies in migrant workers’ lives 54

5.4.1 Incorporation 54

5.4.2 Appropriation 55

5.4.3 Objectification 56

5.4.4 Pre-migration experience and domestication of technologies 58

5.4.5 Factors influencing domestication of technologies 62

5.5 Conclusion 64

Chapter 6 Motivations and Gratifications of ICT Use 65

6.1 Introduction 65

6.2 Companionship 67

6.2.1 Family ties 67

6.2.2 Friendship ties 69

6.3 Escape 70

6.4 Entertainment 71

6.5 Information gathering 73

6.6 Conclusion 75

Chapter 7 Impact of ICTs on Migrant Workers’ Lives 76

7.1 Introduction 76

7.2 Empowerment 77

7.3 Connectivity 80

7.4 Obligations arising from technology use 83

7.8 Conclusion 89

Chapter 8 Conclusion 90

8.1 Summary of findings 91

8.2 Societal implications 99

8.3 Limitations and suggestions for future research 100

8.4 Recommendations for future research 101

References 103

Summary

A number of women from developing countries such as Philippines, Indonesia, Sri Lanka and India have been migrating to major metropolitan centres of the world in search of employment as domestic workers These migrant women workers leave their families and loved ones behind for periods ranging from a few months to many years The everyday communication of these women reflects the wide range of their emotional and instrumental needs such as maintaining close ties with families and friends and seeking information about new jobs Information and communication technologies (ICTs) such as the mobile phone and the Internet add a new dimension to their everyday communication This thesis has attempted to understand the use of ICTs in the everyday communication of migrant domestic workers in Singapore

The study is based on ethnographic research The core data for this research is derived from semi-structured interviews of 20 migrant women – 10 Filipinos and 10 Indians working as domestic workers in Singapore

Migrant female domestic workers constitute over one-fifth of Singapore’s foreign workforce Singaporeans, particularly working women with young children, are highly dependent on their services Reports, especially in the Singapore media, and scholarly studies indicate that at least a small minority of foreign domestic workers in Singapore have to endure difficult working conditions and tolerate physical abuse

Given this context, the specific research questions that the thesis sets out to address are related to (i) the pattern and motivations of use of ICTs by migrant women

domestic workers in their everyday communication, and (ii) the ways through which ICTs impact the lives of these workers

The interviewed workers have been categorized into those with ‘high’, ‘moderate’, and ‘low’ proficiency levels in the use of technologies Our research findings indicated that there is no clear association between age and proficiency level in the use of technologies, or between years of migration to Singapore and proficiency levels Also, being more educated did not mean that proficiency levels were higher Instead, proficiency seemed to have been encouraged by the specific need for using a particular technology

This study seeks to apply the technology domestication theory and the uses and gratifications theory as the conceptual framework to understand the pattern and motivations of use of ICTs by migrant women domestic workers in their everyday communication

With respect to domestication of technologies, the study showed workers routinized technologies and appropriated them to suit their specific needs, but the process of objectification was absent The social and economic conditions before migration have

an important bearing on the processes through which the workers domesticate technology after their migration

The major social or psychological needs that are satisfied by everyday communication

of workers through their use of different media are: companionship, escape, entertainment, and information gathering In fact, workers’ strategies of resistance and

sites of power are closely linked to their everyday communication Foreign domestic workers build social networks, make telephone calls and write letters during their limited leisure time This is one of their means to reclaim some private space and time Contacts with other people help them sometimes to escape from abusive employers and secure better employment opportunities

It was found that the major positive impacts of ICTs on workers’ lives were as a source of empowerment and as an instrument for connectivity At the same time, with ICTs, the workers were bound by responsibilities to their family members, especially

to children whom they leave behind, and this was taking a considerable emotional and financial toll on these women

List of Tables

Table 1: Estimates of the Number of Foreign Domestic Workers in Singapore, by their

Nationality, 1986-2004 7

Table 2: Female Labour Force Participation Rates in Singapore, 1957 to 2005, in per cent 8

Table 3: Proportion of Dual-Career Couples among Married Couples 9

Table 4: Female Migrant Domestic Workers Interviewed, by Age 41

Table 5: Female Migrant Domestic Workers Interviewed, by Years of Migration 42

Table 6: Female Migrant Domestic Workers Interviewed, by Years of Education 42

Table 7: Profile of Filipino Workers Interviewed 46

Table 8: Profile of Indian Domestic Workers Interviewed 47

Table 9: Proficiency Levels in Using Technologies of Migrant Female Domestic Workers Interviewed, Criteria for Categorization 49

Table 10: Migrant Female Domestic Workers Interviewed, by Proficiency Levels in Using Technologies, in Numbers 49

Table 11: Sources of information about the outside world accessed by female migrant domestic workers interviewed 73

Table 12: Average Monthly Income and Average Monthly Expenses on Communication Incurred, Indian and Filipino Workers 86

Table 13: Migrant Female Domestic Workers Interviewed, Monthly Incomes and Monthly Expenditures on Communication 88

