PARENTAL PERCEPTIONS OF MEDIA AND PARENTAL MEDIATION OF MEDIA USE a STUDY OF INDONESIAN MUSLIM MOTHERS IN MEDIATING THEIR CHILDRENS TELEVISION AND INTERNET USE

PARENTAL MEDIATION OF MEDIA USE: A STUDY OF INDONESIAN MUSLIM MOTHERS IN MEDIATING THEIR CHILDREN’S TELEVISION AND INTERNET USE RAHAYU NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2012... PARENTA

PARENTAL MEDIATION OF MEDIA USE:

A STUDY OF INDONESIAN MUSLIM MOTHERS IN

MEDIATING THEIR CHILDREN’S TELEVISION AND INTERNET USE

RAHAYU

NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE

2012

PARENTAL PERCEPTIONS OF MEDIA AND

PARENTAL MEDIATION OF MEDIA USE:

A STUDY OF INDONESIAN MUSLIM MOTHERS IN

MEDIATING THEIR CHILDREN’S TELEVISION AND INTERNET USE

RAHAYU

B.A (Hons) and M.Si (Hons), Gadjah Mada University

A THESIS SUBMITTED

FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNICATIONS AND NEW MEDIA

NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE

2012

provide me with a listening ear, advice, support, and friendship She goes out of her way to help with her expertise She has been a wonderful mentor from when we met She has been most influential in inspiring me in terms of academic writing,

publication, and her passion in encouraging and empowering students; these are meaningful to me as an academic

It would not have been possible to make it through graduate school without the support of my colleagues and friends I would like to express my deepest thank

you to my guru, Amir Effendi Siregar, for his support and friendship over the years

I admire his belief, concern, and consistency to realize diversity of media and its ownership in Indonesia, which inspired me to conduct media research that contributes

to public lives I appreciate his support and help in handling difficulties during my studies at NUS He is a good motivator, and always reminded me to stay strong, patient, and positive, and to pursue my dream to further my studies

I would also like to record my ―thank you‖s to:

 Professor Dr Pratikno, for writing the recommendation for my

scholarship application I appreciate his attention and willingness to

support me

 Professor Dr Nunung Prajarto, who motivated me not to be satisfied

with a Master‘s degree, and to continue with my studies

 Novi Kurnia and Dr Dodi Ambardi, for their friendship and sharing of

their stories, especially in regard to their PhD experiences

 Budhy K, for his unique sense of humor and greeting that always made

me smile, even under the most stressful circumstances He is one of the reasons I miss Yogyakarta, and why I constantly find excuses to return

 Pujirianto, Wisnu Martha Adiputra, Iwan A.Y and all friends for

their constant reminders about PKMBP, where we spent several years promoting media literacy program and media professionalism

 My research assistants, for their insights on the research findings

On a personal note, my deepest thanks, love, and appreciation to:

 My parents, for inspiring me not to give up even when the going gets

tough, and for supporting me spiritually and financially during my course

of study They exemplify the many ordinary Indonesians who care about their children‘s education and future, and have dedicated their lives to putting their children‘s interest and future ahead of their own My parents‘ belief in me, and in my education, is the most valuable gift

 My sweet and lovely daughters, Mira and Dhira, for bringing so much

joy, laughter and happiness to my life They are strong, responsible,

understanding, and independent, and that has enabled me to focus on my study With limited supervision, their achievements have motivated me to push ahead in my studies and advance in my career They are why I had to

complete my Master‘s at NUS I dedicate this thesis to my daughters

 Mas Aryadi Subagyo, for his support and advice on life, and his constant

reminders that challenge is always given (by God) to make us stronger and more resilient

 Budi Irawanto, for his concern and ready advice on how to do better in

my studies and gain the confidence to publish my research His wife, Fifi,

for showing me how to allocate my limited budget wisely, and where to shop Their warmth and kindness to my family, and our time together, has made them a part of our extended family

 My fellow graduate students in Communication and New Media,

especially Cheryll, Yuanying, and Chengting, for their friendship,

motivation, and constant reminders to take care of myself physically and

emotionally; Jhee for sharing literature, Pitra for lending me his thesis for reference, Retna for her patient assistance in helping me handle

Selangor Malaysia, July 11-14, 2012

As the use of media and technology in everyday life continues to intensify, parents are increasingly concerned about negative media effects and seek to impose parental mediation to control their children‘s use of the media This study attempts to explore parental mediation by Muslim mothers in Indonesia as they seek to supervise their children‘s consumption of television and the Internet Religious beliefs are a central issue in this study because most previous studies use it narrowly as a simplistic demographic measure Yet, religious beliefs warrant greater scrutiny, because of its influence in shaping parental attitudes towards child-rearing, media content and supervision of media use Furthermore, growing trends towards greater religiosity in some parts of the world add further urgency to the study of this issue Given the salience of Islam in the lives of Muslim mothers in Indonesia, this particular group constitutes an appropriate sample population for understanding the impact of religious beliefs on parental mediation of children‘s media consumption

Data were collected from 70 Muslim mothers in Yogyakarta in Indonesia through ethnographic interviews to investigate the mothers‘ perceptions of media and their mediation practices and to understand how media devices and their use are incorporated into the families‘ everyday lives and, above all, to understand the overall influence of religious beliefs on the aforementioned

Findings revealed that informants perceived television and the Internet both positively and negatively, although negative perception dominated their media

criticism, with consequences on parental mediation practices reflecting a dilemma between using the technology to increase the children knowledge, skills and social mobility, and limiting the technological access to protect them from the negative

influences from the media This study shows that informants tended to apply a mix of parental mediation styles between restrictive, co-viewing and restrictive mediation Mothers in this study were more involved in mediating their children‘s television use; meanwhile, fathers were more active in supervising the children‘s Internet access, especially in terms of introducing this new technology, mastering the technology use, and criticizing its content The mothers‘ familiarity or unfamiliarity with the media, as well as their knowledge and skill in using the media, determined the extent to which the mothers were in charge of supervision The mothers‘ choice of mediation styles was influenced by parents‘ and children‘s attributes and household conditions This study suggests that religious beliefs play a key role in parents‘ perception of the media and parental mediation practices This study shows how religious beliefs influenced the informants in setting time for media access, selecting the content, and constructing their framework for criticizing the media and developing arguments or reasons in their supervision based on religious values

