Lived experience in a neighbourhood wet market culture and social memories of a disappearing space 3

He has known Lee for over 30 years, because both of them sold in the old Joo Chiat Market and have been selling in Bedok Market.. She has been visiting Bedok Market for at least 10 years

Bibliography

Books, journal articles, and theses

Agnew, J (1986) Worlds apart: The market and theatre in Anglo-American thought

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Bandelj, N (2012) “Relational work and economic sociology.” Politics & Society, 40

(2), pp 175-201

Barber, B (1995) “All economics are „embedded‟: The career of a concept, and

beyond.” Social Research, 62 (2: Summer), pp 387-413

Belk, R W., Sherry, J F J & Wallendorf, M (1988) “A naturalistic inquiry into

buyer and seller behaviour at a swap meet.” Journal of Consumer Research, 14 (4), pp

449-470

Bestor, T C (2001) “Markets: Anthropological aspects.” In N J Smelser & P B

Baltes (eds.), International encyclopedia of the social and behavioural sciences

Amsterdam; New York: Elsevier Science Ltd, pp 9227-9231

Bestor, T C (2004) Tsukiji: The fish market at the centre of the world Berkley:

University of California Press

Block, F (2012) “Relational work in market economies: Introduction.” Politics & Society, 40 (2), pp 135-144

Branaman, A (1997) “Goffman‟s social theory.” In C Lemert & A Branaman (eds.),

The Goffman reader Massachusetts: Blackwell, pp xlv-lxxxii

Brenner, S A (1995) “Why women rule the roost: Rethinking Javanese ideologies of

gender and self-control.” In A Ong & M G Peletz (eds.), Bewitching women, pious men: Gender and body politics in Southeast Asia Berkeley: University of California

Press, pp 19-50

Brenner, S A (1998) The domestication of desire: Women, wealth, and modernity in Java Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press

Burgess, R (1982) “The unstructured interview as a conversation.” In R G Burgess

(eds.), Field research: Field relations and techniques Illinois: The Dorsey Press Burke, K (1945) A grammar of motives New York: Prentice-Hall

Burns, T (1992) Erving Goffman London; New York: Routledge

Causey, A (2003) Hard bargaining in Sumatra: Western travelers and Toba Bataks

in the marketplace of souvenirs Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press

Chase, M & Shaw, C (1989) “The dimensions of nostalgia.” In C Shaw & M Chase

(eds.), The imagined past: History and nostalgia New York: Manchester University

Press, pp 1-17

Chia, A (2010/2011) Wet markets in Singapore: Building the neighbourhood

community Singapore: National University of Singapore, Department of Geography

(honours thesis)

Chua, B H & Edwards, N (1992) “Public space: Design, use and management.” In

B H Chua & N Edwards (eds.), Public space: Design, use and management

Singapore: Singapore University Press for Centre for Advanced Studies, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, pp 1-10

Chua, B H (1995a) Communitarian ideology and democracy in Singapore London:

Routledge

Chua, B H (1995b) “That imagined space: Nostalgia for kampongs.” In B S A Yeoh & L Kong (eds.), Portraits of Places: History, community and identity in

Singapore Singapore: Times Editions, pp 222-241

Chua, B H (1997) “Modern and the vernacular: Transformation of public spaces and

social life in Singapore.” In J H Ong, C K Tong & E S Tan (eds.), Understanding Singapore society Singapore: Times Academic Press, pp 423-442

Cook, D T (2008) Lived experiences of public consumption: Encounters with value

in marketplaces on five continents New York: Palgrave Macmillan

Davis, F (1979) Yearning for yesterday: A sociology of nostalgia New York: Free

Press

DiMaggio, P (1990) “Cultural aspects of economic action and organization.” In R

Friedland & A F Robertson (eds.), Beyond the marketplace: Rethinking economy and society New York: Aldine de Gruyter, pp 113-136

DiMaggio, P (1993) “Nadel‟s Paradox revisited: Relational and cultural aspects of

organizational structures.” In N Norhia & R Eccles (eds.), Networks and

organizations: Structure, form, and action Massachusetts: Harvard Business School

Press, pp 118-142

Edwards, R (1998) “A critical examination of the use of interpreters in the qualitative

research process.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 24 (1), pp 197-208

Emirbayer, M & Goodwin, J (1994) “Network analysis, culture, and the problem of

agency.” American Journal of Sociology, 99 (6), pp 1411-1454

Figuie, M & Bricas, N (2010) “Purchasing food in modern Vietnam: When

supermarkets affect the senses.” In D Kalekin-Fishman & K E Y Low (eds.),

Everyday life in Asia: Social perspectives on the senses Vermont: Ashgate, pp

177-194

Fonte, M (2002) “Food systems, consumption models and risk perception in late

modernity.” International Journal of Sociology of Agriculture and Food, 10 (1), pp

13-21

Geertz, C (1973) The interpretation of cultures: Selected essays New York: Basic

Books

Geiger, S., Kjellberg, H & Spencer, R (2012) “Introduction: Shaping exchanges,

building markets.” Consumption markets & culture, 15 (2), pp 133-147

Giddens, A (1991) The consequences of modernity California: Stanford University

Goffman, E (1979) Gender advertisements New York: Harper

Goh, D P S (2007) “Protecting Chek Jawa: The politics of conservation and

memory at the edge of a nation.” In N S Sodhi, G Acciaioli, M Erb & A K J Tan

(eds.), Biodiversity and human livelihoods in protected areas: Case studies from the Malay Archipelago Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp 311-329

Granovetter, M (1985) “Economic action and social structure: The problem of

embeddedness.” American Journal of Sociology, 91 (3), pp 481-510

Granovetter, M (1990) “The old and the new economic sociology: A history and an

agenda.” In R Friedland & A F Robertson (eds.), Beyond the marketplace:

Rethinking economy and society New York: Aldine de Gruyter, pp 89-112

Granovetter, M (1992) “Economic institutions as social constructions: A framework

for analysis.” Acta Sociologica, 35 (1), pp 3-11

Gregson, N & Crewe, L (1997a) “The bargain, the knowledge, and the spectacle:

Making sense of consumption in the space of the car-boot sale.” Environment and Planning D: Society & Space, 15 (1), pp 87-112

Gregson, N & Crewe, L (1997b) “Performance and possession: Rethinking the act

of purchase in the light of the car boot sale.” Journal of Material Culture, 2 (2), pp

241-263

Keane, W (2008) “Market, materiality and moral metalanguage.” Anthropological Theory, 8 (1), pp 27-42

Khuri, F I (1968) “The etiquette of bargaining in the Middle East.” American Anthropologist, New Series, 70 (4), pp 698-706

Krippner, G (2001) “The elusive market: Embeddedness and the paradigm of

economic sociology.” Theory & Society, 30 (6), pp 745-774

Krippner, G & Alvarez, A S (2007) “Embeddedness and the intellectual projects of

economic sociology.” Annual Review of Sociology, 33 (1), pp 219-240

La Pradelle, M (2006) Market day in Provence, translated by A Jacobs Chicago:

University of Chicago Press

Lie, J (1991) “Embedding Polanyi‟s market society.” Sociological Perspectives, 34

(2: Summer), pp 219-235

Light, D W (2004) “From migrant enclaves to mainstream: Reconceptualizing

informal economic behaviour.” Theory & Society, 33 (6), pp 705-737

Lim, Y T (2006) Social memory and street hawking in Singapore Singapore:

National University of Singapore, Department of Sociology (Masters thesis)

Lowenthal, D (1985) The past is a foreign country New York: Cambridge

University Press

Lui, S K (2008) “An ethnographic comparison of wet markets and supermarkets in

Hong Kong.” The Hong Kong Anthropologist, 2, pp 1-52

Maisel, R (1974) “The flea market as an action scene.” Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 2 (4), pp 488-505

Malassis, L (1979) Food economics, volume 1 Economics applied to food

consumption and production Paris: Cujas

Manning, P (1992) Erving Goffman and modern sociology Cambridge: Polity Press Mason, J (2002) Qualitative researching, (2nd eds.) London; California: Thousand

Oaks

McGrath, M A., Sherry, J F J & Heisley, D D (1993) “An ethnographic study of

an urban periodic marketplace: Lessons from the Midville farmers‟ market.” Journal

of Retailing, 69 (3), pp 280-319

Morales, A (1993) Making money at the market: The social and economic logic of informal markets Illinois: Northwestern University, Department of Sociology

(unpublished PhD dissertation)

Morales, A (2009) “Public markets as community development tools.” Journal of Planning Education & Research, 28 (4), pp 426-440

Morrill, C & Snow, D A (2005) “The study of personal relationships in public

places.” In C Morrill, D A Snow & C H White (eds.), Together alone: Personal relationships in public places Berkeley: University of California Press, pp 1-24

Neufeld, A., Harrison, M J., Stewart, M S., Hughes, K D & Spitzer, D (2002)

“Immigrant women: Making connections to community resources for support in

family care giving.” Qualitative Health Research, 12 (6), pp 751-768

Polanyi, K (1944) The great transformation: The political and economic origin of our times Boston: Beacon Press

Polanyi, K., Arensberg, C M & Polanyi, H W (1957) Trade and market in the early empires: Economies in history and theory Illinois: Free Press

Polanyi, K (1977) The livelihood of man, edited by H W Pearson New York:

Academic Press

Portes, A (1994) “The informal economy and its paradoxes.” In N Smelser & R

Swedberg (eds.), The handbook of economic sociology Princeton: Princeton

University Press & New York: Russell Sage Foundation, pp 426-452

Prattis, J I (1987) “Alternative views of the economy in economic anthropology.” In

J Clammer (eds.), Beyond the new economic anthropology New York: St Martin‟s

Press, pp 8-23

Ragin, C C & Amoroso, L M (2010) Constructing social research: The unity and diversity of method, (2nd eds.) California: Sage Publication

Riessman, C (2000) “„Even if we don‟t have children [we] can live‟: Stigma and

infertility in South India.” In C Mattingly and L C Garro (eds.), Narrative and the cultural construction of illness and healing California and London: University of

California Press, pp 128-152

Sarna, H (2009) Frommer’s Singapore day by day: 20 Smart ways to see the city

Singapore: John Wiley & Sons Incorporation

Shepherd, R J (2008) When culture goes to market: Space, place, and identity in an urban marketplace New York: Peter Lang

Sherry, J F J (1990a) “A socio-cultural analysis of a Midwestern flea market.”

Journal of Consumer Research, 17 (1), pp 13-30

Sherry, J F J (1990b) “Dealers and dealing in a periodic market: Informal retailing

in ethnographic perspective.” Journal of Retailing, 66 (2), pp 174-200

Stillerman, J (2006a) “The politics of space and culture in Santiago Chile‟s street

markets.” Qualitative Sociology, 29 (4), pp 507-530

Stillerman, J (2006b) “Private, parochial, and public realms in Santiago, Chile‟s

retail sector.” City & Community, 5 (3), pp 293-317

Stillerman, J & Sundt, C (2007) “Embeddedness and business strategies among Santiago, Chile‟s street and flea market vendors.” In J Cross & A Morales (eds.),

Street entrepreneurs: People, place and politics in local and global perspective

London: Routledge, pp.180-200

Stillerman, J & Salcedo, R (2012) “Transposing the urban to the mall: Routes,

relationships, and resistance in two Santiago, Chile, shopping centres.” Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 41 (3), pp 309-336