List of Abbreviations

ICT Information and Communication Technologies

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural

Organisation

IDA Infocomms Development Authority of Singapore

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

BBC British Broadcasting Corporation

Chapter 1 Introduction

This thesis attempts to study the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) by migrant women working as domestic workers in Singapore, hereafter to be referred to as migrant domestic workers My study is based on ethnographic research The core data for my research is derived from semi-structured interviews of 20 migrant women – 10 Filipinos and 10 Indians working as domestic workers in Singapore

1.1 Context for research

According to recent estimates, approximately 150,000 migrant women from countries such as Indonesia, Philippines, Sri Lanka and India work as contract domestic maids

in Singapore (Dwyer, 2005, Abdul Rahman et al 2005) Living and working conditions of foreign domestic workers in Singapore have been the concern of a number of scholarly studies and media reports The picture that emerges from such diverse sources is that at least a small minority of these women workers have to endure difficult working conditions and tolerate physical abuse In many instances, foreign maids in Singapore are also made to work for long hours (Abdul Rahman et

al 2005)

Studies indicate that in the case of some foreign domestic workers, the access to basic necessities such as food, shelter, communication, medical facilities and the right to private space and time are controlled by their employers The employers also control the domestic workers’ social activities and forays into public space In the employers’ homes, the workers are treated neither as family members nor as total outsiders

(Abdul Rahman et al 2005) In some homes, workers are under surveillance; there have also been instances when they are prevented from forming any type of strong ties with their families back home (Yeoh et al 2005)

1.2 Relevance for research

This study on the use of ICTs by migrant women working as domestic workers in Singapore assumes relevance in the above-discussed context, in two important dimensions

First, it is widely believed that ICTs are important tools for development and are a source of empowerment for the underprivileged The twin forces of ICTs and globalization have powerful impacts on society and social relations, and these have been analyzed by a number of scholars Manuel Castells describes the ‘network society’ to denote the societal changes brought about by the information technology revolution (Castells, 1996)

There are differences of opinion as to whether the changes brought about by ICTs on society are entirely beneficial or not Some scholars note that the potential of ICTs to reduce global inequalities between countries and within countries and societal inequalities is very high (Heeks, 2002) At the same time, however, some other studies have challenged this view They point to the increase in inequalities between skilled and unskilled workers in the ‘new economy’ or ‘informational economy’ (Wood, 1995; Parayil, 2005); and to the domineering weight of social, economic and institutional factors (such as illiteracy, land distribution and caste) in determining inequalities (Thomas and Parayil, 2008)

The second dimension that contributes to relevance for this research is the related aspect of development In most developing and even developed countries, women face several disadvantages owing to social, economic and cultural factors Amartya Sen, who described development as a ‘process of expanding the real freedoms that people enjoy’, pointed to the existence of severe female disadvantage in health and other aspects of well-being in many areas of the third world The greater deprivation of females, Sen (1999) noted, is linked to relatively low levels of female literacy and absence of social and economic empowerment In the age of the network society, gender-based inequalities have come to be characterized also by the lack of access to information and knowledge networks Therefore, ICTs can play a useful role

gender-in buildgender-ing gender-information networks and empowergender-ing women who are otherwise secluded (Nath, 2001)

Empowerment refers to the creation of an environment that enables determination, and for women, this applies to increasing their power and ‘taking control over decisions and issues that shape their lives’ (Thas, Ramilo, and Cinco

self-2007, p.14) Studies have analyzed how ICTs ranging from community radio broadcast to email can heighten women’s empowerment For example, Somolu’s (2007) study relates to the use of blogging by African women as a tool to promote gender equality and empowerment Through blogging, women get an opportunity to write about what is important to them and in this way they became active creators and disseminators of knowledge (Somolu, 2007) The study of the owners (mainly women) and users of the Village Phone in Bangladesh found that the Village Phone

helped to widen the social networks of almost all women –owners (Aminuzzaman et

al 2003)

1.3 Research question and chapter organization

Given the above-discussed background, my research is an attempt to study the use of ICTs by migrant women working as domestic workers in Singapore My specific research questions are related to (i) the pattern and motivations of use of ICTs by migrant women domestic workers, and (ii) the impact of ICTs on the living and working conditions of these workers Detailed research questions will be given at the end of Chapter 3 after an extensive review of the relevant literature

The second chapter of this thesis discusses the empirical literature on the living and working conditions of migrant workers in Singapore It begins with a historical review of the migration of these workers from 1819 into Singapore It highlights the important role played by these migrant workers in Singapore’s economy; and discusses the attitude of the state and society in Singapore towards these migrant workers The chapter also illustrates the importance of their everyday communication

as they face many hardships in a foreign country

Chapter three elucidates the two main theories on which the research questions have been based The two theories discussed and applied in this study are technology domestication theory and the uses and gratifications perspective The first theory has been used to analyze how the migrant workers domesticate the different technologies they use into their daily lives The uses and gratifications perspective theorizes how the migrant domestic workers use ICTs and the gratifications which they derive from this use, given their individual social or psychological needs This chapter also draws insights from literature on women and the sociology of everyday life

