Ethnographic accounts of the sathya sai baba movement a spiritual reform oriented movement in singapore identity formation, charity giving rationalization process

1.2 Statement of Research Questions 3 1.3 Significance of Research Questions 7 1.5 Analytical Framework and Organization of Thesis 16 CHAPTER 2: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 2.5 Socio- Demograph

IDENTITY FORMATION, CHARITY- GIVING &

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis may not have seen the light of the day, nor completed if not for the guidance, support and confidence placed on the author by some special people

First and foremost, I wish to thank Associate Professor Vineeta Sinha, my supervisor who has been extremely supportive of my studies for many years and has guided me during all stages of completion of this book Her generous patience, accommodating attitude, encouragement and assistance in all ways possible especially during the last lap of this Masters course deserve my earnest gratitude and deference Her vigilant, quick and detailed comments guided me significantly

in revising my book

I am also grateful to the following people from the Department of Sociology, NUS- Dr Ganapathy Narayanan for his faith in my works and ability; Dr Eric Thompson and Dr Leslie Minor- Evans for their great sense of humour and comments; Associate Professor Tong Chee Kiong, Associate Professor Lian Kwen Fee and the Graduate Committee for all their assistance Besides, I owe my thanks to Dr Gyanesh Kudaisya (South Asian Studies Programme, NUS); Dr Medha Kudaisya (Department of History, NUS) and Professor Joanne Waghorne (Professor of Religion at Syracuse University, New York) for their interest in my thesis and guidance The Department administrative office staffs deserve some mention for all the aid rendered for the administrative aspects of my candidature Ms Raja especially, thank you for patiently obliging to all the application matters and paperwork I gave you towards the last lap

The award of the Research Scholarship from the Research and Graduate Division, NUS and the external research grants from the commissioning agency, Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) are acknowledged with the deepest appreciation

A big thank you is fitting for Mr Vivakanandan Sinniah, CEO of Ang Mo Kio- Thye Hua Kwan Hospital for sharing his knowledge and experiences, for entertaining our long discussions

on religion and social services, critical insights and timely advises during the period of my research endeavours In addition, I owe my debt to Dr Lai Ah Eng, adjunct Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Policy Studies for believing in me and providing me with the timely opportunity for extending my writings into the Policy Studies arena

My greatest debt and respect is of course dedicated to the Sai Baba devotees of Singapore, without whose support, encouragement and enthusiasm, this book could never have materialized

My enormous debt of gratitude and indebtedness goes out to all my respondents and Sai devotees

of Singapore for their willingness in allowing me to conduct research on their premises and their consent for interviews Special thanks to the Sathya Sai Central Organization of Singapore and the fourteen Sathya Sai Baba Centres of Singapore In all these places- a core group of respondents have been instrumental in assisting me in the completion of my fieldwork My sincere appreciation and thanks goes out to them

Friends and colleagues in the NUS Sociology Department have rendered me much support throughout this journey My goodwill and thanks goes out to amazing colleagues such as Shane, Nicholas, Sahoo, Seuty, Asma, Kamal, Grace, Saiful, Fadli, Thomas and Magdalene

This three- year endeavour would have been an impossibility without the support and unconditional love of my tight-knit family Amma, you have been a motivating force throughout

my life Your virtuous traits that have proved to be pillars of strength for all of us at home are demonstrated daily without exception Your tireless patience, love, simplicity, silent support, espousal of my higher education, understanding and your sacrifices held me through this arduous, wearisome, at times even questionable period of my life During the frequent temporary melancholy spells I find myself falling into, it has been your thoughts and your exemplary performance of motherhood that have enabled me to get up and move on, to deliver this literary product for you, for all that you have done for me I love you, amma

My two elder brothers Loga and Siva, I owe my gratitude for their encouragement and belief in my educational pursuits and their sincere and forthcoming help in everyway possible especially in rendering transport help during those rushing, tiring days Loga Anna- special thanks for allowing me access to your car those late nights when I simply needed to get away from the stresses of my writings and be alone at my secret hide- outs to cogitate Siva Anna- thank you for your quiet moral support and the nightly supper delights My sister-in-law Gayathri- in whom I have found a sister and a dependable friend who provides me with encouragement, advices and a listening ear during those crucial moments when I just needed to get everything out of my system and I never had a need to look further than three doors away Your care- free, patient and never- fail- to amuse- me comical character has elated me on various occasions

I have been fortunate in coming across many witty and good friends, without whom life would have been bleak and without purpose Special thanks and sincere acknowledgements are addressed to:

Subra- for those crucial part- time job referrals that helped me figure a way out of my financial crisis during the last two months as well as gain immense exposure and experience in youth pedagogy through conduct of enrichment programmes Vani- my trusted crony, for the sympathetic ear and dependable comradeship in the last one year Kumeresh and Bala- for the enthusiasm shown towards my research and motivational short text messages and talks during those times when I was on the verge of giving up Ramesh- for your faith in me Sashi- for your constructive comments Sathis- for your prayers Rathi - my chum, for your constant thoughts and concerns even while we are separated by distance Deva- my fellow Piscean buddy for just believing in and encouraging me in all my pursuits without question nor doubt And finally Kumeresh- I am truly indebted to you, for taking the trouble to resuscitate my hard disk that

‘crashed’ during the final week of submission (well yes it did eventually go into permanent brain- damaged mode after a while!) despite your superbly busy schedule- you saved all my precious fieldwork interview files and illustrations! Special thanks for the help with the plates too This book could never have made it on time if not for your timely assistance There are many others, whom I have not mentioned due to space constraints but your moral support has not gone unnoticed Thank you as well

Not forgetting the well- wishes of my tutee Megala (thank you for those constant flow of re-mixed mp3 Indian music and home- cooked spreads during lessons!), my Siling & Evergreen primary school angels for their innocent high- pitched enthusiasm and my Fuchun CC Mentee group- all eight teenagers of whom have expressed their faith and encouragement in the successful

completion of my book I look forward to the outings we have, where your enthusiasm and youth spirits uplift and invigorate me every single time