Spitzer, T M & Baum, H (1995) Public markets and community revitalization

Washington D.C.: The Urban Land Institute

Swedberg, R & Granovetter, M (2001) “Introduction to the second edition.” In M

Granovetter & R Swedberg (2nd eds.), The sociology of economic life Boulder,

Colorado: Westview Press, pp 1-30

Tangires, H (2008) Public markets New York: W W Norton, in association with

Library of Congress

Temple, B (1997) “Watch your tongue: Issues in translation and cross-cultural

research.” Sociology, 31 (3), pp 607-618

Temple, B (2002) “Crossed wires: Interpreters, translators and bilingual workers in

cross-language research.” Qualitative Health Research, 12 (6), pp 844-854

Temple, B & Edwards, R (2002) “Interpreters/translators and cross-language

research: Reflexivity and border crossings.” International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 1 (2), pp 1-12

Turner, B S (1987) “A note on nostalgia.” Theory, Culture & Society, 4 (1), pp

147-156

Urry, J (1990) The tourist gaze: Leisure and travel in contemporary societies, (1st

eds.) London; Newbury Park: Sage Publications

Urry, J & Larsen, J (2011) The tourist gaze 3.0, (3rd eds.) Los Angeles; California;

London: Sage Publications

Venkatesh, A., Penaloza, L & Fuat Firat, A (2006) “The market as a sign system and

the logic of the market.” In R F Lusch & S L Vargo (eds.), The service-dominant logic of marketing Armonk, New York: M E Sharpe, pp 251-265

Vaithilingam, K (1987) “Out of the hills and jungles: Development over two

decades.” In unknown author (eds.), Community Bedok: Celebrating 10 years of the constituency Singapore: The Bedok Constituency, pp 44-49

Watson, S & Wells, K (2005) “Spaces of nostalgia: The hollowing out of a London

market.” Social & Cultural Geography, 6 (1), pp 17-30

Watson, S & Studdert, D (2006) Markets as sites for social interaction Bristol: The

Policy Press

Watson, S (2009) “The magic of the marketplace: Sociality in a neglected public

space.” Urban Studies, 46 (8), pp 1577-1591

Wherry, F F (2006) “The social sources of authenticity in global handicraft

markets.” Journal of Consumer Culture, 6 (1), pp 5-32

Wherry, F F (2012) The culture of markets Cambridge, England: Polity Press

Wilk, R R (1996) Economies and cultures: Foundations of economic anthropology

Colorado: Westview Press

Wong, A K., Ling, O G., Ponniah, R S (1985 [1997]) “Dimensions of HDB

Community.” In J H Ong, C K Tong & E S Tan (eds.), Understanding Singapore society Singapore: Times Academic Press, pp 443-477

Yeo, K L B (1989) Hawkers and the state in colonial Singapore: Mid-nineteenth century to 1939 Melbourne: Monash University, Department of History (Masters

dissertation)

Yeoh, B S A (1996) Contesting space: Power relations and the urban built

environment in colonial Singapore New York: Oxford University Press

Zelizer, V A R (2005) The purchase of intimacy New Jersey: Princeton University

Press

Zelizer, V A R (2012) “How I become a relational economic sociologist and what

does that mean?” Politics & Society, 40 (2), pp 145-174

Newspaper articles

Ang, Y (2009, 26 October) Space for wet markets where they’re wanted The Straits

Times Factiva: Accessed 22 September, 2011

Cheah, U I (2013, 18 January) Remembering Bukit Brown The Business Times

Factiva: Accessed 6 October, 2013

Ee, D (2013, 2 April) Hawker heritage ‘in danger of dying out’ The Straits Times

Factiva: Accessed 2 April, 2013

Huang, L (2012, 27 January) FairPrice to open seven new stores The Straits Times

Factiva: Accessed 29 January, 2012

Lim, J (2010, 29 December) Air-con wet market to open at Pasir Ris mall The

Straits Times Factiva: Accessed 22 September, 2011

Lim, J (2011, 10 June) Four supermarket chains to open new branches The Straits

Times Factiva: Accessed 22 September, 2011

Lim, K Y (2012, 21 January) Pupils document wet markets for heartland heritage project The Straits Times Factiva: Accessed 23 January, 2012

Loh, N (2009, 19 June) Bedok bagus The Straits Times Factiva: Accessed 16

January, 2014

Teo, J (2010, 20 February) From wet markets to prime homes The Straits Times

Factiva: Accessed 22 September, 2011

Quek, E (2011, 26 June) Market economy The Straits Times Factiva: Accessed 28

Medicorp (2012) Tuesday report: Where we connect, episode 2 Retrieved on 8

January, 2013, from http://video.xin.msn.com/watch/video/episode-2/1dltna5n6 Websites

City Discovery (Unknown year.) Good morning, ni hao Chinatown walking tour

Retrieved on 11 May, 2013, from

http://www.city-discovery.com/singapore/tour.php?id=172

Central Provident Fund (2013) Central Provident Fund contribution Retrieved on 6

October, 2013, from http://mycpf.cpf.gov.sg/Members/Gen-Info/Con-Rates

Elections Department, Singapore (2013) Types of electoral divisions Retrieved on 1