The fourth chapter discusses the methodology used in this study Chapter five analyzes the pattern of communication among the migrant domestic workers in Singapore The different technologies they employed, especially the mobile phone, are discussed in detail The workers are categorized according to their proficiency levels in using the different technologies; the proficiency levels are further analyzed

on the basis of workers’ age, education and years of migration The concept of domestication of technologies is discussed in relation to the experiences of the migrant domestic workers interviewed

Chapter six illustrates the motivations behind the domestic workers’ use of particular technologies The uses and gratifications perspective will be used to analyze the gratifications which these workers derive from the use of the different technologies Chapter seven analyzes whether ICTs are a source of empowerment for the migrant female domestic workers At the same time, the chapter discusses the obligations arising from technology use: greater familial responsibilities and the high costs of mobile phone use Chapter eight concludes the whole study by summarizing the research findings and provides recommendations for further research

Chapter 2

Living and Working Conditions of Foreign Domestic Workers

This chapter reviews the literature on living and working conditions of migrant female domestic workers in Singapore In different sections of this chapter, we discuss the history of migration of foreign domestic workers to Singapore (section 2.1); the role

of migrant domestic workers in Singapore’s economy (section 2.2); state and migrant domestic workers in Singapore (section 2.3); conditions of work and living for migrant domestic workers (section 2.4); representations of migrant domestic workers

in Singaporean society (section 2.5); and everyday communication of domestic workers (section 2.6) Section 2.7 is the concluding section

2.1 History of migration of foreign domestic workers to Singapore

Historical research suggests that the migration of foreign domestic maids into Singapore occurred in three different phases During the colonial period, beginning in

1819, ‘slave girls’ (or girl servants known as mui tsai) were brought from the poor

regions of China and employed by rich Chinese families in Singapore These girl servants were often abused and victimized by their employers In the 1930s, the purchase of ‘slave girls’ was deemed illegal by the Singapore Government In the changed conditions, to meet the need for domestic maids, ‘free’ workers were imported mainly from China Thus, Cantonese women from the Pearl River Delta Region, who were searching for new opportunities following the collapse of the silk industry in that region, formed the source of domestic labour in Singapore from the 1930s These women, who were called ‘black and white amah’, were economically and emotionally independent and not exploited by their employers (Gee and Ho,

2006, pp.6-9; Abdul Rahman et al 2005)

The migration of Cantonese women to Singapore dwindled by the early 1970s At the

same time, Singapore’s industrialization beginning in the late 1960s increased the

demand for waged domestic help, as Singaporean women joined the new industrial

workforce The Foreign Maid Scheme introduced by the Singapore government in

1978 facilitated the migration of foreign domestic workers from the Philippines,

Indonesia, Sri Lanka and Thailand (Abdul Rahman et al 2005) Thus, after the 1980s,

there was an increase in the entry of foreign domestic maids, along with greater

demand for and dependency on foreign maids among Singaporean families In

contrast to the ‘free’ workers in the 1930s, the recent migrant domestic workers in

Singapore are, reportedly, facing marginalization and exploitation by their employers

(Gee and Ho, 2006, pp 6-9)

As per the latest reports (Dwyer, 2005), there are approximately 150,000 women

working as domestic help in Singapore; estimates of the number of foreign domestic

workers for 2004 was 140,000 (see Table 1) Women from the Philippines and

Indonesia account for the largest share of foreign domestic workers in Singapore

Table 1 shows the numbers of foreign domestic workers of various nationalities

Table 1: Estimates of the Number of Foreign Domestic Workers in Singapore, by their

Others n.a 5,000 n.a n.a

Source: Figures cited in Abdul Rahman et al (2005), Table 8.1

2.2 The role of migrant domestic workers in Singapore’s economy

Singaporeans, particularly working women with young children, are highly dependent

on the services of foreign maids The proportion of married females participating in

the labour force in Singapore increased from 14.7 per cent in 1970 to 29.8 per cent in

1980 and further to 43.2 per cent in 1990 This proportion reached 49 per cent in 2000

and 53 per cent in 2005 (see Table 2) The increase in labour force participation of

women in Singapore is associated with educational improvements and the general

increase in employment opportunities in the country The migration of domestic

workers, who eased the domestic responsibilities for married women, has also been an

important factor that contributed to the increases in women joining Singapore’s labour

force (Yeoh et al 2005)

Table 2: Female Labour Force Participation Rates in Singapore, 1957 to 2005, in per

Source: Figures for the years 1957, 1970, 1980 and 1990 are from Huang and Yeoh

(1996), Table 1 Figures for the years 2000 and 2005 are from Table 2

http://www.singstat.gov.sg/pubn/popn/ghsr1/chap3.pdf

Married couples wherein both partners are working increased from 27.1 per cent of

the total number of couples in 1980 to 39.8 per cent in 1990, 40.9 per cent in 2000

and 43.8 per cent in 2005 (see Table 3) Greater participation of females in formal

employment opportunities has contributed to the improved financial situation of

households In 2005, the average monthly income of married couples was $7600

compared to $4000 for solo-career couples

Dual-career couples in Singapore are working longer hours than in the past The proportion of dual-career couples, where the wives work at least 60 hours per week, increased from 9 percent in 2000 to 11 percent in 2005 In 2005, husbands among dual-career couples worked for an average of 51 hours per week and wives worked for an average of 45 hours per week (Singapore Department of Statistics, 2006)