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii

SUMMARY vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS viii

LIST OF TABLES ix

LIST OF FIGURES x

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1

1.1 Indonesia‘s Evolving Media Landscape 3

1.2 Islamic Perceptions of Television and Internet 5

1.3 Muslim Women‘s Position in Indonesian Society and Their Role on Parental Mediation 7

CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 9

2.1 Motherhood and Media Use 9

2.2 Mothers‘ Perceptions of Media and Its Influence on Parental Mediation Practices 11

2.3 Parental Mediation of Their Children‘s Media Use 15

2.4 Household Factors, Children‘s Attributes and Various Styles of Mediation 18

2.5 Peer Groups: Factors in Parental Mediation 21

2.6 The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Parental Mediation 22

2.7 Research Questions 1 to 4 25

CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 27

3.1 Ethnographic Interviews Defined and Reasons for Choosing This Method 27

3.2 Seven Stages in the Ethnographic Interview 28

3.3 Criteria for Informants and Recruitment Process 31

3.4 Profile of Informants 32

3.5 Description of Research Location 34

3.6 Data Collection Procedures 35

3.7 Data Analysis Procedures 38

CHAPTER 4 PARENTAL PERCEPTION OF TELEVISION

AND PARENTAL MEDIATION OF CHILDREN’S

TELEVISION USE 40

4.1 Television Use Habits and Patterns in Muslim Families 40

4.2 Muslim Mothers‘ Perception of Television 43

4.3 Parental Mediation Strategies of Children‘s Media Use 49

4.4 Household Factors 59

4.4.1 Family Income 59

4.4.2 Mother‘s Occupation Trait 60

4.4.3 Family Structure and Communication 60

4.5 The Influence of Peer Group on Parental Mediation of Children‘s Television Use 62

4.6 The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Parental Mediation of Children‘s Television Use 63

4.7 The Summary of Findings 69

CHAPTER 5 PARENTAL PERCEPTION OF TELEVISION AND PARENTAL MEDIATION OF CHILDREN’S INTERNET USE 70

5.1 Internet Use Habits and Patterns in Muslim Families 70

5.2 Muslim Mothers‘ Perception of the Internet 74

5.3 Parental Mediation Strategies of Children‘s Internet Use 80

5.4 Household Factors 84

5.4.1 Family Income 84

5.4.2 Mother‘s Occupation Trait 85

5.4.3 Family Structure and Communication 86

5.4.4 Time of Having Home Internet Access 87

5.5 The Influence of Peer Group on Parental Mediation of Children‘s Internet Use 87

5.6 The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Parental Mediation of Children‘s Internet Use 88

5.7 Balancing the Desire for Media Consumption and Religious Proclivity 91

5.8 The Summary of Findings 94

CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION 96

6.1 Summary of Research Findings 96

6.2 Implications for the Field of Communication and Media Studies 101

6.3 Practical Implications 102

6.4 The Limitations 103

6.5 Directions for Future Research 104

REFERENCES 105

APPENDIX A INTERVIEW GUIDE 121

APPENDIX B DATA RESPONDENTS 125

List of Tables

Table 1: Seven Stages in the Ethnographic Interview 30 Table 2: Profiles of Informants 33

List of Figures

Figure 1: Family of respondent 61: children watching TV for relaxation and

entertainment 46

Figure 2: Family of respondent 52: children and mother watching TV for rest and entertainment 47

Figure 3: Living room of respondent 19: TV in living room to facilitate parental control 54

Figure 4: Living room of respondent 44: TV and Internet 54

Figure 5: Living room of respondent 53: TV and Internet 55

Figure 6: Study room of respondent 38: Internet cable box 81

Figure 7: (Parents‘) bedroom of respondent 51: Internet cable box 81

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

In many countries, there is an observed and established relationship between the governments‘ intensified efforts at economic development, particularly within the media and information technology sectors, and citizens‘ motivation to adopt

multimedia In Indonesia, the media industry has continued to proliferate after the

1998 Reformasi (political transformation), resulting in many Indonesians, including children, consuming various media (Sarwono, Hendriyani & Guntarto, 2011) Many

now recognize that media and technology impact their lives, in a positive, as well as

negative, way (Sarwono, Hendriyani & Guntarto, 2011; Nur, 2011) Many parents

becoming increasingly concerned about the negative effects and seek to impose

parental mediation to control their children‘s use of the media (Nur, 2011; Media

Indonesia, 2009; Kompas, 2009) In Indonesia, the growing use (and abuse) of media,

especially television and the Internet, by Indonesian children has stoked debate within the country about the need for greater parental mediation of children‘s television and the Internet use, especially with regard to adult and violent content, and access to online pornography and other deleterious content (e.g Mulkan, 2007; Suara Karya, 2010) Not surprisingly, the polemic surrounding these issues has taken on a distinctly moralistic and religious tone, because Indonesia is a predominantly Muslim country

This study attempts to explore parental mediation by Muslim mothers as they seek to supervise their children‘s consumption of television and the Internet The study targeted mothers as participants because Indonesia‘s cultural and ideological norms dictate that within the household, mothers are to play a key role in supervising

their children (Fealy & White, 2008; Ida, 2009) In this study, religious belief

becomes a central issue because it influences and shapes parental attitudes towards child-rearing, media content and their supervision of media use In many previous studies, religious belief was narrowly defined as a simplistic demographic measure, but its impact on parental mediation has been largely overlooked In various parts of the world, growing trends toward greater religiosity have added further urgency to the study of this issue Among Muslim mothers in Indonesia, Islam is an important and innate part of their lives, which makes this particular group an appropriate and

relevant population sample for understanding the impact of religious beliefs on

parental mediation of children‘s media consumption Specifically, this study seeks to understand the strategies that Indonesian mothers employ to mediate their children‘s use of television and the Internet and how their religious beliefs influence these

strategies Data and analysis were based on ethnographic interviews with 70 Muslim mothers who resided in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, at the time of the study

This study focused on mothers‘ mediation of children‘s television and Internet use and contributes to the body of knowledge in the following ways: firstly, this study looks at religious belief as an influential factor in determining mothers‘ mediation practices within a religious community This study provides an added perspective to a little-studied area of communication, showing the reality of parental mediation

practices in Indonesia, where Muslims form the majority of the population This study analyzes, for the first time in Indonesia, the influence of Muslim mothers‘ religious beliefs on their mediation of children‘s media use Secondly, the use of ethnographic interviews in this study further develops the field of parental mediation studies,

offering deeper insights into respondents‘ experiences and behavior

This chapter contains four topics: (1) Indonesia‘s evolving media landscape;