February, 2014, from http://www.eld.gov.sg/elections_type_electoral.html

Ministry of Education (Unknown year) National education Retrieved on 11 May,

2013, from http://www.ne.edu.sg/index.htm

National Environment Agency (2012) Places: Bedok Market Retrieved on 8 January,

2013, from http://www.myhawkers.sg/index.php?m=place&c=view&id=43&a=most

National Environment Agency (2013) Overview: About us Retrieved on 29 October,

2013, from http://app2.nea.gov.sg/corporate-functions/about-nea/overview

National Heritage Board (2012a) Past forward: A heritage blogging and social

media workshop Retrieved on 8 January, 2013, from

http://heritagefest.sg/en/content.aspx?sid=147

National Heritage Board (2012c) About us: Overview Retrieved on 14 June, 2013,

from http://www.nhb.gov.sg/NHBPortal/AboutUs/Overview

Preservation of Sites and Monuments (2013) About Preservation of Sites and

Monuments Retrieved on 29 October, 2013, from

http://www.nhb.gov.sg/NHBPortal/Institutions/PreservationofSitesandMonuments?_afrLoop=2724204431510089&_afrWindowMode=0&_afrWindowId=16sow6olic_107

Urban Redevelopment Authority (2013) About us: Our organization mission

Retrieved on 29 October, 2013, from

National Heritage Board (2012d) Telling The Singapore Story Singapore

National Heritage Board (2012e) Community heritage series II: Wet markets Book 2

of National Heritage Board’s e-book collection Singapore

Appendix 1

Biographies of my informants

A About the hawkers

A.1 The fishmongers

Lim and Ping (Key informants)

As of 2012, Ping is 68 years old He has been selling fish for over 30 years He

hawked in the old Joo Chiat Market for 20 years When the lease was up, he moved to Bedok Market, and has been here for over 10 years He has known Lee for over 30 years, because both of them sold in the old Joo Chiat Market and have been selling in Bedok Market Ping is divorced and is without children

Lim is 52 years old He was a young boy when his mother brought him around the old Joo Chiat Market, and that was when he met Ping He became Ping‟s assistant or apprentice then, and is currently the co-owner of the stall that he and Ping share in Bedok Market Lim credits Ping for teaching him „how to see and sell fish‟, and „how

to talk‟; he calls Ping his teacher Today, Lim is one of the most cheerful, skilful, and persuasive fishmongers in Bedok Market, and is excellent when it comes to running his business Lim is truly blessed with the gift of the gab or „the ability to talk‟ Lim and Ping sell a range of saltwater fish, and occasionally, a few freshwater fish

Lim lives in Joo Chiat, and has a 23 year old daughter who majored in Psychology at the National University of Singapore She is intending to quit her job and pursue a Masters degree in Psychology in the United Kingdom She has no intention of taking over Lim‟s stall Neither does Lim want to hand his stall to her

My foray into Bedok Market began with Lim – see Chapter 2 – and till today, Lim remains on good terms with my mother and I

Hui and Tan (Key informants)

Hui used to live in Pasir Ris Back then, she helped her boss sell fish in Tampines Market during the weekend After she moved to Bedok, she started shopping in Bedok Market – that was when she befriended Lim and Ping, Liao, Lee, and a friend of her ex-boss This friend asked her to help him sell fish during the weekend She agreed

Within a short span of time, Hui realized that his business was extremely poor The friend of her ex-boss was selling only one fish a day (Hui says that you earn over S$10 for one fish, but your expenses are over S$30 for an entire day.) He only sold one kind of fish – snakehead He did not „know how to talk‟, did not establish good relationships with fellow hawkers, and did not keep close watch of his stall; he was always absent when his customers were looking for him Within a few months, he asked Hui to take over his business Hui did, and she hired her newly divorced friend

as her assistant (see Chapter 3) Her friend eventually quit, and Hui hired Tan, who remains her assistant until today

Hui sells a range of imported fish – Atlantic, Norwegian salmon, snakehead, silverfish, and codfish She has the skills to keep her business going – „the ability to talk‟ and the ability to network Presently, her business is thriving

Hui has three adult children who are aged between 24 and 29 All work in the private sector, and do not intend to take over her business Tan has a 30 year old daughter who is pursuing a degree in a private university She has no wish to take over the business either Hui and Tan take special care of me in Bedok Market, and I assisted them at their stall in February 2013

Lee (Key informant)

Lee started selling fish with his parents when he was nine years old, and continued to

do until he was about 13 or 14 Back then, the family sold in the old Joo Chiat Market Lee entered secondary school and finished it He served as a cook while doing

National Service After serving National Service, Lee was offered a cook position in the airport, but he did not take it up Instead, he returned to Joo Chiat Market to help his parents with their business Lee says that fishmongering is a family business that began with his grandfather in China Having sold (mostly seawater and some

freshwater) fish all his life and in a 1960s marketplace, Lee is rich in his hawking experiences He talks to me endlessly about the 1960s and contemporary marketplaces, and tells me bits and pieces of his life story Lee is an excellent storyteller He is also extremely caring, and is a fatherly figure to me; he looks out for me in Bedok Market

As of 2012, Lee is 68, and has four adult children who are now working None intend

to take over his business

Liao (Key informant)

Liao comes across as a somewhat grumpy man who does not talk much What I know

of him is gathered from my observations at his stall, and the conversations about him that I have with Hui and Lee Liao has been selling fish all his life He has been

hawking in Bedok Market for over 10 years, and his friendship with Hui and Lim extends that far back too Liao does not drive, so his stock is delivered to it Such stock tends to be assorted and of low quality That is why he also gets stock from Lim; Lim and Liao are long-term business partners Lim drives to Jurong Port Fishery everyday, and personally selects fish for the two of them Unlike his fellow

fishmongers, shopping at Liao‟s is akin to a bargain hunt – refer to Chapter 4 for my argument

Liang

Liang sells the same fish as Hui – snakehead and silverfish – and is Hui‟s competitor Liang and Hui are not friends, and hardly come into direct contact with each other Liang‟s stall is next to Poon‟s, and Poon is Hui‟s close friend Poon is able to see what

is happening at Liang‟s stall, and often reports these occurrences to Hui This is how Hui gets information about Liang, a competitor and someone who is she alienated from, and also how Hui forms her opinions of Liang See Chapter 3

A.2 The vegetable sellers

Hakim and Nina (Key informants)

and vegetables In 1959, when Hakim‟s father was about 30, he moved to Singapore and opened a provision ship in Kallang Bahru Hakim‟s father passed away in 1974, and the family maintained this business In 1977, Hakim‟s brother took over the shop, and Hakim moved to Geylang Serai Market in 1980 In 1984, Hakim moved to Bedok Market and has been selling vegetables here ever since

Hakim sells mostly vegetables that are suitable for Malay dishes, and he has many Malay customers He has some relatives who live and farm in Malaysia He gets some stock from them, on top of what he gets at Ubi wholesale market His wife, Nina, and

he have four adult children and three grandchildren None of them intend to take over their parents‟ business

Ting

Ting‟s stall is located next to Hakim‟s and Nina‟s stall I did not observe at Ting‟s stall often; he is not one of my key informants What I know about Ting is gathered from two customer-interviewees, and passing observations of his stall These

customer-interviewees complain that Ting and his assistant are rather aggressive when they sell vegetables; they are pushy and tend to force their customers to buy certain foods against their will I have also witnessed an incident in which Ting quarreled with a lady and her maid, because Ting sold the maid some vegetables against her will See Chapter 4

As of 2012, Ting is in his late 60s He has been selling vegetables since he was 12, and specializes in vegetables that are suitable for Chinese dishes He hopes to retire soon and travel the world with his two adult children, neither of whom wishes to take over Ting‟s business

A.3 The chicken sellers

Mei, Wei, Lian, Deng, and Betty

Mei started selling chicken with her in-laws, when the family was living in a kampong She met her husband, Huang, in that kampong Before her marriage, Huang was

selling chicken with his father After Mei‟s marriage and her father-in-law‟s death, she sold chicken with Huang in the old Tai Seng Market Tai Seng Market was eventually demolished, and they moved to Bedok Market Mei‟s sister-in-law, Lian, helped out too Ever since Huang died of a sudden heart attack, Lian and Betty – Mei‟s

daughter – have been taking turns to help Mei at the stall every weekend Mei used to have an assistant, Wei, who sold with her for two years during the weekdays Wei quit

in November 2012, and Deng – Mei‟s sister – helps Mei occasionally during the

weekdays

As of 2012, Mei is 54 Her daughter, Betty, is 30, and is a childcare teacher Mei‟s son

is 27, and he has a diploma in computer engineering Both children do not wish to take over Mei‟s stall

on an administrative job His brother took over this business Aziz did administrative work for 12 years before hawking again He helped out at a friend‟s chicken stall in Geylang Serai Market for two years Then, he wanted to sell chicken on his own, and rented a stall in Bedok Market

As of 2012, Aziz is 54 years old He has three adult sons, and all of them have

university degrees He does not wish to hand his stall to any of them; he wants them to continue with their careers in the civil service Aziz does not wish to continue selling chicken in the long run either; he is tired of hawking and hopes to retire soon If he retires from hawking, Aziz says that he will still have to find another job in order to pay his housing mortgage and bills See Chapter 3

Poon

I did not observe at Poon‟s stall at all; she is not one of my key informants What I know about Poon is gathered from the conversations that I have with Hui about her Hui and Poon are close friends Poon‟s stall is situated next Liang‟s stall Liang is Hui‟s competitor Poon observes what happens at Liang‟s, and fills Hui in on these happenings; Poon transmits information about her neighbour to Hui See Chapter 3 A.4 The pork seller

Chew

I did not observe at Chew‟s stall frequently; he is not one of my key informants He is good friends with Lim and Ting Lim, Chew, and Ting call themselves „The three brothers‟, and they often joke or fool around with one another – see Chapter 4

A.5 A hawker in the adjacent hawker centre

Goh

Goh used to sell claypot rice in the hawker centre next to Bedok Market Goh used to

be friends with Hui, and Hui used to supply him with snakehead They eventually fell out, and called off their business partnership – see Chapter 3 Goh shut down his business in December 2012

B About the customers

Jessica

Jessica is a 63 year old Chinese lady She is a retired clerk who busies herself with housework and her grandchildren She has been visiting Bedok Market for at least 30 years She hops to Bedok South Market and Chai Chee Market too, and patronizes Chinatown Market occasionally Jessica does not really go to the supermarket; she gets most of her foods from the wet market

Madeline

Madeline is a 65 year old Chinese lady Having retired from an administrative job, she

is now a housewife and caregiver to her husband She has been going to the wet market since adolescence She has been visiting Bedok Market for at least 10 years, and Bedok North Market for at least 30 years She also patronizes Chai Chee Market Madeline does not go to the supermarket often; she prefers to get her foods from the wet market

Samantha

Samantha is a 37 year old Chinese lady She is a housewife and mother of two

primary school children After two bad experiences with two fishmongers in Bedok North Market, and chidings from her mother and mother-in-law, Samantha did not return to the wet market Up to today, Samantha‟s mother-in-law buys meat from Chinatown Market, Red Hill Market, and Middle Road Market for her Samantha goes

to FairPrice and Shop N Save (now known as Giant supermarket) in Bedok to buy fruits and vegetables She used to follow her mother to the wet market when she was a child, but never liked the experience See Chapter 4

C About the heritage bloggers

Peter

As of 2012, Peter is a 48 year old Chinese man He is an engineer In his blog, Peter says that he wandered around Penang for a few months in 2008, and this caused him

to notice how wonderful the Singapore of his childhood was, and how much of

Singapore‟s heritage has disappeared today This encouraged him to start blogging

He uses photography and his blog as a means to capture the ever changing landscape

of Singapore In his blog, Peter reveals that he also strives to document history and heritage as someone who has lived through events, and interacted with peoples and places He seeks to write a history that transcends history books

Peter believes that Singaporeans lack a consciousness of our identity and origins, a consequence of the post-independence period in which the country had abandoned her identity while she was modernizing Peter would like to see conserved buildings and

monuments put to use or converted in a manner such that the essence and functions of the buildings are not lost – this is one of the ways he defines (the preservation of)

disappearing

Kenneth

Kenneth is a 64 year old Chinese man He is a contract staff at the Housing

Development Board Kenneth has been blogging since 2005 He calls his blog and other heritage bloggers‟ blogs „nostalgia blogs‟, where he reckons that „nostalgia‟ refers to things and memories of the past Kenneth says that he blogs because he is nostalgic, and wants to remember the past He thinks that he may not be able to

remember many things as he ages His children say that they do not know much of his past, so Kenneth blogs so that they can read about his memories

Kenneth also blogs so that his contemporaries can share their memories with him, and him with them Many heritage bloggers have web links to one another‟s blogs, and some meet up regularly face-to-face Hence, heritage bloggers form a virtual

community, and share their memories among themselves and their readers

Brandon

Brandon is a 60 year old Chinese man, who is in the computer software industry Brandon was born in Chinatown He also grew up and got married there He has a passion for heritage, events, and happenings in Chinatown, having grown up there and seen the space change over the decades He blogs about different aspects of

Chinatown – including Chinatown wet market – to reach out to different peoples He has two Facebook pages that document the different fruits and vegetables in local and overseas wet markets

Brandon is also immensely interested in Chinese heritage – Chinese temples, mediums, rituals, traditions, cemeteries, and graves He has conducted tours for anthropologists from the United States and United Kingdom, who are interested in Chinese culture and heritage in Singapore

Stephanie

Stephanie blogs to order to unearth stories and memories of old Singapore, as a way of travelling back in time Blogging is a kind of reflection and rediscovery It is also means through which Stephanie can collect the memories of ordinary people – like herself – who have lived through history, and who desire to keep these memories alive

D About the teacher

Jacqueline

Jacqueline is an experienced primary school teacher, having taught in a primary school for the past five years She is in charge of the photography club in her school She led a group of eight Primary Six students from her photography club on a Learning Journey to a neighbourhood wet market

Appendix 2

Map of Bedok Market

Appendix 3

Interview schedule for the hawkers

Part One: Introduction and demographic information

Introduction

1 Personal information and research topic: Study the strategies that the hawkers use in

„doing business‟ (how hawkers „do business‟), and their memories of the wet market

as a disappearing space

2 Cover ethical issues of privacy, confidentiality and anonymity: All information that you share with me will be kept private, confidential and anonymous You are not required to answer any question that you are uncomfortable with answering

3 Request that an audio recording of the interview be made

Informant‟s demographic information

5 Number of years that informant has been hawking in this market

Number of years that informant has been hawking in other markets (if applicable) Part Two: Building a hawking biography; the Warm up or „Grand Tour‟

1 Tell me how you became a hawker (who sells fish, vegetables, chicken or pork) Note: Story of how the informant entered his/her trade: age that he/she started

hawking; place or market he/she hawked at previously (if applicable); why he/she started hawking; his/her previous occupation before becoming a hawker etc

2 Why are you still selling in the wet market today?

Note: Reasons why the informant is still in his/her trade today

3 Why did you decide to sell fish/vegetables/chicken/pork?

Note: Reasons why the informant chose to sell the type of food that he/she is selling Part Three: Ways of „doing business‟

1 What are the most important principles/matters/things to take note of when „doing business‟? Why are these principles/matters/things important? Can you give me examples of how they play out/happen in the market?

Note: General question about what philosophies/principles and matters/things are important to the informant when he/she is „doing business‟ May move into Part Four: Tricks of the trade, but just follow the flow of the interview

2 I notice that hawkers who sell the same foods buy and sell stock to one another Why is this so? I also notice that buying and selling stock occurs more frequently with certain hawkers (i.e more permanent alliances) and less frequently with others (i.e less permanent alliances) Can you give me examples of who you buy and sell more frequently with, and less frequently with?

Note: Pattern of more and less permanent alliances in the market, and why alliances are formed

3 How do you choose who to buy and sell to (especially on a more frequent basis)? Note: Ways that hawkers form their (more permanent) alliances

4 I notice that prices are important to both hawkers and customers in the wet market Why is that so?

5 How are prices decided? (Can you give me examples of how prices are decided at your stall, using specific foods?) Why are prices decided in these ways?

Note: Ask why prices are given according to round units of measurement (e.g 500g, 1kg, 1.5kg etc) Also, reasons why prices are important, how they are decided and why

6 Is there competition between hawkers who sell the same food? Why/why not? How

do you deal with the competition; examples of how you deal with it? Why do you deal the competition in these ways?

Note: See if there is competition between hawkers who sell the same food, how hawkers deal with it and the reasons behind these strategies

7 Is there competition between hawkers who sell different foods (e.g pork VS

chicken)? Why/why not? How do you deal with the competition; examples of how you deal with it? Why do you deal the competition in these ways?

Note: See if there is competition between hawkers who sell different foods, how hawkers deal with it and the reasons behind these strategies

Part Four: Tricks of the trade

a) Embodied food knowledge

1 I notice that you examine your stock (e.g cut, clean, throw away etc) when you set

up your stall Why? Do you select your stock at a wholesale market or have it

delivered to you? Why?

Note: Knowledge of the food that pertains to setting up the backstage of selling food (e.g setting up the stall, getting the food from the supplier etc)

2 I notice that you have a vast knowledge of your food (i.e fish, vegetables, chicken

or pork)? What does this knowledge include/consist of (e.g recipes, how different ethnicities like to cook their food etc)? Why is this knowledge important?

3 I notice that you have a vast knowledge of how your food is sold in the supermarket and other markets Can you give me examples of this knowledge? Why is it important

to have this knowledge?

4 How did you learn/gain the knowledge of your food and how it is sold in other

places?

Note: What does it mean to have knowledge of the food that the informant sells? Why

is this knowledge important?

5 Do you have some knowledge on foods other than what you sell? Can you give me

examples of this knowledge? How did you learn/gain the knowledge of other foods, and why may this knowledge be important?

Note: What does it mean to have knowledge of other foods? Why is this knowledge important?

b) Selling strategies

1 Tell me what is important when selling to customers; what are the important

matters/things to take note of when selling to customers? Can you give me examples

of how these matters/things play out/happen in an interaction with a customer? Why are these matters/things important?

Note: General question on what is important to the informant when selling to

customers, examples and reasons

2 Some hawkers tell me that the „ability to talk‟ is important in selling to customers What does this mean? Can you give me examples of being „able to talk‟? Why is the

„ability to talk‟ important?

3 Some hawkers tell me that they can tell what kinds of people their customers are; they can read their customers well Can you? How would you group/differentiate the kinds of customers you have; can you give me examples of how you

group/differentiate your customers?

4 Why is it important to know how to group/differentiate your customers?

Note: Informant‟s typology of customers, and the important of the typology Can ask

if he/she knows how to tell the class (how rich or poor the customer is), ethnicity, nationality, occupation (housewife, maid, Madam, stallholder etc) of a customer

5 How do you deal with customers who bargain with you? Give me examples of how you deal with them? Why do you deal with them in these ways?

Note: Ask about both price and quantity bargaining (e.g adding more food and not

charging the customer for it) When does the informant engage in each, and why?

6 How did you learn/acquire the above forms of knowledge (e.g ability to talk,

group/differentiate customers, deal with bargaining customers etc)?

Part Five: Friendships in the wet market

1 I notice that some of your customers are also your friends; you have made friends with some of your customers Tell me about some of these customers: who are they, and what are they like? How did you come to know them?

2 What do you talk about with these friends/customers; give me examples of your conversations? Why do you talk about these things?

3 Do you think that your friendships with the customers are important? Why/why not? Part Six: Social memories of the wet market as a disappearing space

1 Some hawkers and people think that the wet market is slowly disappearing/dying out What do you think of this claim (agree, disagree etc)?

2 Why do you think that the wet market is (not) disappearing? How do you feel about its disappearance/continuity?

Note: Possible reasons that the wet market is disappearing: hawkers are tired of the physical labour involved in hawking; declining businesses because fewer people

(especially the young) come to the market, lack of successors, competition from

supermarkets, loss of food knowledge among the young, the renovation/upgrading etc

of the wet market etc Or if the informant says that the wet market is not disappearing,

take note of his/her thoughts

3 What was Bedok wet market like in the past (e.g the layout of the market, how businesses were conducted, how food was sold: live chickens that customers could pick and get hawkers to slaughter etc)?

4 I was told that Bedok wet market was renovated some years back What was it like doing business during this renovation period (e.g having to move the stalls to the car park behind the present market, having to look for other jobs etc)? Do you prefer the Bedok wet market of the past or present? Why?

Note: Short history of Bedok wet market, and what the informant thinks of it

Part Seven: Closing

1 Are there any last comments that you would like to add (e.g on the content and the process of the interview, the interviewer etc)?

Appendix 4.1

Interview schedule for the customers (except Samantha)

Part One: Introduction and demographic information

Introduction

1 Personal information and research topic: Study the experiences of customers who

go to Bedok Market, and their memories of the wet market as a disappearing space

2 Cover ethical issues of privacy, confidentiality and anonymity: All information that you share with me will be kept private, confidential and anonymous You are not required to answer any question that you are uncomfortable with answering

3 Request that an audio recording of the interview be made

Informant‟s demographic information

1 Age

2 Gender

3 Ethnicity

4 Occupation

5 Number of years that informant has been going to Bedok wet market

Part Two: Reasons for going to Bedok wet market, and hawker-customer relationship

1 How often do you go to Bedok wet market? What do you buy there, and which hawker(s) do you patronize?

2 Why do you go to Bedok wet market? Also, why this number of times a

hawkers, what do you talk about? Any examples of conversational topics?

5 Describe the hawkers you patronize: their personality, foods they sell, their family etc What are your impressions of these hawkers? (Examples of these impressions?) Why do you have such impressions of them?

6 Do you return to these hawkers to buy food? Why/why not? Do you switch hawkers? Why/why not?

7 Are encounters with these hawkers pleasant/unpleasant? Describe a

pleasant/unpleasant interaction Have you witnessed any unpleasant interactions or been in one yourself?

8 Do you bargain with the hawkers? Why/why not? If you bargain with them, how do you go about doing that?

9 Do you shop at other places besides Bedok wet market? (E.g supermarkets and other wet markets.) How often do you shop there? Also, which supermarket(s) do you usually go to (e.g NTUC, Sheng Siong etc) and why?

Part Three: Interactions among customers

1 Do you shop alone at Bedok wet market or with someone else? Why? If you shop with someone else, what do you all do at the wet market?

2 Do you run into friends at Bedok wet market? How do you react to such meetings? (E.g chat for some time, say hello and rush off etc.) Why do you react in these ways?

3 Do you talk to customers who you do not (really) know in Bedok wet market? (E.g talk about whether the food is fresh, exchange recipes etc.) What do such

conversations revolve around? Why do you all converse about these topics?

Part Four: Ideas of knowledge in the wet market

1 Do you know how to „see vegetables/fish/chicken/pork‟ etc? Any examples of how

to „see‟ such things? How did you learn to „see vegetables/fish/chicken/pork‟ etc?

2 Do you exchange recipes, learn about vegetables/fish/chicken/pork etc in the wet market, through interactions with the hawkers and customers? Why/why not? Is their knowledge credible or sound? Why/why not?

Part Five: The wet market as a disappearing space

1 Some hawkers and people think that the wet market is slowly disappearing/dying out What do you think? How do you feel about it?

2 Why do you think the wet market is (not) disappearing?

3 What was Bedok wet market like in the past? (E.g layout, hawkers, how food was sold etc.) Do you prefer the Bedok wet market of the past or present? Why?

4 Have you heard about the Sheng Siong-HDB saga that occurred in 2009? (Sheng Siong took over six wet markets and wanted to convert them into supermarkets Many Singaporeans were unhappy about this, and a debate arose, over whether these

markets should be converted into supermarkets Ultimately, HDB said that these markets should not be converted into supermarkets.) Also, have you heard of the new air-conditioned wet market in Elias Mall, Pasir Ris?

What do you think about the saga and the new air-conditioned wet market?

Part Six: Closing

1 Are there any last comments that you would like to add? (E.g on the content and the process of the interview, the interviewer etc.)

Appendix 4.2

Interview schedule for Samantha, who does not shop in the wet market

Part One: Introduction and demographic information

3 Request that an audio recording of the interview be made

Informant‟s demographic information

1 Age

2 Gender

3 Ethnicity

4 Occupation

5 Number of years that informant has been going to the supermarket:

Part Two: Experiences in the supermarket

1 Where do you get your foods, daily necessities or groceries from? Why do you go

to these places, and what do you buy there?

2 Tell me about a typical grocery shopping trip to the supermarket What happens then?

3 Why does your trip take the abovementioned form?

4 Do you interact with the employees or fellow customers when you shop at the supermarket?

5 What are some of the important things to take note of when shopping at the

supermarket? For example, the price, freshness etc of the foods?

Part Three: Interactions in the supermarket

1 Do you shop alone or with someone? Why? If you shop with someone, what do you all do at the supermarket?

2 Do you run into friends at the supermarket? How do you react to such meetings? (E.g chat for some time, say hello and rush off etc.) Why do you react in these ways?

3 Do you talk to customers you do not (really) know in the supermarket? (E.g ask whether foods are fresh, exchange recipes etc.) What do such conversations revolve around, and why?

Part Four: Ideas of knowledge in the supermarket

1 Do you know how to „see fish/vegetables/chicken/pork‟ in the supermarket? How did you learn to „see fish/vegetables/chicken/pork‟?

Part Five: Comparing experiences in the wet and supermarket

1 What is your impression of the wet market in terms of the environment, hawkers, fellow customers, foods etc? Why do you have these impressions?

2 Do you shop at the wet market? Why (not)?

3 Comparing the wet and supermarket, which do you prefer in terms of the

environment, interactions, foods etc?

4 Some people think that the wet market is slowly dying out Do you have any thoughts about this?

5 Have you heard about the Sheng Siong-HDB saga that happened in 2009? What do you think of this saga?

Part Six: Closing

1 Are there any last comments that you would like to add? (E.g on the content and the process of the interview, the interviewer etc.)

End of interview schedule for Samantha

Appendix 5.1

Interview schedule for Peter (heritage blogger)

Dear Peter, I am Victoria Galvez, a second year Masters student in the National University of Singapore In my Masters thesis, I am studying the memories of the wet market as a disappearing space and „heritage space‟ from the perspective of history and heritage bloggers

Thank you for consenting to this interview Your responses to the questions below will be kept private, confidential and anonymous You do not have to address any question that you are uncomfortable with

Questions on the wet market as a disappearing and heritage space

1 In your blog entry, you write about the times, as a four year old boy, that you accompanied your mother to Toa Payoh Lorong 4 wet market Such experiences include the sight, smell and sound of the activities the hawkers engaged in (how the fishmongers were chopping fish, how chickens were being slaughtered, how fishballs and rempah were being made), the times you had breakfast with your mother, and the activities of the elderly men and Nepali vendors who gathered there

Why have you chosen to remember the wet market in the above ways?

2 What kind of emotions and reflections do your memories of the wet market space, evoke in you? Why do your memories evoke these emotions and reflections?

3 Some people see the wet market as part of Singapore‟s „heartland heritage‟ and as a social space for the community As a blogger who is deeply interested in history and heritage, what do you think of this stance?

4 Some hawkers, customers and members of the general public think that the wet market is slowly disappearing from the Singapore landscape As someone who is concerned about places that have disappeared or been reconstructed over time, what

do you think about the idea that the wet market may be disappearing? How do you feel about this disappearance (or the lack of it)?

5 Why do you feel the abovementioned ways about the disappearance (or lack of it)

of the wet market?

6 Do you know what wet markets in Singapore were like in the past? Please describe them

7 In 2009, Sheng Siong bought over six wet markets and attempted to convert them into supermarkets There was a huge public outcry, and Singaporeans were divided on this issue (some did not want the wet markets to be converted into supermarkets, some did, and others were neutral) Ultimately, the Housing Development Board stopped Sheng Siong from converting these wet markets into supermarkets

Have you heard about the abovementioned incident? What are your thoughts about it?

8 How does the wet market compare with other disappearing spaces that you have been blogging about: certain segments of Marina Bay and Orchard Road, and Neil Road?

9 Why are interested in blogging about history, heritage and disappearing spaces in Singapore?

10 If there are any last comments or questions you wish to add, please do so here

Thank you for helping me with the above questions and my research I deeply appreciate it

End of interview schedule for Peter (heritage blogger)