Table 3: Proportion of Dual-Career Couples among Married Couples

1980 27.1

1990 39.8

2000 40.9

2005 43.8

Source: Singapore Department of Statistics (2006), Chart 1 (p.1)

Even while women work long hours outside their homes, tasks associated with domesticity such as child caring, cooking and cleaning are considered women’s responsibilities in the patriarchal division of labour in Singapore society (Abdul Rahman et al 2005) It is clear that, given the situation discussed above, foreign domestic workers have an important role to play in Singapore’s economy and society According to Huang and Yeoh (2003), migrant female domestic workers constitute over one fifth of Singapore’s foreign workforce (of 612,200) In 2000, one in seven households in Singapore employed a transnational domestic worker (Singapore Department of Statistics, 2000, cited in Abdul Rahman et al 2005)

2.3 State and migrant domestic workers in Singapore

While Singapore’s economy benefits from the inflow of foreign domestic workers, the government has instituted many regulations to limit the flow of new workers In fact Singapore’s state policy tries to ensure that foreign domestic workers remain a transient workforce who could be repatriated during periods of economic slowdown

An important instrument used by the government to slow down the inflow of foreign domestic workers is a monthly levy averaging between S$200-300, which the employers have to pay There have been other restrictions as well Foreign maids are given two-year work permits, which are normally renewable to a maximum of eight years Every employer is required to pay a security bond of S$5,000 to the government while employing a maid This could serve as a disincentive for employing foreign maids At the same time, the government has adopted a hands-off approach with respect to the terms and conditions of employment for foreign domestic workers, who do not come under the Employment Act as employment of domestic labour is considered a private contract between the maid and the employer Given the above context, the study of foreign domestic workers, who make vital contributions to Singapore’s economy and society, deserves crucial attention (Yeoh et al 1999)

Philippines the country to which the largest numbers of foreign maids in Singapore belongs to had in the past banned its citizens from working as foreign maids in Singapore, citing poor working conditions These bans caused major confusion and also triggered immediate policy responses from the Singaporean government (Penna, 1995) Following the ban of Filipino domestic workers into Singapore imposed by the Philippine government during 1995-96, the Philippine embassy has been more interventionist with respect to protecting the rights of its citizens On the other hand,

the Indonesian government has been rather lax in this matter and this contributed to rather poor work conditions for Indonesian domestic workers, including a denial of rest days and lower starting wages The Asian financial crisis in 1997, which forced many Indonesian women to migrate in search of job opportunities, has also contributed to the large supply of Indonesian domestic workers In other words, the ready supply of migrant domestic workers from Indonesia has been tantamount to a source of ‘cheaper’ and more ‘compliant’ workforce, which benefits Singaporean employers (Abdul Rahman et al 2005)

There are approximately 700 employment agencies in Singapore that recruit about 80 percent of foreign domestic workers in Singapore After 1995, employment agencies have been promoting the recruitment of Indonesian domestic workers In many cases, workers had to pay heavy recruitment fees to agencies for them to secure a job as a migrant domestic worker (Abdul Rahman et al 2005)

2.4 Conditions of work and living for migrant domestic workers

Reports, especially in the Singapore media, indicate that at least a small minority of foreign domestic workers in Singapore have to endure difficult working conditions and tolerate physical abuse The poor conditions of work and life of these foreign maids have also received much attention in scholarly studies

Scholarly studies and media reports suggest that foreign maids in Singapore are, in many instances, made to work for long hours (Abdul Rahman et al 2005) The movements of maids inside as well as outside their homes are often restricted by their employers Employers fear that maids will compare notes with one another, demand higher wages and also challenge their authority A few employers do not give the

maids rest days as they are afraid that these maids will get into prostitution, theft and foster romantic or sexual relationships Thus, maids have to remain single and are expected not to get pregnant during the period of their contract, which leads to isolated lives in their employers’ homes and few opportunities for an active social life Some employers even use surveillance cameras to spy on their maids at home to check if their children are safe while they are at work (Abdul Rahman et al 2005)

Some maids working in Singapore have been physically abused by their employers, with some enduring ‘scalding and burning with hot water or a hot iron, punching, kicking and even biting’ (Abdul Rahman et al 2005) It was reported that between

1999 and 2004, nearly 117 maids died falling from high-rise apartments Some of them are believed to have committed suicide as a result of harrowing working conditions (Dow Jones, 2004) In addition, some maids are fed leftovers and sometimes denied access to basic necessities like food They are sometimes underpaid, and are not able to afford going out and accessing communication and medical facilities Some maids have even been instructed by employment agents to go

to bed only after their employers do so Another problem occurs when male employers sexually exploit their maids when their spouses are not at home (Abdul Rahman et al 2005)