(2) Islamic perceptions of television and the Internet; and (3) the Muslim woman‘s position within Indonesian society and their parental mediation strategies By

explaining these topics, I attempt to provide a comprehensive background to this study

1.1 Indonesia’s Evolving Media Landscape

The fall of President Suharto in 1998 marked the beginning of a new era in

Indonesia Referred to as Reformasi, this political shift also democratized and

liberalized the media industry, ushering in dramatic changes to the media landscape (Hidayat, 2003; Hill & Sen, 2007; Kitley, 2000) This transformation also stimulated the growth of the television and Internet industries The number of television

broadcasting companies grew sharply from 28 in 1998 to 228 in 2008 (Minister of Communications and Informatics of the Republic of Indonesia, 2008) Of the

estimated 201.4 million television viewers in 1997, 65 million (about a third of the total number of viewers) are children (Gazali, 2004) The number of Internet hosts increased from 21,052 in 1999, to 46,000 in 2001, while the number of users rose from an estimated 900,000 in 1999, to 4 million in 2001 (Directorate General of Post and Telecommunications, The Republic of Indonesia, 2001), and 25 million in 2007

(APJII, 2007) In addition, the number of Internet cafes (Warnet/Warung Internet)

increased from 2,500 in 2001, to 6,000 in 2004 (Siregar, 2008) Moreover, as of 2010, there were 21 million Facebook users, 5.6 million Twitter users, and 2.7 million bloggers (Minister of Communications and Informatics of the Republic of Indonesia-

Dirjen Aplikasi Telematika, 2010) These trends are likely to rise further in light of the

Indonesian government‘s policy to accelerate information and communications

technologies (ICTs) utilization in Indonesia

On the domestic front, households with children have been caught up in the television and Internet wave Recent studies show that the majority of Indonesian children watch television for about two to seven hours a day, and access the Internet from home for about two hours a day, with Internet cafés and schools being

alternative sites of access (see Nur, 2011; Sarwono, Hendriyani & Guntarto, 2011) They watch various programs on TV such as cartoons, serial drama, movies, reality shows and other programs containing adult and violent content They use the Internet mostly for online gaming, researching school projects, chatting, email, and

downloading media content Notably, these studies also suggest that many children access the Internet unsupervised and without any parental rules or supervision Some

of the children admitted to having viewed pornographic content A number of them have their own Facebook accounts even though they are ‗under-aged‘ (below 13 years old) (Nur, 2011; Sarwono, Hendriyani & Guntarto, 2011) Facebook‘s privacy policy states that individuals aged 13 years and above are eligible to have their own

Facebook accounts

Resonating with the experience in other countries, the growing use of the television and the Internet by Indonesian children has raised concerns about their exposure to unsavory or frivolous content that contains too much sex, violence,

mysticism and hedonism and about the deleterious effects of such content on them

Various experts have expressed similar views, including the chairman of Aisyiyah

(women‘s wing of the second largest Muslim organization in Indonesia,

Muhammadiyah) on July 9, 2011, and other leaders from Islamic organizations

(http://www.suarakarya-online.com) Such apprehensions have been reflected in parental pressure on the state to more actively control the Internet and to introduce

media literacy education in a more systematic and comprehensive manner In

response to public pressure, on August 11, 2010, just one day before Ramadan, the Indonesian government, through the Ministry of Communication and Informatics, instructed six of the largest Internet Service Providers in the country (Indosat, Indosat Mega Media, XL Axiata, Telkomsel, Bakrie Telecom, and PT Telkom) to

block access to online porn content Other service providers were later asked to do the same However, the government‘s policy to block access to porn led to public

criticism Not long after, the Ministry introduced an Internet literacy program entitled

―Internet Sehat dan Internet Aman” (Healthy and Safe Internet), to apprise young

people on how to use the Internet in a more positive manner, such as advising them to avoid deleterious content and choose a more pro-social orientation Schools were also provided with Internet filtering software to prevent access to online pornographic content within the school environment

1.2 Islamic Perceptions of Television and Internet

Islam being Indonesia‘s dominant religion, practiced by 88.22% (216 million)

of the total population of 245 million (Board of Statistic, 2005), it was not surprising

to note that the Islamic community has been the most vocal and fervent in its criticism

of media content As Stout (2001) noted, Islamic criticisms of the media stem from the perceptions that messages contained within popular media conflict with Islam‘s moral beliefs and values In particular, pornographic content online and in mainstream media is believed to cause a decline in Islamic devotees‘ moral and religious

commitment (Fealy & White, 2008) Furthermore, Western media are believed to propagate prejudicial representations of Islam and Muslims that discredit the religion

and undermine its global standing (Agung, 2010; Mir-Hosseini, 1988)

Despite these reservations about media content and their dissemination

platforms, such as print and broadcast media, Indonesian Muslims have been

enthusiastic adopters of the Internet and other forms of new media such as the mobile

phone (Fealy & White, 2008) Some Indonesian da‟i (preachers) use the Internet and mobile phone text messages to improve the effectiveness of their dakwah (preaching)

and to deliver religious services In addition, some Islamic schools have developed Internet e-learning applications to socialize teachers and students on the central tenets

of their faith Such examples instantiate Stout‘s (2001) claim that Muslims ―create variations in the ways popular culture is defined and used‖ (p 9)

Within the Islamic community, there are differing opinions on how media content should be regulated With regard to the Internet, in particular, radical and

extremist Islamic groups such as Laskar Jihad (Jihad Brigade) and Front Pembela

Islam (FPI, Islamic Defense Front) propose that the Indonesian government impose

strict censorship on the media, including television programs and other visual images, and banning pornographic websites (Lindsay, 2011) In contrast, other Islamic groups

such as Aisyiyah prefer to leave the regulating of the Internet and its users within the

private realm of the household and public empowerment This organization actively campaigns for media literacy education in schools and Islamic study groups

(pengajian) that can empower Internet users to be critical of the medium (Nur, 2011) This organization uses the Qur‟an and Hadith (a report of the words and deeds of the