Dear Venka, you have begun to play an instrumental role in my life Your guidance, love and faith in my ability have helped me finish this book I am truly grateful for your affection and emotional support in all my endeavours

Last but not least, a special little being deserves some credits here The newest entry in my family-my niece Thrisha a.k.a Vandu also my thesis’s one and only aficionado, I like to think! It has been more than a year now, but your birth has been the herald of many blissful moments of my life The acts of changing diapers- dressing- singing of the lullaby to- play-times- our time spent alone during baby- sitting affairs (I was actually surprised at your genuine efforts to listen and make sense of my private droning)- and the frequent ritual of putting you to sleep- had brought moments of content and served as a natural healing and soothing remedy whenever I felt mentally drained after fighting with data (or the absence thereof) Your beautiful chuckles, futile out- of- tune singing attempts, acts of comedy and cute maladroit dawdling steps had been my source of encouragement and laughter Your companionship during those stressful moments is cherished At least I knew I was not alone ☺! You are constantly leaving ‘wet’ special imprints and smiles in my

I dedicate this work to the two instrumental women in my life: Amma and little Thrisha

I am solely responsible for the contents of this book, including any errors that may be present

Nagah Devi Ramasamy

1.2 Statement of Research Questions 3

1.3 Significance of Research Questions 7

1.5 Analytical Framework and Organization of Thesis 16

CHAPTER 2: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

2.5 Socio- Demographic Profile of Informants 31

2.6 Methodological Issues and Limitations 34

2.7 Researcher Confronting Issues of Subjectivity and Objectivity 39

CHAPTER 3: THE RESEARCH SETTING

3.1.1 The Founder and his Charisma 43

3.2 Profile of the Sathya Sai Baba Movement in Singapore 51

3.3 Religious and Cultural Characteristics 52

CHAPTER 4:

SATHYA SAI BABA MOVEMENT:

COLLECTIVE IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION EFFORTS

4.2 Singapore Race- Religio- Politico Developments 81

4.6 Reflections on the Bhajan Ritual 112

4.7 The Sai Family as a Global Entity 115

CHAPTER 5:

CHARITY: IDEOLOGY OF HUMANISM

VOLUNTEERISM: YOUTHS IN ACTION

5.3 The Singapore Model that Works 118

5.3.2 Religious Bodies and Welfare 121

6.4.2 Digitization: Sai Baba Images and Videos 154

6.4.3 Negative Publicity on Cyber- Space 158

6.5 Limitations of Cyber- Related Research 162

6.6 Summary 163

CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION

7.2 Making Sense of the SSB Movement 164

7.3 Limitations of Study and Recommendations 169

Summary

Title: Ethnographic accounts of the Sathya Sai Baba- a Spiritual

Reform- Oriented Movement: Identity Formation, Charity- Giving &

Rationalization Process

This research is an ethnographic study of the Sathya Sai Baba (a global neo- spiritual) Movement and its various centres in Singapore Faith becomes a matter of personal preference during the up rise of modernity and intensive urbanization, especially when the authority of traditional religious institutions weakens People embark on a search for a common identity and spiritual enlightenment often through experimentation

The participation of a large proportion of multi- ethnic and multi- religious devotees is noticed in the local manifestation of the movement The movement’s facility

in promoting a multi- ethnic and multi- religious communal identity amongst its membership is interesting in the host city of Singapore The SSB movement once imported into Singapore, has adapted itself to and revised certain modes of its operations and practices over time to assimilate itself to the needs of the multi- racial devotees as well as learnt to co- exist in harmony with the state’s policies The thesis addresses the question of why people of different ethnicities and religious orientations join the movement and the processes of establishing a collective identity

Secondly, particular attention is in addition devoted to the movement’s created

‘imagined community’ and their participation in charitable activities as a united group and how devotees are mobilized from the spiritual realm to expand their expertise into the social service realm Specifically, what are the socio- religious inclinations in the promotion of charitable activities in the movement?

The internet has become a domain of engagement for purposes of experimentation and experiencing Cyber- space as a transnational socially constructed nexus for a Sai virtual community and how the local movement approaches and rationalizes devotion over the web is explored last

These questions are analysed with an ethnographic gaze, supported by some of Weber’s social action theory and Durkheim’s collective consciousness frameworks

List of Tables

Table 1: Resident Population Aged 15 years and over by Religion 206

Table 2: Resident Population Aged 15 years and over by Ethnic Group

and Religion

207

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Logo of International Sai Organization 55

3 SSB’s Chair with his robe framed up

Below- Photo of SSB’s feet

60

6 Centre devotees playing games during seva activity 74

7 A Centre President doing seva at Sun Love Home 77

9 SSB altar in a Chinese devotee’s house 102

10 A Chinese couple offering arathi during a CNY Home bhajan 109

11 A chair placed near the altar for SSB 110

12 A CNY bhajan at a devotee’s house 113

13 Devotee engaging in conversation during CNY seva activity 126

14 Serving food during seva at Sun Love Home 131

15 A short prayer session before seva activity 135

Glossary

Ahimsa: Non- violence

Arathi: Hindu ritual in which camphor flame is offered to deities

Ashram: Abode

Avatar: An incarnation

Bhajan: A song of devotional love, from a root related word Bhakti It is sung to the accompaniment of musical instruments on traditional themes and may be chanted in temples or other public gatherings

Bhakti: Derived form the root bhaj, “to love, worship or adore”, signifies attachment, devotion, fondness for, homage, worship, piety and faith

Brahma: Name of one of the gods of the Hindu Trimurthi or Trinity; also the Creator Darshan: Sight of the divine

Devi: The generic name for “Goddess”

Dharma: From root “Dhar”, “to hold, bear support, maintain, preserve”; also refers to law When applied to the individual, it has reference to that code of conduct that sustains the soul, and produces virtue, morality or religious merit leading towards the development of man