Some maids are discriminated against on the basis of religion, ethnicity and race For example, some Indonesian workers are expected to forgo their daily prayers and fasting so as to heighten their employability among the non-Muslim employers Maids are often asked to dress in oversized T-shirts, long shorts and maintain a short hairstyle Female employers impose such strict dress codes on maids, so that they do

not pose a threat to their position in the household (Abdul Rahman et al 2005) Domestic workers are reduced to a position of ‘subservient other’ in the homes of their employers Living-in with their employers could lead to blurring of the boundary between ‘home’ and ‘work’ Employers are able to exert ‘personalistic idioms of power‘, which they use to control workers’ access to food, shelter, communication, and rights to private space and time Workers are also perceived as the inferior ‘other’

in the public sphere (Abdul Rahman et al 2005)

Two factors have been attributed to domestic worker abuse in Singapore One is the social and cultural attitudes towards domestic work and to women in general It is pointed out that the ideologies of patriarchy and Confucianism, the hierarchical social structure, class and race prejudice, and corporate culture have an impact on maid abuse in both the private sphere and public policies Often, many subtle forms of domestic worker abuse arise from the employers’ perceptions that abusive behaviour towards domestic workers is excusable The other major factor that contributes to domestic worker abuse in Singapore is the absence of proper legislation protecting the rights of domestic workers (Gee and Ho, 2006)

2.5 Representations of migrant domestic workers in Singaporean society

Yeoh et al (1999) draw attention to the negative representations of foreign domestic workers in Singapore society Given that they are citizens of a Third World country performing ‘unskilled, menial tasks’ of low value, foreign maids qualify as the quintessential ‘Other’, who are viewed through the refracted lenses of nationality, class, race, and gender Such attitudes are highly apparent in the perceptions of an average Singaporean towards ‘foreign worker weekend enclaves’ such as Lucky Plaza (well-known as ‘Little Manila’), Zhujiao Market (gathering ground for Sri Lankan

and Indian workers), and Golden Mile Complex (associated with Thai workers) (Yeoh

‘nạve’, and having poor command of English (Abdul Rahman et al 2005)

2.6 Everyday communication of migrant domestic workers

Given their working and living conditions, everyday communication of domestic workers assumes great importance In fact, workers’ strategies of resistance and sites

of power are closely linked to such communication Foreign domestic workers build social networks, make telephone calls and write letters during their limited leisure time This is one of their means to reclaim some private space and time Contacts with other people help them sometimes to escape from abusive employers and secure better employment opportunities (Abdul Rahman, 2003, cited in Abdul Rahman et al 2005)

Gee and Ho (2006) emphasize the importance of networks and communication in ensuring the rights of foreign domestic workers On her own, a migrant domestic worker can do little to seek redress for the problems she faces, say, those arising from

an abusive employer Many workers are not aware of their legal rights or about sources of legal help This problem is compounded by the lack of adequate legal

provisions that fully take into account the workers’ vulnerable position In such a situation, a migrant domestic worker needs a support network to assist her Peer contacts, civil service officers, home country embassies, voluntary organizations, religious institutions and maid agencies are some of the important alternative support mechanisms available to a worker A support network that provides practical, religious and emotional assistance is crucial to a new migrant to cope with isolation, the unfamiliar environment, and other challenges Such a network can make a difference to how a migrant worker copes with abusive treatment, possibly helping to nip some problems in the bud (Gee and Ho, 2006)

Networks among peer workers can become a valuable source of information, empowerment and emotional support, especially for newly arrived migrants Experienced workers can guide the newcomers on strategies to tackle their many problems and to escape loneliness and isolation; advise them on institutions that offer legal assistance when required; and provide translation services in cases when they are needed (Gee and Ho, 2006)

It may be noted that the type of informal networks among female domestic workers show variations depending on their nationalities The strongest ties are among Filipino domestic workers The factors that aid strong networking among

Filipino workers include their numerical strength and a tradition of solidarity They also possess some advantages compared to other domestic workers They are mainly English speakers, often have relatively high level of education; and are able to obtain

better than average conditions of employment, including weekly days-off (Gee and

Ho, 2006)

2.7 Conclusion

In this chapter, I reviewed the working and living conditions of maids in Singapore, paying special attention to maids who encounter problems during their employment such as physical abuse and inhospitable working conditions I also described their living and working conditions and explained why everyday communication amongst migrant workers, especially with a support network, can be crucial to their existence

In the following chapters, I seek to examine whether ICTs can help migrant workers

in building networks and improving their living conditions

Singapore, being a highly networked society, uses ICTs in every walk of life, including education, public health, public transport and governance ICTs pervade Singaporean society Between 2000 and 2005, the proportion of households with access to computers at home increased from 61 per cent to 74 per cent; and access to the Internet at home increased from 50 per cent to 66 per cent during this period of time Among Singapore’s resident population, the proportion having access to a computer was 65 per cent and to the Internet was 61 per cent in 2005 (IDA, 2006, pp: 17-18) As per statistics in December 2007, mobile phone penetration (based on the total population figures) in Singapore was 103.4 per cent (IDA, 2007)