Prophet Muhammad transmitted through a chain of narrators) as the basis for such educational initiatives Meanwhile, the Indonesian society holds normative

expectations that Indonesian women serve as the key managers of the household and the primary nurturers of children, making the women the logical targets of media

literacy campaigns in Indonesia (e.g., Fadhal, Zarkasi & Agustin, 2011; Guntarto, 2011; Nur, 2011)

1.3 Muslim Women’s Position in Indonesian Society and Their Role on Parental Mediation

To better comprehend the burdens placed on Indonesian Muslim mothers à-vis parental mediation of their children‘s media use, we must first consider their position in Indonesian society and, more specifically, within Muslim households Although the last few decades have seen a dramatic increase in the number of

vis-Indonesian women participating in the labor force (Statistic-Indonesia, 2010), along with changes in the perceptions of women, nevertheless, expectations remain that women serve mainly in the domestic realm (Ida, 2009) Two dominant yet opposing views of women‘s position in Indonesian society prevail On the one hand, women are perceived as being of inferior status to men, thereby relegating them to playing purely

domestic roles Conversely, women are viewed as being equal to men, deemed

capable of performing professional and public duties Before Reformasi, especially

under Suharto‘s New Order regime, the role of women in Indonesian society was determined within the context of national development goals (Gardiner, 2002; Ida,

2009) ―Women were assigned the role of their kodrat (inherent nature) and were

responsible for household matters, reproduction, and family nurturing‖ (Ida, 2009, p 15) Even though women were identified in development programs as equal partners

of men and worked outside the home, their position in society continued to be

constrained by male-imposed ideas about women‘s nature, dignity and status (Ida,

2009) After Reformasi, the position of women in Indonesian society began to

challenge the traditional model of patriarchal domination In this new era, political and economic changes have encouraged Indonesian women to gain access to education and to enter the work force and political arena (Ida, 2009) However, many women still face a dilemma between their ―domestic‖ and ―public‖ roles, and their efforts to balance the two sometimes result in domestic disputes and even violence (Subiantoro, 2008; Sudarto, 2008)

socio-Beyond broader societal conceptions, Islamic values also prescribe and

proscribe the status and role of Indonesian Muslim women Competing interpretations

of the Qur‟an, Hadith, and Figh (Islamic jurisprudence on the interpretation of the holy Qur‟an and Hadith) have ignited debates (see Bano, 2003; Doorn-Harder, 2002),

with some believing that women should be confined to domestic tasks, while others believe that women can play constructive roles in the public realm Nevertheless, new

trends in the interpretations of the Qur‟an on gender issues have brought about an

advancement of women‘s positions in Islamic society (see Kazmi, 1994; Stowasser, 1998) In Islam, the family is considered a pillar in developing Islamic society, with women playing a crucial ―guide keeper‖ role in the family in socializing children on Islamic beliefs and values In the midst of a media-saturated world in which the media appear to wield a strong influence on children‘s development, in some ways perceived

as displacing the parent in a child‘s life, Muslim women‘s task to supervise their children‘s media use remains even more challenging

CHAPTER 2

Literature Review

This chapter reviews relevant literature focusing on motherhood and media use, mothers‘ perceptions of media, parental mediation of children‘s media use, and the influence of household factors, children‘s attributes, peer groups and religious beliefs on parental mediation practices This section ends with a discussion on the gap

in the literature, followed by a list of research questions

2.1 Motherhood and Media Use

Studies of mothers and their adoption of information and communications technologies (ICTs) for household use in various contexts have shown that mothers utilize media to support their parental obligations For example, mothers in the United

States have used Sesame Street and popular situation comedies to introduce concepts

such as numbers and colors and to explain how a good character performs (Stoneman

& Brody, 1982) Dutch mothers have improved on their Internet skills to help their children excel in school (Hynes & Rommes, 2006) Similarly, mothers in Australia have recognized the usefulness of the Internet when they assisted their children in their schoolwork (Singh, 2001)

Even though mothers recognize the value in adopting ICTs for their families, they may not have the authority to decide on the household‘s ICT purchases In some contexts, these decisions are made based on the traditional family role structures For example, in Korea, the decision-making on products for family use, such as

computers, is primarily dominated by men (Na, 2001; Na, Son & Marshall, 1998)

Indonesian Muslim women‘s (i.e., mothers‘) lack of authority in making decisions with regard to their family‘s ICT access is set within the social and cultural constraints in which women are traditionally positioned in domestic-oriented roles Some scholars (e.g., Frissen, 2000; Kulik, 2004; Miyoko & Yutaka, 2008; Rakow & Navarro, 1993) pointed out that social expectations and cultural conventions still have

an impact on women‘s status and position in society Although job opportunities for women have increased, along with the number of women in the workforce, this group still bears the brunt of domestic responsibilities such as managing domestic chores and childcare This prevailing trend determines the role women play in adopting household ICTs and in supervising their children‘s use Mothers tend to be more involved than fathers in supervising their children‘s ICTs use (see Anderson &

Sharum, 2007; Dholakia, 2006; Na, 2001; Pasquier, 2001; Rakow & Navarro, 1993; Ribak, 2001; Singh, 2001) Other studies have found that mothers have more control than fathers over where media are placed in the house so as to maximize their utility (e.g., Flynn, 2003; Lemor, 2006)

In Indonesia, where patriarchy remains strong in all aspects of social life, the role of women as primary caregivers to children causes them to be more concerned about media education as well as supervision They recommend informational and educational programs to their children (Hendriyani, Hollander, d‘Haenens & Beentjes, 2011; Wattimena, 2010) They also become involved in media literacy programs to better understand the media and develop their skills in supervising their children‘s media consumption (Nur, 2011; Guntarto, 2011)

With the implied understanding that media practices within the family unit cannot be understood in the context of a gender vacuum (Morley, 1986), this present

study will pave the way to consider gender issue, especially focusing on the

contemporary social condition of women in Indonesia who continually face a conflict situation between ―traditional‖ social status, exigencies of financial support, and

gender equality in their family lives (Quah, 2005) This present study attempts to

explore how these mothers, who tend not to be involved in ICT adoption within the family context are positioned by social and cultural circumstances to be responsible for supervising their children, play their roles in mediating their children‘s media use