Ganesha: The god of knowledge and the remover of obstacles

Gayatri Mantra: Highly revered mantra in Hinduism

Guru/ Swami: Dispeller of darkness or heavy with wisdom

Kaliyuga: Age of iron

Karma: From the root kar, to do, make or perform An act or its performance, irrespective of purpose In Brahmanical literature karma means “the practice of religious duties”, particularly those relating to sacrifice and performed solely to ensure divine favours Later such action was designated karma- marga defined as an action that is intentionally good or bad, and identified with dharma as an expression of the kinetic process to which all phenomena are subject

Kartal: Pair of wooden blocks or frames with small metal jingles mounted on them and beaten together to produce a rhythmic support for bhajans

Krishna: Krishna is worshipped as an avatar of Vishnu

Kshatriya: Warrior caste

Kuan Yin: Chinese Goddess of Mercy

Lingam: The Hindu phallic symbol of Lord Shiva in Hinduism

Mandapam: Hall

Mantra: From the root “man”, signifies “to think”, “instrument of thought”; the ideal inaudible sounds constitute one aspect of the universe and when visualized or written as letters, or vocalized as syllables, constituting a universal terminology; also that portion of the Vedas which contain songs to the praise of gods

Mridanga: Percussion instrument; a rhythmic accompaniment during music ensemble Murugan: Son of Lord Shiva and the chief deity of the ancient Tamils of South India who later became identified with the Hindu God Skanda

Nagasankirtan: Morning devotional songs

Om: Sign of Hinduism

Prasada: Consecrated food given to the worshipper in a temple

Perumal: Another name for Vishnu, in the South Indian tradition

Prema: Love

Puja: Act of showing reverence to a God

Sadhana: Means of attainment

Saivism: Name given to the teachings and practices of devotees of Lord Shiva Saivism is particularly strong in Southern India It also flourishes in differing styles in Kashmir and Bengal

Salwar Kameez: Traditional dress of South Asia

Sannyas: Hermits

Sarva Dharma: World religions

Sastric: Classical text

Satsang: Devotional speech and chanting programs for the upliftment of the divine love consciousness of a devotee

Sathya: Abstract noun from sat, ‘to be’; truth

Seva: Service, referring to the only activity permitted to the Shudra caste, and an activity from which all Brahmins are prohibited from engaging in

Shanthi: Peace; the term has always had a religious connotation; it is the peace known to one who has realized absolute reality

Shiva: “Auspicious”, also the God of Ascetics, of the linga and of cosmic destruction as a second member of the Hindu trinity

Swami: Hindu honorific title for either males or females A title added to one’s name to emphasize learning and devotion to god

Tua Pek Kong: He is one of the pantheons of the Malaysian Taoist Chinese Gods

Vaishanavism: Name by which the teachings of the followers of Lord Vishnu are known

in Hinduism

Vedas: Sacred divine scriptures amongst the most ancient

Vibuthi: Sacred ash

Vishnu: Name of one of the gods of the Hindu Trimurthi or Trinity; the Preserver

Yugic: Age Cycles

1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Setting the Scene

‘Our world is what it is today because humans are selfish, egoistic, vengeful and arrogant We covert all that is shiny and materialistic Our pursuit of the materialistic has made us lose sight of our humanity [ ]

In Taoism, the search for peace and harmony lies with man Man decides for better or worse.’ (Master Lee Zhiwang, President of the Taoist Mission Singapore)

(From Special Report ‘World with no peace? World with no Joy?’ The Straits Times December 23 2006)

This extract from a newspaper article demonstrates the fragility of religiosity and religious behaviour in the contemporary world The emphasis on maintenance of peace highlights the moral underpinnings of human actions Early anthropologists and grand theorists devoted much space to the study of religion, as it has been one of many compatible lenses to understanding human actions Religious texts and doctrines embody not merely positive moralistic philosophies but more significantly urge the audience to reflect on their lives and to improvise and align them with the changing needs of the wider society The poignant title of the above article illustrates the possibility of a morally disintegrating world Religion is desired as a sanctuary to revive the declining moral condition of the civic space This urgent call to pay attention to world events that are faltering the order of the moral condition is not to be brushed aside as a hyperbole

The ecological calamities including the human-induced ones that we have seen around the globe and experienced through the media are only a small part of the story

How people in actuality have come to terms with the events, their responses to them and the effect the events have had on them are conditioned by the cultural and religious milieus of the community

Engaging this train of thought, a fundamental observation in the sociological study of religions in modern society relates to the rise of New Religious Movements (NRMs), New Spiritual Movements (NSMs) and cults1 Many scholars have attributed this phenomenon to the decline or the gradual secularization of traditional religions like Christianity (Nelson 1987; Johnstone 1997) History may have envisaged that religion has relentlessly come into focus as a struggle between the good old forces of institutionalized churches and disorder- seeking sects and cults However, an intermediate ground- seeking innovation has been casting its shadow whilst the writings of the dominant discourses inspired by religious fervour continue Carrying the popularly coined brand name of NRMs, they have long been in existence despite recent writings on them Beckford (1987) writes that the idea of a NRM implies a structured attempt to introduce changes in religion (p x) Often reformist in orientation, the term ‘movement’ can be said to denote shifts in people’s religious beliefs, ideas and conceptions which they were so used to in older organized religious orientations

Marshall (1994) points out that NRMs often tend to be syncretistic in nature, borrowing elements from many different religious and philosophical traditions Sociologists in addition have made claims that such movements satisfy the psychological and social needs of young and modern people seeking a meaning in life, something they

1

Terms NRM and NSM are used in conjunction with reference to the Sathya Sai Baba movement in the thesis.

often fail to find easily within mainstream religious traditions More often than not, adherents refer to them as movements gracing the spiritual genre and call them spiritual movements

The religious economy thesis has dominated the discursive field of religion in the field of sociology with much success in the study and analysis of religious and cult movements in the United States and Canada (Stark and Bainbridge 1985) However, it has been unable to account for the global spread of other spiritual movements such as the Sathya Sai Baba (SSB) spiritual movement “The religious economy thesis primarily lends itself to Christian and Western discourse What is evident here is the operation of a Eurocentric bias with regards to western exclusivist and religious conversion” (Pereira 2005: 1)

1.2 Statement of Research Questions

What has sparked interest in these NRMs and led to their immense popularity? Is the rise of NRMs indicative of complete religious decline or merely signals religious change? Are we witnessing merely a transition from faith to secularity? Or does it engage with a much deeper concern with abandoning moribund official, ‘church’ religion in favour of adopting ‘unchurched’ spirituality? There have been several conceptual developments in the field of new religions and new spiritualities and they have been fine- tuned and theorized repeatedly by several (i.e Clarke 2000, 2006; Campbell 1999; Heelas and Woodhead 2005; Hexham and Poewe 1997; Stark and Bainbridge 1985; Stark

et al 2005 and Wilson 1993 amongst many) There are many groups within the new religions (some fraudulent while some genuine) It has been noted that all tend to

experiment with alternative life- styles, philosophies and religions, often Eastern in origin and practice new psychological and physical therapies These groups althoughnot always

in broad agreement are largely concerned with discovering new paths to world peace All strive to awaken the self to attain higher consciousness The current state of research in this realm have deduced the following conclusions concerning the pull factors of NRMs and NSMs over that of older religions as demonstrated below in Clarke’s (2006) latest work

People welcome spiritual movements with open arms firstly due to the experiential learning and emotive processes associated with them Many approach the direct attainment of religious experience with contentment due to the possibility of gaining self- realization much quicker and through individually tailored means Interpreted another way, this is known as the ultimate self- transformation process This form of experiential approach leading to spiritual advancement is preferred over creed- based religion, the latter that is considered slow and known to not give much autonomy to the self in decision- making Secondly, the players in the movements most often get to practice autonomy in management of their own spiritual advancement or the consequent de- emphasis on the significance of the role of the clergy as found in most waning state religions This in turn translates into increasing individualism of the self

Thirdly, spiritual movements often fuse psychology and religion with the motive

of uncovering the ‘true self’ and by virtue of this trait are labelled as ‘new’ or

‘innovative’ Hybridity is another key characteristic Different aspects of different traditions (both sacred and secular) are integrated within the movement thereby leading to

the possibility of co- existence of different faiths This sets the scene for the ideology of multiple belonging and retaining of the birth religious identity This potentially demonstrates an inclusive structure that accommodates the values of the existing social order Fourthly, there are often traces of ritual and ideological changes Major religious innovations are shown in modified practices and mannerisms in which beliefs are understood and interpreted Fifth, there are organizational differences Secular forms of managing the administration and assembly together with adoption of modern modes of communication and networking in the secular mode- stand in stark relation to the established traditional norms in mainstream religions

Based on these conclusions I say with confidence that we are certainly not witnessing religious decline but rather a change- an adaptation in existing faith systems to fit the changing needs of man and society, to align religious innovations to social and historical conditions Most modern spiritual movements adopt subjective spirituality whose ultimate endeavour is to engage and deal with matters of self- transformation The SSB movement is one movement that has taken such a form in Singapore and reveals a close fit to the above- mentioned model

This thesis seeks to answer important questions about the growth of NRMs through a nuanced sociological understanding of the SSB movement, a movement that has by now established itself globally Its sheer popularity (basing upon the membership numbers) in comparison to other movements and its active engagement with the public seemingly distinguishes it from the rest, observations that require analysis and explanation

SSB who proclaims himself to be the reincarnation of the Moslem mystic Sai Baba of Shirdi (1856- 1918), is a noted ‘miracle worker’ with millions of disciples in India and internationally Drawing from the Hindu traditions of sannyas, he wears orange robes and his teachings derive primarily from Hindu philosophy amidst assertions and claims of the movement’s affiliation to diverse religious and spiritual traditions Thus far, his teachings have not given rise to any international controversy and no hermetic aspects noted In light of the importation of the movement in a locale distant from its country of origin, several important thematics and problematics require sociological analysis and interpretation Through my thesis research, I attempt to provide some answers to these three central questions:

(1) What specific socio- cultural conditions enable the growth of this multi- ethnic reform- oriented spiritual movement in Singapore? Additionally which are the specific realms in which a sense of communal identity consciousness is observed? (2) Why and how does the SSB movement mobilize its devotees to engage in social service? What are the significant socio- religious inclinations in the promotion of charitable activities especially amongst the youths?

(3) How has the movement contributed to transnational spirituality, particularly in the realm of cyberspace? How have the local devotees rationalized Sai spirituality in this realm?

The next section situates these questions within the phenomenon of NRMs and explains the significance of these questions to the Singapore context

1.3 Significance of Research Questions

Multiracialism and multiculturalism as significant ideological concepts for Singapore’s progress have been documented widely New religions have increasingly taken on the task of tailoring their teachings and practices to achieve congruity between themselves and the ever- changing cultural context on which they have settled at (Wilson and Cresswell 1999) The SSB movement once imported into Singapore, has adapted itself to and revised certain modes of its operations and practices over time to assimilate itself to the needs of the multi- racial devotees as well as learnt to co- exist in harmony with the state’s policies

Agreeing with Pereira (2005), literature on NRMs have limited themselves to discussions of NRMs and their international travel but not offered any detailed analysis

on how they proceed after the initial foothold has been established in the host countries (ibid) This movement is growing in numbers globally, and it is no exception in Singapore There are some specific socio- cultural conditions that enable the maintenance

of this trend of increasing numbers

The first research question seeks to find out what are these specific conditions that encourage the movements’ popularity In addition using devotees’ narratives I seek to demonstrate the particular everyday realms and the activities therein through which a common sense of Sai identity operates and is maintained “Networking rather than a focus on religion as a community tends to characterize modern religion” (Clarke 2006: 13) The thesis question is- how do Sai devotees network in unison to contribute to the

success of the movement as well as to strengthening of ethnic and religious ties via the spiritual mode

All religious movements seem to be characterized by some prospects of salvation Service to others is found to a greater or lesser extent in majority of the movements Various welfare initiatives in the profane realm demonstrate these movements’ altruistic potential Adherents of such movements are not ‘brainwashed zombies’ as commonly termed by anti- culturalists and the media (Wilson and Cresswell 1999) but in fact stand out as motivated individuals who possess the capability to rationalize and intellectualize their decisions The SSB movement stands out due to the extent of involvement with social works It can be essentially classified as a religion of humanity that regards doctrine and dogma as secondary to action Sai devotees hold service of humanity to be the highest good and the true essence of spirituality

The second question this thesis then poses is this: how does the movement mobilize devotees to participate actively in this realm? How does the movement convince its ‘initiates’ to place as much importance on the profane (social service) aspect as on the sacred (spiritual) aspect? This is an important realm of investigation for religion is a good source of social support for a country, especially in states such as Singapore that does not support ‘state welfarism’ The realm inevitably also springs an explanation to the notion:

Is charity- giving a potential politically viable strategy to promote the movement to the public?

Qualitative and analytical writings on religious and spiritual expressions in the medium of cyberspace are not novel, but they are still relatively new projects

analytically For one to fully appreciate the impact of a sacred phenomenon in its own right, it must be understood in the context of a global society (Clarke 2006) The employment of technology and reliance upon it in the Sai worship mode is an interesting arena of investigation as cyberspace plays a significant role in accelerating spiritual transformation and transmission.

This glocalizing tendency- the ability to transfer oneself to a different locale and become open to moulding by the local processes, can contribute in numerous positive ways in which the sacred space confronts the disintegrating forces of modernity

My last thesis question confronts issues of hierarchy and egalitarianism on the net and democratization of religion through the medium of cyberspace After all, Cyberspace has the potential to aid in the transnational spread of religion and help institute displaced communities as well as enable processes of democratization

1.4 Review of Literature

NRMs or NSMs are typically characterized by several levels of memberships, the ability to adapt to the cultural milieu they have moved into and an inclusive structure that accepts adherents of all sorts of ages, occupations, classes, ethnic groupings and educational attainments Given the popular interest in the presence of NRMs, analytical work on the subject is of great relevance to society at large NRMs taking on varied forms have succeeded and failed for various reasons Charismatic guru- based forms of worship especially started becoming a popular phenomenon in the 1970s and 1980s within the climate of counter- culture movements God- persons, both men and women

hold a notable position in contemporary Hinduism Many such movements have been imported into Singapore and passed their peak or ran out of momentum

The SSB movement is one case that has seen significant growth in the last three decades amidst growing controversies and disagreements regarding the authenticity of the man There is an urgent need to re- visit this glocal movement which was last studied in- depth in an unpublished treatise (see Santhosh 1997) Since then, there have been visible changes The centres have expanded, memberships increased, novelties introduced in worship modes, and activities expanded and extended In addition, certain taken- for- granted conceptual issues associated with the movement have been brought to the forefront recently With increasing numbers of centres practicing autonomy and voicing the need to distinguish themselves from religion as a category and from other similar movements, certain distinctions are having emphasis upon them

There are both local treatises as well as international academic writings on the SSB movement (see Babb 1983, 1986a, 1986b; Bassuk 1987; Bharati 1970; Bowen 1988; Brent 1972; Clarke 2006; Ellison 1981; Harper 1972; Hummel 1985a, 1985b; Kent (2000 a- b), 2004, 2005; Klass 1991; Lee 1982; Palmer 2005; Sharma 1986; Spurr 2003; Srinivas 2001; Swallow 1982; Taylor 1984; Urban 2003 and White 1972)

The literature review incorporates some analysis on relevant cross-cultural research conducted on the SSB movement with specific attendance to the raised research questions While it is acknowledged there are voluminous literatures on SSB movement, the works vary from some good analytical academic works to very descriptive historical materials as well as hagiographical and promotional writings It is beyond the scope of

this thesis to cover all academic materials, and henceforth only select relevant materials have been chosen in order to reflect the current state of research on the movement

There are some comparative contributions available from Malaysia (Lee 1982; Kent 2000a, 2004, 2005) Kent (2005) has as her foci, the Malaysian Chinese participation in the movement She examines Chinese participation in a neo- Hindu SSB movement with specific considerations towards ethnic and political implications while bearing in mind the historical and current socio- political climate of Malaysia Her thesis argues the largely- Indian dominated SSB movement strives to organize, include and accommodate non- Indians, specifically Chinese devotees This attempt aids the organization in gaining a multi- ethnic and non- sectarian profile Kent (2000a) highlights the movement’s contribution in elevating the minimized status of the middle- class Indians of Malaysia without recourse to ethnic or religious stipulations Her ethnographic approach and analysis, comprehensive and detailed are very relevant for my own research question on the movement’s appeal to non- Indians in Singapore, a nation- state that holds parallels to Malaysia in socio- cultural and ethno- religious climates

Lee (1982) demonstrates the universal tendency of the movement in Malaysia that emphasizes open- ness towards religious innovation and syncretistic mindset of the multi- ethnic membership patterns Lee writes that Chinese are attracted to the ecumenical aspects and the healing properties of SSB’s philosophy that fit in with the Chinese’ own Taoist folk beliefs This trend of affairs can be compared with the Singapore case where a significant number of Taoist Sai devotees are noticed Lee concludes the ethnic immigrant population of Malaysia are able to draw parallels and assimilate themselves

together with the Chinese population in Sai worship due to the popular and syncretistic mode of worship offered by the SSB movement, which has proven itself a much-wanted trend in a multi- ethnic modern society

Klass’s (1991) book addresses the issue of changing ethnicity in an immigrant population located in Trinidad and Tobago, in Southern Caribbean Formed from a

‘plural’ community, an independent state now- the book illustrates the attraction of the Hindu- derived religious movement for people from the West Klass says the movement

is regarded as an alternative to traditional Hinduism for the immigrant Indians It is additionally highlighted that Afro- Trinidadians who wish to join the movement, while welcomed have to conform with certain expectations such as adhering to rules of dress, diet and decorum as practiced in India This expectation comes across as quite strict and affirmative when juxtaposing the adaptability and expectations from other countries Unsurprisingly, the membership is largely Indian- based and derives from the urban, educated and well- to- do sector The book is a notable contribution to the religious experience of overseas Indian communities Clarke (2006) writes that the inclusive nature reflected in the SSB movement through the ethnic and social compositions when compared to other neo- Hindu movements and NRMs in general is quite impressive This image of ethnic, social and religious diversity makes the movement attractive to second- and third- generation Asians (p 93) Based on Klass’s work, my research endeavours to extract what kind of tolerance and adaptations the non- Indian devotees receive as well as accommodate in the Sai movement in Singapore

All the past writers tended to brand the SSB movement as a neo- Hindu religious movement “The term ‘Neo- Hinduism’ is in circulation in India since the 1890s, and used increasingly in the West from the 1950s and purports to describe the distinctive philosophies of reforming, modernizing Hindu thinkers and organizations that inspired what is referred to as an Indian renaissance” (Clark 2006: 241) Clarke further states the movement has turned Hinduism into a more international religion I dedicate a section in Chapter 4 to the problematic nature of ‘associating’ the SSB movement with Hinduism as felt by respondents

Kent revisits her initial research of the movement’s charitable public programmes

in 2004 and 2005 She places her arguments against the backdrop of Malaysia’s modernity project and theorizes that the movement’s charitable public programmes are activated for the moral and cultural betterment of Malaysians Kent (2004) illustrates how the movement enables the Malaysian Sai Organization’s leadership to officially present its religion as reformist yet not subversive of the political leadership, co- existing in harmony with the Malaysian government’s agenda of merging economic materialism and spirituality SSB’s agenda is seen as being in harmony with the country’s nation- building efforts “It does not make a demand of devotees to relinquish their worldly possessions but merely provides a guideline for reconciling spirituality with an inner emotional transformation through love and charity” (p 53) Majority of the past academic literature focused on the inclusive and multi- ethnic characteristic of the movement wherever it has rooted itself as well as on SSB as a charismatic Guru and his miracles, but very few actually allocated detailed space for exploration of the charity- giving aspect which

overwhelms the movement While Kent’s work is an exemplary work, my second research question endeavour is motivated by the lacuna noticed in the mentioned realm

Palmer’s (2005) research enables a global picture of the SSB movement in America and presents it against the backdrop of American foreign policy and spiritual ideology The paper paints a good picture of the enchanted devotee population and their unquestioning acceptance of his miracle- performing actions as well as has a section dedicated to the movement’s proliferation on cyberspace The global dichotomy between SSB’s promotion of Hinduism’s spiritual tenets and the inclusivist acceptance of all religions, both placed under the umbrella of Hinduism- is mentioned and discussed Feike (2007) researches on the role of technology and the presently much popular domain of cyberspace Sai spirituality in her thesis Materials concerning SSB began flourishing on the net from 2000 There are substantial amounts of miracles and allegation materials as well as negative propaganda alongside with materials praising SSB and organizational web links The internet2 serves as a relatively new popular medium of transmission of information on SSB

Whatever research that has been conducted on SSB movement and the internet focused more on the authenticity of the controversies and allegations rather than on Sai worship as taking a multi- variant form and aiding in the building of virtual communities

I seek to explain through my research, the spread of Sai spiritual transnationalism within the themes of globalization and glocalization

2

An Internet Journal of Religions exists in the online medium http://web.uni-marburg.de/religionswissenschaft/journal/.

Locally, there have been a few detailed unpublished theses written on the movement (Khoo 1981; Menon 1983; Pereira 2005; Santhosh 1997) I noticed a lacuna in these literature specifically in the realm of social services, the updated ethno- religious climate and their effect on collective identity consciousness as well the movement’s views on practice of cyberspace spirituality Menon (1983) observes the movement’s concern with welfare- concerned activities even while he does not explore the idea in totality His exploratory research is largely ethnographic and focuses on documenting the movement as a neo- Hindu group due to its by- now popular characteristic features I, in

my thesis have purposely branded the SSB movement a reform- oriented spiritual movement to distinguish its modified practices from others as well as to highlight the problematic nature of the religion- spirituality dichotomy taking place con- currently.Khoo (1981) attempts to depict an accurate picture of SSB so as to dispel wrong or misunderstood notions on the god- man as well as his movement through her thesis In addition, she situates the local expression of the movement within Wilson’s (1970) typology of sects and is optimistic about the movement’s growth in Singapore

Santhosh’s (1997) thesis tries to understand the religious beliefs and actions of devotees and how they can influence social experiences His concern is more specific to the individual actions within the local expression as compared to Menon’s or Khoo’s

Amongst all three in my view, Santhosh’s thesis is the closest to examining a particular empirical domain specific to the social climate in Singapore (i.e how religious actions and beliefs are subject to social changes and how in turn they shape other social forces using the Weberian framework of ideals factors in shaping social experiences

through religious actions) Santhosh in addition in his conclusion, raises the potential of studying the centres along the ethno- religious dimensions after realizing there is scope for analyzing in a sociological manner, the Chinese devotees’ need to express their faith

in their own language, own version of rituals after de-hindu-ising them- an aspect that I touch on in my own analysis

1.5 Analytical Framework and Organization of Thesis

I adopt an ethnographic approach to the study of a NRM or in this case better termed as a NSM, the SSB movement located in Singapore This is an important contribution to the dimension of religion while I note that such studies are neither novel nor scarce My thesis does not seek to authenticate the SSB movement nor raise theoretical debates on the allegations and negative controversies of SSB as a personality

I am merely interested in the movement’s dynamic growth and transnational characteristics specific to local circumstances Refusing to limit myself to particular theoretical frameworks that do not do justice to the analysis of thick descriptive data born out of ethnographic research, I acknowledge that some overlying frameworks are necessary to direct the momentum of the thesis Henceforth, I am using some classical theorists’ frameworks to achieve this

Chapter 2 deals with the ethnographic research methodology The whole process

of data collection, fieldwork efforts, reflection of the socio- demographic profile of informants as well as the constraints faced during course of fieldwork are written in detail

in this chapter

Chapter 3 introduces the research setting of the local SSB movement detailing the founder’s history, appeal factors, the religious and cultural characteristics of his philosophy and movement in Singapore

I largely attempt to use Max Weber’s social action theory to make better sense of Sai devotees’ social actions, their attaching significance to and rationalizing of those very actions as well as Emile Durkheim’s ‘collective consciousness’ framework on the mobilization efforts during charity events- for situating my research questions

Chapter 4 discusses the focus on identity within the movement and its manifestation in day- to- day life practices It approaches the efforts to construct a communal identity and the discovery process of the meaning of social action to the individual and the Sai community (with particular reference to the established dynamics between the Chinese and Indian devotees) By way of this, Weber’s ideas of the enchantment ethos that is produced within individuals who adhere to the Sai faith over another’s are also reflected

Chapter 5 uses the ‘collective consciousness’ framework of Durkheim to make sense of the SSB movement’s dedication to charitable activities as one big Sai volunteer family “A society whose members are not bound to one another by some solid and durable link would resemble a loose pile of dust which could any time be dispersed by the slightest wind to the four corners of the world” (Alexandra 1982: 82) Durkheim sees

a reason for a communal gathering And in such communal gatherings, people’s feelings and outlooks are similar in form For him, religion is a collective thing and any communal activity classifies as a collective consciousness by virtue of participating in it

as a collectivity For the SSB movement, the gathering together in charitable events and devotional singing sessions mark social contentment and generation of social effervescence and serves the ultimate function of not only strengthening the devotees’ spiritual solidarity but acts as a confirmation of their faith and commitment

Chapter 6 concentrates on the transnationalism of Sai spirituality and the utilization of the digitization and cyberspace dimensions to make sense of Sai spirituality where worship modes are transferred from real tangible worldly affairs to the realm of virtual cyberspace leading to the growth of a virtual community Devotees’ conceptualization of this realm and their attitude towards it (with specifics to how they intellectualize and rationalize cyberspace spirituality) are show cased The creation of the virtual community in internet and electronic media lends itself to further investigation and analysis in terms of theories of globalization, creation of community and the disembedding of culture

Chapter 7 the conclusion addresses the limitations of the research as well as addresses potential sociological contributions that particular data findings could yield in future treatises

2

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

2.1 The Research Process

“I will go across with my own ship and crew/ and will probe the natives living there / What are they—

violent, savage, lawless? / or friendly to strangers, god- fearing men?”

(Homer, Odyssey 9: 173-176)

Ethnography is frequently defined as a ‘thick description of a culture’ also one of the foremost styles of social research apprehended by social scientists It is commonly referred to by other terms such as fieldwork, qualitative analysis and interpretive research According to Spradley (1979) fieldwork involves a disciplined approach to the study of what the world is like to people who have learnt to see, hear, speak, think and act

in ways that are different from the norms and social customs of life established often in the researcher’s society Rather than studying people, ethnography entails learning from people I understood at the onset that a successful research is made possible in the ethnographic genre only through learning the language of the ‘natives’ and shelving of any nạve realism on my part

Equipped with rudimentary theoretical underpinnings of the field of anthropology together with some experiential knowledge garnered through earlier periods of fieldwork (which involved collection and processing of qualitative data, enabled via my

undergraduate term projects and recreational job stints for lecturers at the National University of Singapore (NUS)), I embarked on this particular research journey Ethnographic research on such a cavernous scale is a first for me and I have learnt only the field of ethnography can help fulfil the desire to study cultural phenomena as experienced through the eyes of the people ingrained within the culture and I found myself particularly drawn towards the field of religion

My identity as a somewhat even-handed practicing Hindu- Singaporean had exposed me to the mundane life- patterns and rituals of the religion Hinduism as practiced in Singapore Throughout my growing up period, I had taken for granted many aspects of the religion- especially in the domains of essential rituals, scriptural knowledge and local practices Easily contented with customary and mythic folklore responses from

my elders, I did not question many apparently problematic facets of Hinduism for a long period Exposure to the discipline Sociology at the University was enlightening It was precisely then that I learnt the need to step out of my comfort zone and critically observe and question everything My involvement in various research projects further exposed me

to the lacuna in actual academic works on Hinduism as practiced in Singapore While the existing academic treaties boast a handful of ethnographic scholars’ brilliant efforts, Hinduism had been a much under- researched religion in Singapore (Arumugam 2001; Sinha 1989; Tong 1989; Wee 1989) until after the mid- 1990s when local academics such

as Sinha started contributing to works on Hinduism both theoretical and ethnographic in nature [Sinha 1994, 1997, (2003 a- b), (2005a- b), (2006a- b), (2008a- d)]

Having had enough experiential exposure to the existing hierarchy of the Hindu progenitors of the religion, I was curious to carry out an inquiry into the various spiritual movements characterized by neo- Hindu religious traditions or Hindu- oriented neo- reformed identities Minimal in nature however, anthropological works and some ethnographic academic literatures still exist and continue to focus on institutionalized Hindu traditions and festivities in Singapore Only recently in the last two decades, more comprehensive and up- to- date scholarly pieces started emerging Some comprehensive examples include the works of Ali (1984); Arasaratnam (1970); Babb (1974a- b, 1976, 1978); Chatfield (1962); Chitra (2005); Das (1958); Jeyaraman (1998); Kwang (1980); Manokara (1979); Marakatham (1995); Menon (1974); Mialaret (1969); Muthusamy (1958); Nadarajah (1990); Purushotam (1977); Rajah (1975) and Sinha [1987, 1989,

1993, 1997, 1994, (2003 a- b), (2005 a- b), (2006 a-b)] On the contrary, there is a considerable lapse in the writings on neo- reform Hindu oriented spiritual movements except those done prior to the last decade (Dhinagaran 1988; Khoo 1981, Menon 1983; Santhosh 1997 and Sinha 1985)

I carried out a brief preliminary internet survey on the web to verify the number

of registered India- based spiritual movements carrying Hindu traces presently in Singapore The search churned out ten movements I realized there might be more societies, not listed on the internet I proceeded to the next stage of investigation- library research, hoping to gather more leads via reading of existing academic works (thesis, dissertations and journal articles) or books written on the subject The attempts bore some fruits Nine additional movements were identified An approximate 26 such groups were

identified in total and as having a distinct and durable presence in Singapore presently (see Appendix A), after some verifications with my informants All 26 movements bore some traces of Hindu- oriented neo- reformed identities

Subsequently I took note of the more popularized spiritual movements by the number of listed centres of each spiritual movement The search churned out the most number of centres for the SSB movement Compared to other similar movements this particular group caught my interest due to its sheer popularity, both on a local and global scale and its rather active role in the spectrum of social services, which seemingly distinguished it from the rest I acknowledge the exclusion of other neo- Hindu spiritual movements in this thesis may have denied a proper comparative religious analysis that takes into account the fact that the growth of such movements is part of a larger and pervasive occurrence and not an isolated affair However, the SSB movement possesses adequate empirical concerns worthy of exploration and in-depth analysis on its own

I remember Sathya Sai Baba (1926- ) as one of the more popular saints in India

My very first encounter with him or at least of what I can recall was at the age of five where I chanced upon his portrait in the very typical Hindu prayer room of my apartment His small frame, enveloped in a long- flowing orange garb and a prominent Afro- hairstyle, took me aback I remembered vaguely, questioning my mother with an air of impudence what a photograph of a human being was doing in a prayer room together with the otherwise ‘normal’ typical arrangement of the familiar gods and goddesses belonging to the tradition of the South Indian Pantheon- whom I had encountered during those weekly visits to the Hindu temples on Friday evenings I was immediately silenced

and told not disparage the gods lest I incur the wrath of the omnipresent I was offered a simple explanation that he is a living spiritual guru and a well- known symbol of god to the masses This was deemed sufficient to my query I recall remaining sceptical but did not pursue the matter in fear of admonition by the gods!

Over two decades down the road, I am not a believer and never worshipped him even though I have heard numerous stories in my social networks of his miracles and the electrifying devotion the public holds for him However, the curiosity web had been spun The Why- What- How paradigmatic questions filled my mind Why is this saint- man particularly so popular amongst the masses? What is so special about this movement that

is growing in membership and vitality as compared to many others that become marginal over time? What distinguishes this movement from many other spiritual movements with similar visions and traits? How has the movement been effective in meeting society’s pragmatic needs and in building consensus bridges between micro- communities in the glocal scene?

Going in with this attitude of ‘neutral’ posture allowed me to appreciate the situation better After gaining some initial perspective on the movement through some preliminary readings, I embarked on my journey in the study of the movement in Singapore, which was I undertook over a period of two years between January 2005 and December 2006 The bulk of the empirical materials were drawn from primary fieldwork and direct observations

2.2 Site Selection

The SSB movement appears to have successfully entrenched itself in the local scene and has acquired a permanent base by growing to a commendable magnitude The movement was officially registered in 1975 and kick started by one main centre A reading of Khoo’s (1981) thesis on the movement turns up an estimated figure of 15 thousand as a representative number of the Sai devotee population residing in Singapore

in 1980 It is highly likely the figure would have increased after almost three decades especially in tandem with the expansion of the number of centres

Some early academic works on the SSB movement dating back to the 1980s include works by Menon (1983) and Khoo (1981) The final and latest thesis to be written

on the localized movement dates back to 1997 In this thesis, Santhosh (1997) documents some structural changes and significant expansions in the movement’s activities since Menon’s study in 1983 Santhosh takes into account the expansion of the centres from a mere three to twelve

As of 1995, there was an estimated several thousand SSB followers in Singapore, according to the ex- vice president of one of the main centres The ex- President of the Singapore Sathya Sai Central Organization (SSCOS) mentioned in an interview with the Straits Times, “there are approximately 10,000 members in the local scene as of 1998” (The Straits times 23 May 1998)

Presently, there are 14 individual SSB centres situated in the various Housing Development Board (HDB) vicinities, in Singapore A central coordinating body known

as the Sathya Sai Central Organization of Singapore (SSCOS) oversees these 14 centres

Taking root from one main centre, many of these centres were formed as a result of the actions of certain devotees who wanted greater autonomy in operations as well as cater to the locale- specific ethnic memberships within different spheres of the island Many of the bigger Sai centres operate out of Hindu temples These centres have managed to adapt their structural and organizational patterns to suit their local environment especially in the realms of rituals, operation bases, membership patterns and other socio- cultural adopted practices

2.3 Informant Selection: Organizational Channels and Informal

Mediums

2.3.1 Structure:

The structure of the Sathya Sai Organization is like a pyramid- shaped hierarchical model with the main organization at the top branching out to the many levels and centres towards the bottom (see Appendix B) At the first level, there is the Central Organizational body at the Prasanthi Nilayam, India comprising of the Central Office, the All India President and the International Chairman At the second level, there are Zone/ Regional sub- organizations located overseas under which come a few countries beneath each zone (there is a need for this division for the ease of administrative duties) Presently there are nine zones and 94 regions on a global scale Office bearers hold short- term appointments (all Office bearers will ordinarily not hold office for more than two years, but are eligible for re- appointment for a further extended period of two years)

There normally is one or two Central Coordinators for each Region who is appointed by the International Chairman At the third level, there are Central Councils