The use of ICTs by foreign maids in Singapore offers an interesting case study in the

above-mentioned context On the one hand, some employers have been known to use security cameras and other ICT tools to spy on their maids and deprive them of their freedom (Au Yong, 2005) In such circumstances, ICTs can be instruments of subjugation, further undermining the weak positions which the maids hold in society

On the other hand, mobile phones can help maids to maintain relationships and manage job opportunities For example, maids can contact their network of friends whenever they are in distress, in need of a new job, or when they are aware of a new opportunity Here, ICTs can serve as a lifeline and an instrument of empowerment

This thesis seeks to understand how domestic workers use ICTs such as mobile phone and the Internet in their daily lives, and the impact that these ICTs have on their working and living conditions While much research has been conducted on the living conditions of foreign domestic workers in Singapore, studies focusing specifically on their use of ICTs are lacking My thesis will thus attempt to fill this gap in the literature My detailed research questions will be enunciated at the end of this chapter, after the relevant theoretical frameworks and literature have been reviewed Specifically, this thesis will be informed by technology domestication theory and the uses and gratifications approach, both of which will be reviewed next

3.2 Theoretical framework: Domestication of technologies

In this thesis, technology domestication theory will be applied to understand how the domestic workers incorporate ICTs into their daily routines, and how these women appropriate the technologies to suit their lifestyles and specific needs

The interaction between technology and society has attracted considerable research attention over the years One of the influential points of view that emerged is that of

technological determinism The term technological determinism was coined by the American sociologist and economist, Thorstein Veblen Technological determinism assumes that the direction of social change is from the technological to the societal It also assumes that the new technologies have ‘subtle but profound social and

psychological influences at the microsocial level of the regular use of the particular

kinds of tools’ (Chandler, 1996) However, from the 1980s, the idea of technological determinism began to be challenged in the fields of science and technology studies and media and communication studies The idea of domestication emerged as part of

this challenge (Silverstone, 2006)

The concept of technology domestication rejects the linear, technologically determined model for the adoption of new innovations Instead, this concept takes into account the complexity of every day life and technology’s role within this complexity With the increasing dominance of ICTs, it is important to understand our every day interaction with technology (Berker et al 2006)

Domestication of technology can be defined as the processes involving technology’s

‘acceptance, rejection and use’ in every day lives (Berker et al 2006) Domestication

of technology implies that over a long period of time, technologies can become part of the users’ routines and environment Just as we tame a wild animal, new technology too can be tamed, and, like a pet animal, made a part of one’s family It may be noted that the telephone, radio and television have become part of most peoples’ daily routine (Berker et al 2006).

In his book Television and Everyday Life, Silverstone (1994) states that domestication

‘does, perhaps literally, involve bringing objects in from the wild: from the public places The transition, which is also a translation, of objects across the boundary that separates public and private spaces is at the heart of what I mean by domestication’ (Silverstone, 1994) It may be noted that domestication is not solely associated with the home and the private sphere Domestication can also be thought of as a ‘principle

of mass consumption in which products are prepared in the public foray of the market’ (Silverstone, 1994).

Silverstone et al (1992) explained the concept of domestication with respect to the introduction of communication technologies into the domestic sphere Silverstone and Hirsch (1992) showed how ICTs are becoming a central component of family and household culture According to Silverstone et al (1992), the domestic sphere is part

of a ‘transactional system of economic and social relations within the formal social economy’ (cited in Ribak and Rosenthal, 2006, p.552) Households appropriate technologies into domestic culture, that is, they incorporate and redefine technologies

in a fashion that suits household’s own values and interests (Silverstone et al 1992, p.552, cited in Ribak and Rosenthal, 2006) This is the process of domestication

Domestication is also related to the resistance to new technologies: that is, how people dismiss or transform technologies to suit their needs Domestication can be understood as the practical and emotional adaptation of technologies to make them meaningful to one’s life (Lie and Sørensen, 2002)

According to Silverstone et al (1992), there are four elements or phases in the domestication of technology, they are:

• ‘appropriation (position and ownership);

• objectification (display and place in the world);

• incorporation (use, with a focus on temporalities); and

• conversion (the symbolic currency of the object)’ (cited in Ribak and Rosenthal, 2006)

Ribak and Rosenthal (2006) described the four phases of domestication of technology (mentioned above) using a case study of the evolution in the practice of telephony in Kibbutz Y in Israel Over the years, public telephones which catered to the entire Kibbutz were replaced with private ownership of household telephones and later with the mobile phones These changes in the nature of telephone use were accompanied

by gradual shifts in Kibbutz’s ideology from ‘public to private and collective to individual’ (Ribak and Rosenthal, 2006)

3.2.1 Development of domestication as a concept

Domestication has emerged as an important concept within media, communications, and technology studies It has filled a gap between media and communication studies,

on the one hand, and science and technology studies, on the other According to Berker et al (2006), it has provided ways to ‘refute technological and media determinisms and rationalistic biases’ The domestication approach develops further the area of innovation and diffusion Domestication research studies ‘media and technology use in context, defining daily life routines, social embeddedness and

similar issues as relevant for the media consumption process’ (Berker et al 2006, pp 2-6)