2.2 Mothers’ Perceptions of Media and Its Influence on Parental Mediation

Practices

Scholars have shown that mothers‘ (parents‘) perceptions of the media tend to influence their style of mediation (Abanto, 2004; Alters & Clarks, 2004; Bybee,

Robinson & Turow, 1982; Dens, Pelsmacker, & Eagle, 2007; Nathanson, 2001;

Nathanson, Eveland, Park & Paul, 2002) For example, it was found that mothers who perceived media negatively and held negative attitudes about the media tended to

prefer active and restrictive mediation, whereas mothers who perceived media

positively and held positive attitudes towards the media tended to choose co-viewing (Alters & Clarks, 2004; Dens, Pelsmacker & Eagle, 2007; Nathanson, 2001)

Although scholars showed that demographic characteristics and household factors

also determine parental styles of mediation, they defined these as ―intervening

variables‖ and mothers‘ perceptions of the media as ―an independent variable‖ (e.g., Abanto, 2004) Scholars perceived that mothers‘ perceptions toward the media were the most important predictor of parental mediation style (e.g., Abanto, 2004; Dens, Pelsmacker & Eagle, 2007)

Mothers‘ perceptions are also strongly linked to media effect (Seiter, 1999) Despite positive perceptions, mothers worried that their children would be affected by television content which present too much sex and violence (Alters & Clark, 2004; Seiter, 1999) Mothers were also concerned about the effects of advertisements (e.g., Bijizen, 2009; Chakroff, 2007; Chan & McNeal, 2002; Dens, Pelsmacker & Eagle, 2007) With specific regard to the Internet as an interactive medium, parents tended to worry about: (1) ―content risk,‖ that their children may access and receive sexually explicit and violent images and may obtain information about self-harm; (2) ―contact risk,‖ such that they become victims of cyber-bullying or online sexual grooming; (3)

―conduct risk,‖ being exposed to private information and becoming isolated from other people as a consequence of too much Internet access (Ponte & Simões, 2009)

Mothers generally perceived that the Internet was potentially more harmful than television in terms of the likelihood of exposure to pornography (Carlsson, 2006) Parents in the United States were more concerned about Satanism, religious proselytizing, drugs, alcohol and tobacco advertisements, gambling, and terrorism, all

of which have become issues in recent years (Strasburger, Wilson & Jordan, 2009)

Parents in Asia, such as in China and South Korea, were concerned about the impact

of ICTs on their children‘s intellectual abilities and their skills in reading and writing (Lim, 2008)

Recognizing that the Internet has both negative and positive effects, mothers found themselves faced with a moral dilemma, between their earnest desire to push ICTs at home in hopes that it could help their children‘s upward social mobility, and their worries about the negative effects of media consumption (Lim, 2008; Linebarger

& Chernin, 2003; Livingstone & Bober, 2004; O‘Hara, 2011) Believing that it was their prime responsibility to protect their children from the bad influences of media,

many mothers have naturally become critical of media, such as criticizing TV

personalities, proffering comments or evaluations in attempts to encourage or

discourage specific media content, and drawing comparisons between social realities and depictions of realities appearing on television (Messaris & Kerr, 1983) However,

to be critical, it is a necessary condition that mothers must first be literate about the media (Potter, 2005)

In Indonesia, parents generally have negative perceptions of the effect of television on their children Data from the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) showed that public complaints about television programming from 2007 to

2010 continued to rise In 2007, the commission received 1,300 complaints; in 2008, the number increased to 3,500; in 2009, it was 7,500; and in 2010, it had dramatically escalated to 20,000 (KPI Report, 2010) Local Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPID) in the Yogyakarta province received 264 complaints in 2009 and 478

complaints in 2010 (Arifin, 2010) Most of the complaints were on ―Infotainment‖ (celebrity gossip), ―Sinetron‖ (drama series program), ―Reality Show,‖ and some cartoons that were too simplistic Scholarly studies showed that Indonesian parents mostly worried about pornographic content (Barendregt, 2006)

Previous studies about parents‘ perceptions toward media did not seek to investigate the influence of mothers‘ perceptions of media on parental mediation styles A study conducted by Abanto (2004) investigated children‘s and parents‘ perceptions of television programs and the practices of parental mediation Study by Nathanson (2001) explored parents‘ reasons in mediating violent television programs and the children‘s interpretation of their parents‘ mediated message Dens,

Pelsmacker and Eagle (2007) investigated parents‘ attitudes about advertising targeted

at children and how a particular attitude influenced parents‘ monitoring of television

content Furthermore, Bybee, Robinson and Turow‘s (1982) survey examined the nature of parental mediation by connecting it to parents‘ perceptions of TV, but the sample used in this study were mass media scholars from the media education field Few studies have attempted to explore mothers‘ perceptions of television and the Internet Thus far, none has attempted to relate mothers‘ perceptions to their style of parental mediation

Within the Indonesia context, Sarwono, Hendriyani and Guntarto‘s study (2011) discussed the connection between parents‘ perceptions and their supervision of children‘s television use, suggesting that parents who were concerned about the

negative effects of television tended to prefer restrictive mediation However, their study does not fully reflect parents‘ views, as it was based on secondary data

presenting children‘s opinions about their parents‘ perceptions toward media and their mediation style The secondary data were produced from a previous experimental study by UNDIP and YPMA in 2008-2009, exploring the effectiveness of media education; 4,800 school students from 12 primary schools in four cities—Solo,

Klaten, Bondowoso and Malang—were recruited as participants using proportionate stratified random sampling method However, there has been no systematic study investigating mothers‘ perception of the media and its impact on parental mediation of media use

Cognizant of the gap in the literature, this study endeavors to provide an

explanation of how mothers perceived both television and the Internet, and how their perceptions influence their parental mediation practices and their choice of mediation styles

2.3 Parental Mediation of Their Children’s Media Use

Studies on parental mediation of their children‘s media use have been driven

by the impetus to increase public attention on the need to regulate and protect children from the harmful effects of the media (see Bybee, Robinson & Turow, 1982) Some studies looked at whether the focus should be on public policy and regulation in the public domain or on some form of parent-mediated control in the private domain (e.g., Anderson & Gentile, 2008; Buckingham & Willet, 2006) Other scholars focused on the dynamic process of parental mediation in the home domain and the factors

influencing that process (e.g., Fujioka & Austin, 2002; Nathanson, 2001)

This study focused more on parental mediation (private domain) than on public policy on media control (public domain) It is hoped that this will fill the

literature gap on parental mediation practices which, thus far, has tended to focus on the Western and developed countries context rather than Eastern and developing countries such as the Indonesian context The following paragraphs present the

findings from previous studies and the debate on parental mediation; however, the definition of parental mediation needs to be clarified to prevent misunderstanding

The term ―parental mediation‖ has been defined in various ways Some

scholars defined parental mediation as a process, translating the media‘s message and representation so that their children can better understand its intentions and meaning

(e.g., Desmond, Singer, Singer, Calam & Calimore, 1985; Rothschild & Morgan,

1987) Others explained that parental mediation refers to multiple forms of behavior related to media, such as discussion, rulemaking, and interactions between parents and their children (e.g., Lin & Atkin, 1989; Nathanson, 1998) This study adopts the view that parental mediation is a complex activity involving the parent-child interaction

that includes discussing and sharing of ideas, establishing rules with regard to specific viewing times and duration, content selection, and any restrictions on media access

Parental mediation of children‘s media use is far from homogeneous, and several studies have attempted to identify various mediation styles Extant research seems to centre around the identification of three styles: (1) restrictive mediation: rule -making on specifics, such as setting the duration of media access, prohibiting access

to particular content genres, and restricting the location of media use (Bybee,

Robinson & Turow, 1982; Valkenburg, Krcmar, Peeters & Marseille, 1999; Weaver

& Barbour, 1992); (2) active mediation: parents discussing media content with their children (Austin, 1993; Austin, Robert & Nass, 1990), also referred to as instructive mediation and evaluative mediation, because it includes parental rationalizations and critiques of media content (Bybee, Robinson & Turow, 1982; Messaris, 1982;

Valkenburg, Krcmar, Peeters & Marseille, 1999); and (3) social viewing or viewing: situations in which parents and children access media together and share the viewing experience but do not intentionally focus on discussing a particular program

co-or content type (Dco-orr, Kovaric & Doubleday, 1989; Valkenburg, Krcmar, Peeters & Marseille, 1999) In addition, scholars also have introduced a fourth parental strategy: unfocused media (Bybee, Robinson & Turow, 1982), but there has been scant support because it seemed ambiguous and similar to social co-viewing (see Lawrence & Wozniak, 1989; Valkenburg, Krcmar, Peeters & Marseille, 1999)

Furthermore, parental mediation strategies are covered into direct-indirect and positive-negative styles Direct strategy was associated with the three styles

mentioned previously, which cover the setting of rules, discussing, and commenting while accessing media together While indirect strategy refers to the search for a role model (see Abelman & Pettey, 1989; Atkin, Greenberg & Baldwin, 1991) Positive

mediation style refers to parents‘ endorsement of media messages, while negative style relates to parents‘ efforts to counter media messages (see Fujioka & Austin, 2002; Nathanson, 1998)

Within the Indonesian context, scholars such as Sarwono, Hendriyani, and Guntarto (2011) have observed that parents mediate in various ways: Many parents tend to apply a restrictive style of mediation, such as limiting the duration of

exposure, and also selecting age-appropriate programs and websites for children Some parents apply a co-viewing style such as accessing media together, especially if there is common interest in the content Others use an active mediation approach, such as discussing the programs during, or after, viewing them In addition, some parents ask their children to play with friends, to enroll in tuition or remedial classes,

or to attend Qur‟an education school/TPQ—in the case of Muslim children—with the

intention of diverting their children‘s attention from media (Muttaqin, 2010) Even though many Indonesian Muslim parents actively seek to insulate their children from the negative effects of the media, some parents do not seem to care about media effects or parental mediation For some parents, the media are used as an instrument

to keep their children placid and safe at home, away from the risks of kidnapping and child trafficking (Muttaqin, 2010) However, these previous studies lacked

information on the social and cultural setting that would determine the mothers‘ parental mediation practices

Moreover, systematic studies focusing on parental mediation of children‘s media use in the Indonesian context have been limited For example, Nur (2011) showed 2007-2008 research data on parental mediation of children media

consumption from Aisyiyah Institute for Development Studies The data were not

based on a structured study but were derived from comments by mothers and teachers

who had participated in a training on media literacy conducted by the Institute in three provinces in Indonesia (D.I Yogyakarta, Central Java and East Java) (personal

communication in interview with Nur, September 30, 2011) Furthermore, Mutaqqin (2010) used multi-study data from Indonesia‘s Central Planning Agency (1996) The agency had explored secondary data, such as a datum survey from Indonesian Central Bureau of Statistics; held focus group discussions to identify issues in early childhood development involving an educational expert, social scientist, and public policy expert

as participants; conducted participant observation and workshops with local

government, experts and institutes in related fields to discuss issues and strategies in early childhood development in seven provinces (West Java, West Nusa Tenggara, East Nusa Tenggara, D.I Yogyakarta, Bali, South Sulawesi, and West Sumatera)

With regard to these previous studies, the factors that influence Indonesian mothers in their choice of parental mediation styles have not been studied This

present study attempts to be a more systematic exploration in presenting explanations about possible social and cultural factors that influence the mothers in their mediation practices

2.4 Household Factors, Children’s Attributes and Various Styles of Mediation

Scholars have found that the socio-economic status of parents also influenced their mediation styles Previous studies have shown that many middle-class families from media-rich homes tend to apply more extensive forms of mediation and to

combine multiple styles of supervision compared with those that were less educated

or less well-off (e.g., Livingstone & Helsper, 2008; Notten & Kraaykamp, 2009) Parents that have were better educated parents were more likely to apply restrictive

and instructive mediation (e.g., Valkenburg, Krcmar, Peeters & Marseille, 1999) Low-income parents tend to apply co-viewing and instructive mediation, but not viewing restriction (e.g., Warren, 2005) Besides, parents in full-time employment are less likely to set media-viewing rules, while single parents are more likely to employ co-viewing (e.g., Lin & Atkin, 1989) Families in urban areas are more likely to engage in instructive, as well as restrictive, mediation than families in rural areas, who tend to apply more co-viewing (e.g., Sun, 2009)

Parents‘ media experiences also influence their style(s) of mediation For example, parents who prefer highbrow television programs tended to guide their children‘s television consumption more intensively than parents who consume less informational and cultural media content (e.g., Notten & Kraaykamp, 2009)

Moreover, parents born during the television age (i.e., 1960-1979) worry more than their parents did about the negative effects of television programs, and were therefore more proactive in parental mediation than their parents (Bull, 2005)

Parenting styles and family communication climates also influence parental mediation style (Austin, Robert & Nass, 1990; Baumrind, 1966, 1991; Fujioka & Austin, 2002; Krcmar, 1996) Parenting styles tend to fall into three categories:

authoritative-style parents are warm, strict, but encourage autonomy; style parents are less warm, are strict, and do not encourage autonomy; and

authoritarian-permissive parents are very warm and lenient (Baumrind, 1991) Previous studies defined family communication climates variously as: supportive and unsupportive (Baumrind, 1966, 1991); conversation-, directive- and conformity-oriented (Koerner

& Fitzpatrick, 2004); concept and socio-orientated (Fujioka & Austin, 2002);

autocratic and democratic or egalitarian communication (Uddin, 2008) Scholars showed that families that adopted authoritative parenting and supportive

communication styles were more likely to apply co-viewing and active mediation By contrast, families with authoritarian style and unsupportive communication tend to engage in restrictive mediation (Baumrind, 1966, 1991) Families that were more conversation-orientated also more often applied co-viewing and active mediation than families that were more directive- and conformity-oriented (Koerner & Fitzpatrick, 2004) Families concerned about social orientation or harmony relationships tended to engage in co-viewing, whereas families with concept orientation tended to apply active mediation (Fujioka & Austin, 2002) Muslim families that were more focused

on autocratic communication rather than democratic and egalitarian communication tend to apply restrictive mediation styles (Uddin, 2008)

Children‘s attributes also influence parental mediation styles (Abelman & Pettey, 1989; Barkin, Ip, Richardson, Klinepeter, Finch & Krcmar, 2006;

Buckingham, 1996) Scholars showed that a child‘s gender played an important role

in predicting mediation (Abanto, 2004; Lin & Atkin, 1989) Abanto (2004) stated that parents tended to worry more about how boys consume media A child‘s age also influenced the style of mediation Scholars found that parents were more likely to exert guidance on young children (i.e., below 12 years old) than adolescents (Bybee, Robins & Turow, 1982; Lin & Atkin, 1989; Abanto, 2004) The child‘s school level also influenced parents‘ decisions in determining guidance (Abanto, 2004; Lin & Atkin, 1989); however, the child‘s intellectual ability was not necessarily a factor impacting supervision The child‘s media habits also influence parents in rule setting (Gentile, Saleem & Anderson, 2005)

2.5 Peer Groups: Factors in Parental Mediation

Despite household factors and children‘s attributes, the role and impact of peer groups cannot be denied Scholars (e.g., Suess, Suoninen, Garitaonandia, Juaristi, Koikkalainen & Oleaga, 1998) showed that the influence of peer groups was

especially strong among children in the 6- to 10-year-old age group, as this was the period in which they learn to make friends and establish relationships with their peers and to more strongly position themselves within their peer group However, so far, only a few scholars have established that peer groups influence children‘s media consumption (e.g., Buckingham, 1993; Suess, Suoninen, Garitaonandia, Juaristi, Koikkalainen & Oleaga, 1998, Lull, 1980)

There are at least three different ways in which children use media within their social groups, as stated by Suess, Suoninen, Garitaonandia, Juaristi, Koikkalainen & Oleaga, 1998: Firstly, children access media together with their peers in various places such as their home, peers‘ home, and in public places Secondly, children discuss topics/issues presented on television programs or on the Internet in

conversations and activities with their peers Thirdly, children consume media so as to strengthen their group relationships and to construct a group identity These

arguments are similar to Lull‘s opinion (1980) that television has a social function in facilitating communication within a group and may be used to demonstrate one‘s competency or dominance

In Indonesia, children see social benefits in media consumption, as it gives them a strong connection with their peers (Istanto, 1999; Sunarto, 2009; Triwardani & Wicandra, 2007) For the children, knowledge of and skill in media use is important

in terms of peer group orientation, as it provides them with a common ground: Being

able to discuss popular TV programs, occasionally accessing media together,

developing media-related role plays, and also demonstrating to their peer group

members actions they had seen on TV Some scholars (e.g., Istanto, 1999; Sunarto, 2009; Triwardani & Wicandra, 2007) reported experiencing feelings of isolation and rejection from group members if they did not keep up with their peers‘ media use

While the connection between peer groups and children‘s media habits is well established, little is known about how this impacts parents‘ decisions as they develop their mediation strategies

2.6 The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Parental Mediation

As mentioned above, even though parental mediation has become a prime topic attracting a number of scholars from various disciplines, the exploration of this issue has not yet been linked to the influence of religious beliefs on parental

mediation practices Scholars have explored various issues of parental mediation and have applied various perspectives and methods in their studies, such as parental

mediation styles (Bybee, Robinson & Turow, 1992; Nathanson, 1998); children‘s attributes as determination factors (Abelman & Pettey, 1989; Barkin, Ip, Richardson, Klinepeter, Finch & Krcmar, 2006; Buckingham, 1996); the influence of family communication and status on the mediation practices (Austin, Robert & Nass, 1990; Fujioka & Austin, 2002; Krcmar, 1996); media literacy and media education

(Abelman & Courtright, 1983); and parental mediation related to a media-rich homes and children‘s multi-platform consumption (Livingstone, 2007; Nikken, Jansz & Schouwstra, 2007) However, in all of these, there has been little attempt to study the influence of religious beliefs on parental mediation of children‘s media use

Stout and Buddenbaum (1996) found that for many people, religious beliefs were the reference point in their perceptions of the media Scholars showed that Muslims and Christians tended to resist content containing sex and violence because they considered that this particular content eroded morality and threatened their faiths (Buddenbaum, 2001; Palmer & Gallap, 2001)

Moreover, scholars have argued that religious beliefs affect individual and family attitudes and behaviors, including their motivation to media access and

interpretation (e.g., Croucher, Oommen, Borton, Anarbaeva & Turner, 2010; Golan & Day, 2010; Hamilton & Rubin, 1992) Religious beliefs also become the primary moral basis for how they manage their lives (Stout, 2002) Al-Oofy and McDaniel (1992) found that Muslims resisted Western media and preferred to use a medium which presented a culture that was congruent with theirs Clark‘s study (2004) also showed how a Muslim family in the United States applied very restrictive rules about media use on their children, seeking to instill a perceptible distance between their religious and cultural backgrounds and U.S culture

Prior studies on religion and the media also examined the influence of religion

or religious belief on media usage (e.g., Alters, 2004; Armfield & Holbert, 2003; Croucher, Oommen, Borton, Anarbaeva & Turner, 2010; Golan and Day, 2010; Hamilton & Rubin, 1992) However, Buddenbaum and Stout (1996) found that few researchers were really concern about examining this relationship and they stated that the relationship between religion and media usage tended to examine religion as a demographic variable and religiosity in terms of institutional expectations, such as frequency to go to Church and involve in religious activities As a consequence, the studies failed to inquire about religious beliefs, behaviors, and feelings and did not offer a sufficient explanation about the connection and intensity between religiosity

and media use (see Buddenbaum & Stout, 1996) Layton and Hansen‘s study (2004) showed that people with religious affiliations tended to employ different styles of parental mediation, but the scholars did not explore precisely how religious beliefs influenced parental mediation practices

Furthermore, studies on religion and media mainly investigated various

Christian denominations and other religions, but there has been no study specifically

on Islam (see Stout & Buddenbaum, 1996) The few studies that researched Muslims‘ media use were conducted mostly in developed Western countries such as United States (e.g., Clark, 2004), United Kingdom (e.g., Croucher, Oommen, Borton,

Anarbaeva & Turner, 2010), and France (e.g., Croucher, Oommen & Steele, 2009) rather than in developing Asian countries such as Indonesia

Within the world of Islam itself, there are differences in practices Muslims

worldwide strive to live their lives according to the Qur‟an and Hadith, but the social

structures and evolution of Islamic practice differ from country to country In

Indonesia, even though Muslims are in the majority, religious practices are far from homogeneous Moreover, Islam‘s development in Indonesia cannot be separated from global trends or from Islam‘s ongoing acculturation process over the country‘s local cultures Indonesia‘s brand of Islam is therefore distinct from what is practiced in others countries, such as those in the Arab world (Wanandi, 2002) Therefore,

scholars should keep in mind the unique traits of Indonesia‘s Islamic practice when exploring the religion‘s influence on Indonesian parents‘ mediation of children‘s media use

Such studies are important and significant within the context of technology and the information age because of the continued fervor of radical and sectarian tendencies In the last decade, Muslim leaders and groups have tended to revitalize

Islam in terms of strengthening the people‘s beliefs and identity by intensifying

Islamic group gathering, propaganda, and social activities (Fealy & White, 2008; Hefner, 2000) Muslim leaders and groups have also been aggressively developing and promoting Islamic media mainly to counter the Western media‘s domination and bias toward Islam and to maintain their beliefs (Beaudoin, 1998; Stout, 2001)

However, the influence of these movements on Muslim families in Indonesia has not been systematically explored This present study is an attempt to understand the influence of religious beliefs on parental mediation in Indonesian Muslims families in the context of radical movements

2.7 Research Questions

The literature review mentioned above shows that there is a gap in the studies

on parental mediation, especially in studying mothers who, because of social and cultural circumstances, tended to be left out of the family‘s ICT decision-making process; their roles being limited instead to supervising their children and mediating their children‘s media usage The limited systematic studies, especially in the

Indonesian context, in exploring household factors, children‘s attributes, peer groups and religious beliefs as influential factors in determining the mothers‘ mediation styles and practices, drive this present study to attempt to answer these following research questions:

RQ1: How do Muslim mothers in Indonesia perceive television and the

Internet?

RQ2: What style do they employ to mediate the uses and effects of television

and the Internet for their children, and do these styles of mediation differ for television and the Internet, and if so, how?

RQ3: How, and to what extent, is their parental mediation style influenced

by demographic characteristics, household factors, and their children‘s peer group intervention?

RQ4: How do their religious beliefs influence these mediation strategies?

CHAPTER 3

Research Methodology

This chapter sets out the methodology used in this thesis The first section discusses ethnographic interviews and why this method was chosen for this study The second section prescribes the seven stages of an ethnographic interview and the procedure used in this study The third section explains the criteria used to select respondents and the recruitment process The fourth section looks at the profiles of the respondents The fifth section describes the interview venue The sixth section

explains how data were collected The final section explains the process used to analyze the ethnographic data

3.1 Ethnographic Interviews Defined and Reasons for Choosing This Method

―Ethnographic interview is one strategy for getting people to talk about what they know‖ (Spradley, 1979, p 9) Unlike other methods, the ethnographic interview starts off with a friendly conversation, and ethnographic questions are slowly

introduced to help interviewees recall and offer a response This enables the

researcher to use respondents‘ words as the basis for making cultural references In ethnographic interviews, language becomes the primary medium by which to obtain individuals‘ descriptions and perspectives on their way of life However, language is not merely a medium to communicate an individual‘s reality of life experience, but also becomes an instrument by which people construct their reality, based on their life experience (Spradley, 1979)

This study used ethnographic interviews for several reasons: Firstly, I wanted

to seek respondents‘ individual perspectives and experiences so as to explore and understand parental mediation practices among Muslim mothers Using ethnographic interviews allowed me to focus on respondents‘ statements reflecting their ―native‖ point of view as to their practices Secondly, I needed deep and comprehensive data with clear explanations and examples, instead of short and simple data, to better explore and understand the factors influencing parental mediation practices This method enabled me to do in-depth interviews and observe at the same time Thus, I could observe, verify, and learn more about the social and cultural background of the respondents and their family, their media habits, their parental mediation practices, and their religious beliefs and the implications of their beliefs on their perception of media and strategy of mediation The friendly conversations also enabled me to interact with respondents more than once through informal means, such as by

telephone, which made it easier to clarify and reconfirm data Moreover, I was invited into their homes where I could observe where the media was positioned and could identify and draw conclusions about the relevance and importance of a particular media to the family The data gleaned from this interview-and-observation method deeply enriched research findings Thirdly, ethnographic interviews require that the interview be held in as natural a setting as possible, such as in the home, to reduce situational factors that could distract the interviewer or interviewee and affect the quality of interviewee responses to questions (Chin, 1994)