In media studies, the origins of domestication began in the late 1980s with growing research interest in media audiences Hobson (1980) studied the role and meaning of television in the lives of housewives, and Bausinger’s (1984) research dealt with media consumption in the home Dave Morley and Roger Silverstone in their 1986 project examined in particular the gender dimension of television viewing in households Lull (1988, 1990) carried out a number of studies on how families watched television An important objective of these studies was to examine the role that television as a technology played in people’s lives These studies contributed greatly to the understanding of technology domestication (Haddon, 2007)

3.2.2 Consuming technologies

Silverstone and Hirsch (1992) argue that our domestic life is suffused by technology ICTs are becoming a central component of family and household culture, according to them It is important to note that the conjunction of ‘consuming’ and ‘technologies’ suggests two different images that are potentially contradictory (Silverstone and Hirsch, 1992)

In everyday settings, we consume technologies or technical artefacts, as we use them and integrate them into our daily lives At the same time, we are also consumed by the technologies as our dependence on technologies grows This interaction between technologies and humans is dictated by the process of domestication (Silverstone et

al 1989) In other words, we tame the technologies around us and this leads to a process of reciprocal change (Lie and Sørensen, 2002) It is in this context that Berker

et al (2006) pointed out the importance of adapting technologies to people as well as

of people creating an environment that is technologically-mediated (Berker et al., 2006)

Consider, for example, the case of ICTs ICTs are increasingly integrated into our everyday lives, transforming the users who are dependent on them, while being themselves transformed in the process ICTs can therefore be seen as, on the one hand, material objects having social and symbolic significance, and, on the other, objects that are embedded in contemporary consumer culture (Silverstone and Hirsch,

1992, p.1)

In connection with understanding the way technologies are consumed, we need to look beyond the common analytical divide between production and consumption Rather than viewing consumption as always passive and adaptive (and production as active and creative), we need to recognize that consumption and production are inseparable This is not to say that the two are identical acts, and that users (or consumers) and designers (or producers) have identical functions The process of domestication suggests that the consumers are also tinkerers who, while acquiring new technical artefacts, also integrate them into their everyday lives This integration process occurs in the practical as well as the symbolic domain (Lie and Sørensen,

2002, p 10)

The concept of domestication of technologies implies that the consumer/user should

be perceived as an active party It draws attention to the broad range of actions taken

on by people as they acquire and use technical artefacts (Lie and Sørensen, 2002, p 13)

3.2.3 Domestication and everyday life

Much research attention has been focused on domestication and everyday life Everyday life activities may be characterized as routine, non-specialized and non- bureaucratic; as activities that are found in the factory and office as well as in the home and in places of leisure such as the sports arena (Sørensen, 1991) Everyday life can also be perceived as ‘the small world’ or the world within one’s reach (Heller, 1981) In this way, everyday life stands in contrast with the larger society and provides a critique of the modern tendency to centralize, globalize and standardize (Lie and Sørensen, 2002)

The contradiction between globalizing and localizing forces has been addressed by researchers Giddens (1990), for example, points to how institutions are continuously disembedded from their local nature through globalization while simultaneously, new institutions are being re-embedded into local settings (cited in Lie and Sørensen, 2002) Thus the continuous reproduction of everyday life involves the dialectic between globalizing and localizing forces, and between the disembedding and re- embedding of institutions (from their local context) Technology can be considered a standardizing, globalizing and bureaucratizing force However, in practice, technology is appropriated and re-embedded in a local context In this way, they become part of the daily routines and, in effect, serve as instigators of change (Lie and Sørensen, 2002, pp 16-17)

According to Lister et al (2003), new media technologies are ‘embedded in everyday life and it’s domestic and urban environments… permeating all the mundane activities’’ (Lister et al 2003, pp 219-220) By everyday life, Lister et al (2003)

referred to ‘the family relationships, routines, cultural practices and spaces through which people make sense of the world’ (Lister et al 2003, p.220)

3.2.4 Recent applications of the domestication concept in empirical studies

Some empirical investigations have been conducted on the domestication of ICTs in Asian settings Lim (2006) analyses how middle class Chinese families domesticate ICTs Through in-depth interviews of families in Beijing and Shanghai, she found that ICT use in these households was characterized by routinization, reconfiguration, intermediation, social advancement and containment ICT use was systematically routinized into the daily life of these families; the domestic space was reconfigured to enable the use of ICTs and to meet the child’s educational needs at the same time In addition, ICTs have been acting as intermediaries facilitating communication among members of nuclear families in China Parents regard ICTs as a means for social advancement of their children But while encouraging the children’s use of ICTs, parents were also imposing a number of restrictions to contain children’ media usage (Lim, 2006)

Uy-Tioco’s (2007) study was on the use of mobile phones in the every day lives of Filipina migrant workers Uy-Tioco (2007) showed that cellular phone technology empowered Filipina migrant workers to reassert their roles as mothers Migrant mothers reinforced their love for their children through text messaging – maintaining their presence in homes despite the geographical distance Technology is thus empowering and humanizing for the migrant Filipino workers (Uy-Tioco, 2007) Evidence presented by Uy-Tioco (2007) fits well with Morley’s (2000) argument that

‘communication technologies can function as disembedding mechanisms, powerfully

enabling individuals (and sometimes whole families or communities) to escape, at least imaginatively, from their geographical locations’ (Morley, 2000, pp.149-150)

According to Lister et al (2003) ‘the consumption of media technologies is both shaped by and shapes existing family dynamics’ (Lister et al 2003, p.236) In the case

of Filipina migrant workers, Uy-Tioco (2007) showed that the cell phone mediates and shapes existing family relationships An overseas female worker wiring money to her son in the Philippines is a perfect example of how the system of dependence expected within a family permeates to exist universally through communication technologies (Uy-Tioco, 2007)

3.3 Uses and gratifications perspective

In this thesis, the uses and gratifications approach will be adopted to appreciate how the domestic workers use ICTs in their daily lives and the gratifications which they derive therein

The uses and gratifications approach, which has its roots in a functionalist paradigm

in the social sciences, arose originally in the 1940s and underwent a revival in the 1970s and 1980s This approach presents the use of media in terms of the gratification

of social or psychological needs of the individual (Blumler & Katz 1974) Gratifications will be derived from a medium's content (e.g watching a specific programme), from familiarity with a genre within the medium (e.g watching soap operas), from general exposure to the medium (e.g watching TV), and from the social context in which it is used (e.g watching TV with the family) According to researchers, people's needs influence how they use and respond to a medium In

addition, the theory argues that the mass media compete with other sources of gratification (Chandler, 1994)

A suitable framework for analyzing the use of the cell phone is the uses and gratifications model According to this approach, each individual user ‘actively selects and uses its media’ (Katz et al., 1973) At the same time, the users use different media differently, depending on their social, psychological and gratification-seeking motives In this way, the uses and gratifications model provides a user-centered perspective for studying the use of cell phones (Katz et al., 1973)

The uses and gratifications model implies the existence of an active audience, which

is driven by considerations of utility (i.e., the uses people have for communication), intentionality (i.e., prior motivation that directs communication behaviour), and selectivity (i.e., prior interest and desires that affect communication choices and content) (Blumler and Katz, 1974; Palmgreen et al., 1985) Previous research indicates that the audience member’s choice of a particular medium is motivated by attempts to fulfill his or her psychological needs such as surveillance, entertainment, relaxation, para-social interaction, and companionship (Lin, 1993).

The existence of an active audience, a key assumption in uses and gratifications research, has been challenged by recent researchers Although audience members are still regarded as universally active, some researchers suggest that audience members are not all equally active at all times (Rubin, 1994b)

As can be seen from the above discussion in Sections 3.2 and 3.3, the theories of domestication and uses and gratification try to understand how users integrate technologies into their daily lives

3.4 Women and the sociology of everyday life

As this thesis focuses on a group of marginalized women and their use of ICTS in daily life, the analysis will be further enriched by insights from the sociology of everyday life, particularly concerning women

In the late 1970s, several feminist thinkers incorporated Marxist theories to analyze the structural relationships between men and women (Harding, 1996) Harding (1996)

writes: ‘knowledge is supposed to be based, however complexly, on human

experience, but women’s half of human experience has been ignored or devalued as

an origin of problematics and data’ (Harding, 1996, p.151) Currently, new questions are being raised, which point out that ‘women’, again, is not a homogenous group This implies that the search for universality should take into account not only the differences between male and female, but also the differences within the female gender, such as between African-American and White-American (Calhoun, 1995)

Canadian sociologist Dorothy Smith was a pioneer in introducing the idea of a feminist or woman’s standpoint to the sociology of everyday life, studying women as

a ‘product of social collectivity, having a commonality of circumstances, developing a shared knowledge of experiences’ (Smith, 1987) Smith (1999) wrote that her method

of inquiry working from the standpoint of women has led her to ‘propose a sociology that takes everyday/every night world as its problematic’ (Smith, 1999,

p.65) In fact, several scholars have attempted to provide theoretical insights on everyday interactions of human beings

According to Schutz et al (1973), the reality of everyday life is the province of reality

in which ‘man continuously participates in ways which are at once inevitable and patterned’ Similarly, the phenomenological sociology of Alfred Schutz seeks to

‘understand how persons construct meaning.’ According to Schutz (1999), our experience of the world is inter-subjective because we experience the world ‘with and through others’ (Schutz, 1999) According to Erving Goffman, the individual develops an identity or persona ‘as a function of interaction with others, through an exchange of information that allows for more specific definitions of identity and behaviour’ (cited in Barnhart, 1994)

In the Trauma of Moving, McCollum (1990), writes about psychological issues

affecting women who are involved in the daily life experience of moving According

to McCollum (1990), ‘a woman’s sense of dispersion can make her move far more complex than a man’s.’ This, according to McCollum (1990) arises from the fact that women’s ‘experience of self becomes deeply embedded in the work they do’ (McCollum, 1990, p.168)

3.5 Research problem

Given the above-discussed theoretical background, my research is an attempt to study the use of ICTs by women working as domestic workers in Singapore My specific research questions are: