Capitalist development and technological innovation in open water fisheries impacts on traditional water slave fishing communities of southeastern bangladesh

CAPITALIST DEVELOPMENT AND TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATION IN OPEN-WATER FISHERIES: IMPACTS ON TRADITIONAL ‘WATER-SLAVE’ FISHING COMMUNITIES OF SOUTHEASTERN BANGLADESH RANAJIT DASTIDARB.A.. T

CAPITALIST DEVELOPMENT AND TECHNOLOGICAL

INNOVATION IN OPEN-WATER FISHERIES:

IMPACTS ON TRADITIONAL ‘WATER-SLAVE’ FISHING COMMUNITIES OF SOUTHEASTERN BANGLADESH

RANAJIT DASTIDAR(B.A (Honours in Economics), CHITTAGONG UNIVERSITY)

A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

SOUTH ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAMME

FACULTY OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE

2009

Acknowledgements

I have been blessed with two outstanding scholars as my PhD supervisors, who combine many rare human qualities as well The completion of this dissertation, as well as my overall Masters-cum-PhD programme, is owed foremost to my teacher and supervisor, Prof Shapan Adnan He first introduced me to field level research at the grassroots on various socio-economic issues and aroused my interest in understanding the transformation of traditional peasant and fisher societies Undertaking of this doctoral programme was the result of his continuous encouragement and instilling of confidence in me His innovative teaching and dynamic guidance has led me to grasp the pertinent issues of this research His innumerable queries, comments and intense critiques of the drafts of the thesis chapters have kept me on track in developing a coherent analytical framework within which to insert the thematic arguments and supporting evidence His extremely painstaking efforts in going between the lines of the various chapter drafts, and numerous suggestions for correction, have enabled me

to revise the written dissertation in its present form During my fieldwork in 2005, he spent his personal leave visiting my study villages as well as a major fish market in Chittagong city, providing me with vital practical guidance in accomplishing this task

Beside this crucial academic and research support, Prof Adnan has voluntarily taken up the entire financial responsibility of maintaining my family of four (including my wife and two school-going children, paying foreign student fees) in Singapore since September 2008, by lending generously when I had exhausted all my savings and sources of loan From the very outset of my graduate studies in the National University of Singapore (NUS), he has always advised me not to worry about financial exigencies and to let him know if I require any such support Since discontinuation of my Research Scholarship after November 2007, having to borrow to survive and pay tuition fees to the university has brought me close to bankruptcy and despair Consequently, I tried to give up the PhD programme several times, but Prof Adnan’s relentless persuasion and firm guidance did not allow that to happen In short, the

submission of my PhD dissertation would have been totally inconceivable without Prof Adnan’s all-out support, and hence my debt to him knows no bounds

I am also profoundly indebted to my co-supervisor and teacher, Professor Peter D Reeves, who was the former Head of South Asian Studies Programme (SASP) He taught and introduced me to the rich fisheries literature, and his guidance and comments on my dissertation have been invaluable In particular, his feedback on all the nine thesis chapters has served to enhance my confidence, and his critique has helped me to improve the quality of the PhD dissertation

During Prof Reeves’ tenure as Head of SASP, I benefited from all the required administrative support like the other SASP students Significantly, his high administrative capability and towering personality helped me to obtain financial support for fieldwork as well as the extension of the NUS Research Scholarship during his tenure In this regard, I must also acknowledge with thanks the support of Prof Alan Chan, former Vice Dean of the Division of Research and Graduate Studies (DRGS), Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (FASS), NUS I

am grateful for the financial and administrative support received from SASP and DRGS under the respective leadership of these two distinguished academics Their subsequent absence was deeply felt, when my applications for extension of scholarship were rejected1

Besides much required academic and administrative support, Prof Reeves has always been concerned about my difficult financial situation He offered me “practical help” through several emails after discontinuation of the scholarship Prof Reeves has been a constant source

of encouragement to me from Australia through his numerous emails, which have contributed largely to the fruition of this dissertation

1

Unlike other PhD colleagues, I was given the NUS Research Scholarship (RS) for only 3 years and 4 months (inclusive of part of my M.A candidature as well) My applications for extension of RS and tuition fee waiver were rejected twice since November 2007, despite very strong recommendations from both of my supervisors and keeping good academic and research track records [e.g., achieved Cumulative Average Point (CAP) 4.88 out of the 5 point scale, presented papers in the international conferences, received good feedback from the undergraduate students whom I tutored, etc.]

My friend, Shaju Sultana Adnan, has always provided great support, both psychological and material, from the outset of my studies at NUS Her affection and care for me as well as my family have made our stay in Singapore worthwhile Her invaluable contributions are acknowledged with much gratitude

I am grateful to Prof Mahbub Ullah of Dhaka University and Mr Ulrich Kleih of Greenwich University for providing referees’ reports at the time of my admission in graduate studies at NUS Besides, Mr Kleih also provided me with several relevant reports from England and encouraged me in undertaking and continuing the PhD programme

I am thankful to the Asia Research Institute (ARI) of NUS for its partial financial support to

I thankfully acknowledge the valuable contributions of my research assistants, Ms Sharmina Chowdhury, Ms Farzana Ferdous and Mr Mohammad Aminul Hoque, who helped me in collection of data in the study villages during September-November, 2005

Mr Mobarrak Hossain carefully applied his cartographic skills in refining the maps of the study villages as well as Chittagong district and Bangladesh I gratefully acknowledge his contributions

Mr Shuvashish Biswas (Suman), Mr Md Nasir Uddin, Mr Surajit Dutta (Bachchu), Ms Rehana Akhter, Mr Waliul Islam, Mr Tapan Bhowmik, Mr Mosharraf Hossain (Jhantu),

Ms Husna Amena Akhter (Sweet), Mr Debashish Biswas (Rupan), Mr Utpal Dutta, Mr Mamun-ur-Rashid, Mr Imrul Hasan and Mr Sultan Md Giasuddin have given me very important support by providing data at different times Some of them also made available various reports and documents to me In particular, Suman transcribed some of the recorded interviews and sent several maps, and Nasir visited one of the study villages to collect and validate data Nasir, Rehana and Tapan also introduced me to the marine study villages My sincere gratitude goes to all these very helpful friends for their unfailing support

Mr Kamal Sengupta provided help in taking photographs of some boats, trawlers and industrial ships during fieldwork in 2005 (Photograph Nos 5.2, 5.14, 5.15 and 5.18), while

Mr Moinul Alam gave his consent to use one of his photographs (No 5.12) published in the pictorial of CODEC (2001) I acknowledge their support with thanks

I am grateful to my PhD colleague and friend, Ms Fahmida Farzana, to stand as a guarantor for my Tuition Fee Loan availed over three semesters since January, 2008 I appreciate her generosity, in spite of apprehension about providing guarantee to an insolvent person like me!

Ms Nur Jannah Mohamed and Miss Catherine Lee of the SASP office have always been very helpful in extending their cooperation whenever required I am thankful to them

Bishuda (Mr Biswajit Dutta) and Bablidi (Ms Sunanda Sengupta) had come forward to support me financially, whatever they could Besides, Bishuda has been very keen in tracking the development of my PhD work since its initiation My gratitude goes to them as well

I have had always been supported and encouraged by my didi, Ms Dipa Sen, and my brother

and friend, Surajit Dutta (Bachchu), whose financial support was of crucial importance after the discontinuation of my scholarship My younger sister, Shima (Mahua Dastidar), has taken

up my responsibility of looking after our ailing mother since January 2006 through her very active physical presence, as well as financial support (since August 2008), even at the cost of her own family responsibility She has had to bear a lot of suffering and put in extra efforts for undertaking this additional responsibility, relegated to her due to my long absence from home However, she has always been generously supported by her husband, Advocate Mrinal Kanti Dasgupta, and their two children Saymonti and Aritra My debt is profound to all of

them, including didi and Bachchu I would not have succeeded in completing this dissertation

without their unforgettable contributions

My father (Saradindu Dastidar) passed away on 12 May 2004, when I was preparing to upgrade to the PhD programme from my M.A studies at SASP He felt my absence a lot during those days! I have the feeling that my father could have lived a few more years, if I had been beside him at home This is an irrevocable cost of my graduate study at NUS This feeling haunts me quite often My apology to him knows no bounds

My mother (Pranati Dastidar) has accepted my absence ungrudgingly, and has been

encouraging me regularly to complete the PhD project Her ailing elder sister, my mejomashi (Arati Dutta), and younger brother, mejomamu (Nihar Kanti Das), are also very concerned

about my studies and are looking forward to the fruition of my PhD

My wife, Ankhi (Suparna Sen Gupta), and sons, Diganto (Navojit Dastidar) and Pranto (Pritthijit Dastidar), have accepted all the hardships and disruptions in education (sons’) entailed by my doctoral work without any significant complaint and indeed have been a great source of encouragement to me Their resilience in the face of poverty and destitution, particularly since discontinuation of my scholarship, is admirable They are also looking forward to the successful completion of the PhD I am moved by their patience and am ever grateful to them

I have also been encouraged by many other friends, relatives and colleagues during my study

at NUS I am thankful to all of them (the list is quite long to be presented here)

Last, but not least, I would like to express my deep gratitude to the respondents of the study, especially to the Jaladas fishing communities, for their invaluable contribution to this research

Ranajit Dastidar

South Asian Studies Programme

Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences

National University of Singapore (NUS)

13 November 2009

Table of Contents

(Summary)

Acknowledgements i

Table of Contents (Summary) vii

Table of Contents (Detailed) viii

Thesis Summary xv

List of Tables, Maps, Charts and Figures xvii

List of Photographs xix

Glossary and Acronyms xxi

CHAPTERS 1 INTRODUCTION 1

2 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK AND REVIEW OF LITERATURE 35

3 TRADITIONAL FISHING COMMUNITIES OF BANGLADESH: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES 63

4 FEATURES OF THE STUDY AREAS: VILLAGES, FISHING GROUNDS, MARKET-PLACES 75

5 TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATION AND PROCESSES OF CHANGE 110

6 FACTOR AND PRODUCT MARKETS IN THE FISHERIES SECTOR 151

7 PRODUCTION RELATIONS AND SOCIAL ORGANISATION IN THE STUDY VILLAGES 199

8 NATURE AND EXTENT OF CAPITALIST DEVELOPMENT IN FISHERIES 239

9 CONCLUSION: MAJOR FINDINGS OF THE STUDY 271

Bibliography 290

Appendix-1 299

Appendix-2 301

Appendix-3 302

Table of Contents

(Detailed)

Acknowledgements i

Table of Contents (Summary) .vii

Table of Contents (Detailed) .viii

Thesis Summary xv

List of Tables, Maps, Charts and Figures xvii

List of Photographs xix

Glossary and Acronyms xxi

CHAPTER 1 1 INTRODUCTION 1

1.1 STATEMENT OF THE ISSUES ADDRESSED 1

1.2 THE FISHERIES SECTOR OF BANGLADESH 4

1.2.1 Marine Fisheries 7

1.2.2 Inland Fisheries 8

1.2.3 Social Groups and Classes involved in Fishing 10

1.3 ANALYTICAL ISSUES 14

1.4 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES AND KEY QUESTIONS 16

1.4.1 Research Objectives 16

1.4.2 Key Questions 17

1.5 APPROACH AND METHODOLOGY OF THE RESEARCH 18

1.5.1 Methods and Techniques used 19

1.5.1.1 Primary and Secondary Data Sources 19

1.5.1.2 Fieldwork in Multiple Sites 21

1.5.1.3 Selection Criteria for the Study Villages/Communities 22

1.5.1.4 Fieldwork Methods in the Study Villages 26

1.5.1.5 Methods of Data Collection for Fish and Credit Market Surveys 28

1.5.1.6 Itinerary of Fieldwork in Bangladesh 29

1.5.2 Problems Encountered in Collection of Data 31

1.6 SCOPE AND LIMITS OF THE STUDY 32

1.7 LAYOUT OF THE DISSERTATION 33

CHAPTER 2

2 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK AND REVIEW OF LITERATURE 35

2.1 CONCEPT OF CAPITAL: PRODUCTIVE AND UNPRODUCTIVE CAPITAL 36

2.2 THE CLASSICAL PARADIGM OF CAPITALIST DEVELOPMENT 38

2.2.1 Processes leading to the Emergence of Capitalism 39

2.2.1.1 Differentiation of the Peasantry 39

2.2.1.2 Primitive Accumulation 40

2.2.1.3 Capitalist Reconstitution 41

2.2.2 Production Relations and the Social Organisation of Production 41

2.2.3 Capitalist Transformation as Systemic Change 42

2.2.4 Role of Impersonal and Interlocked Markets in Capitalist Development 44

2.2.5 Adaptation of the Classical Paradigm of Capitalist Development to Fisheries 45

2.3 ANALYTICAL REVIEW OF LITERATURE 47

2.3.1 Technological Change 48

2.3.2 Factor and Product Markets 49

2.3.3 Forms of Production Organisation 53

2.3.4 Differentiation amongst Traditional Fishing Communities 54

2.3.5 Emergence of Capitalist Relations 56

2.3.6 Socio-cultural Changes with Capitalist Development 57

2.4 INCONSISTENCIES AND GAPS IN EXISTING KNOWLEDGE 58

2.5 HYPOTHESES 60

2.6 OVERVIEW 61

CHAPTER 3 3 TRADITIONAL FISHING COMMUNITIES OF BANGLADESH: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES 63

3.1.RELIGIOUS AND CASTE COMPOSITION OF TRADITIONAL FISHING COMMUNITIES ……….63

3.2.HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF PROPERTY RIGHTS AND POWER RELATIONS 66

3.2.1 Legal and Property Rights in Fisheries: 1793–1947 67

3.2.2 Considerations underlying Changes in Property Rights: 1793–1947 69

3.2.3 Typology of Fisheries Organisation during the Colonial Period 70

3.2.4 Property Rights and Power Relations in the Post-Colonial Period 72

3.3 OVERVIEW OF HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES 73

CHAPTER 4

4 FEATURES OF THE STUDY AREAS: VILLAGES, FISHING GROUNDS, MARKET-PLACES

75

4.1 FEATURES OF THE STUDY VILLAGES/COMMUNITIES 75

4.1.1 Shagarmala: the Marine Fishing Village (MFV) 76

4.1.2 Shangkhomala: the Inland Fishing Village (IFV) 82

4.1.3 The Supplementary Study Villages 85

4.2 PRODUCTION CONDITIONS IN MARINE AND INLAND FISHERIES 86

4.2.1 Technical Conditions and Environmental Resources of the Fisheries 86

4.2.1.1 Seasonality of Inland and Marine Fisheries 86

4.2.1.2 Fishing Grounds, Property Rights and Practices in Marine Fisheries 87

4.2.1.3 Fishing Grounds, Property Rights and Practices in the Inland Village 92

4.2.2 Distribution of the Fisheries’ Means of Production 96

4.2.2.1 Marine Fishing Village (MFV) 96

4.2.2.2 Inland Fishing Village (IFV) 98

4.2.3 Occupational Patterns during the Peak Fishing Season 99

4.2.3.1 Marine Fishing Village (MFV) 99

4.2.3.2 Inland Fishing Village (IFV) 100

4.3 FISH-LANDING SITES AND MARKET-PLACES IN CHITTAGONG 101

4.4 RISK AND INSECURITY IN THE FISHING GROUNDS AND LANDING SITES 102

4.4.1 Natural Calamities 102

4.4.2 Threats from Piracy 104

4.4.3 Coercion and Constraints 106

4.5 CONCLUDING REMARKS 108

CHAPTER 5 5 TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATION AND PROCESSES OF CHANGE 110

5.1 ARTISANAL FISHING TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIAL ORGANISATION OF PRODUCTION 111

5.1.1 Fishing Crafts 111

5.1.2 Traditional Fishing Nets and other Fishing Gear 114

5.1.3 Pre-Innovation Social Organisation of Production 117

5.2 CHANGES IN TECHNOLOGY IN FISHERIES PRODUCTION 119

5.2.1 New Crafts and Fishing Gear for Mid-sea Fishing by Commercial Entrepreneurs 121

5.2.2 Deep Sea Fishing by Industrial Ships 123

5.2.3 New Fishing Crafts and Gear used by the Traditional Fishers 126

5.2.4 Proliferation of the New Technology 129

5.2.5 Absence of New Technology in Inland Fishing Village (IFV) 131

5.3 ADDITIONAL FACTORS OF CHANGE 131

5.3.1 Shrimp Larvae Collection for Coastal Shrimp Aquaculture 131

5.3.2 Waste Disposal in the Fishing Grounds by nearby Factories 134

5.3.3 Waste Disposal from Ships brought to local Scrapyards 136

5.3.4 Impacts of Flood Control and Irrigation Projects 136

5.4 CONSEQUENCES OF TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATION AND OTHER FACTORS OF CHANGE 137

5.4.1 Environmental Consequences 138

5.4.2 Impacts upon the Social Organisation of Production 143

5.5 OVERVIEW OF TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATION AND PROCESSES OF CHANGE 148

CHAPTER 6 6 FACTOR AND PRODUCT MARKETS IN THE FISHERIES SECTOR 151

6.1 MARKETS FOR CAPITAL GOODS, TECHNICAL INPUTS AND LABOUR 152

6.1.1 Fishing Boats 152

6.1.2 Nets and Other Fishing Gear 154

6.1.3 Fuel, Foodstuff and other Consumables 156

6.1.4 Labour 157

6.1.4.1 Labour deployment in Shagarmala (MFV) 157

6.1.4.2 Labour deployment in Shangkhomala (IFV) 160

6.1.4.3 Inter-sectoral Mobility of Labour 163

6.2 CREDIT MARKET 165

6.2.1 Features of Credit Sources 165

6.2.2 Patterns of Borrowing in the Inland and Marine Fishing Communities 167

6.2.3 Purpose of Loans taken by Fishers 169

6.2.4 Changes in the Forms and Nature of Borrowing since the 1980s 172

6.3 PRODUCT MARKETS 173

6.3.1 Fish Marketing Structure and its Linkages with the Marine Village, Shagarmala 174

6.3.2 Fish Marketing Structure and its Linkages with the Inland Village, Shangkhomala 177

6.3.3 Fish Marketing Structure and Linkages: District Level 180

6.3.4 Changes in the Fish Marketing System over the last few decades 183

6.4 ANALYTICAL ASPECTS OF CREDIT-PRODUCT INTERLOCKED MARKET TRANSACTIONS 183

6.4.1 Interlocked Markets: Financing of Fishing by Dadan 184

6.4.2 Role of Dadan in financing Technological Change in Marine Fisheries 188

6.5 CYCLES OF INDEBTEDNESS AND THEIR DYNAMICS 190

6.6 OVERVIEW OF FACTOR AND PRODUCT MARKETS AND THEIR INTERACTIONS 196 CHAPTER 7 7 PRODUCTION RELATIONS AND SOCIAL ORGANISATION IN THE STUDY VILLAGES 199 7.1 PRODUCTION CONTRACTS AND THE SOCIAL ORGANISATION OF PRODUCTION 200

7.1.1 Production Organisations in Shangkhomala – the Inland Fishing Village (IFV) 201

7.1.2 Production Organisations in Shagarmala – the Marine Fishing Village (MFV) 203

7.1.3 Emergence of the Pannowas: A Complex Type of Labour Force 206

7.1.4 Seasonal Variations in Production Organisation in the Marine Village 208

7.1.5 The Relative Significance of Family and External Labour 209

7.1.6 Operation of Large Trawler by Jaladas Entrepreneur in Shagarmala 210

7.1.7 Absence of Large-scale Trawler Operation among the Jaladas Fishers of Shangkhomala211 7.2 COST-RETURN ANALYSES OF FISHING PRODUCTION UNITS IN THE MARINE VILLAGE 211

7.2.1 Bases of the Analysis 211

7.2.2 Case I: Suchitra Jaladas: Owner-operator with One Engine-boat 214

7.2.3 Case II: Mintu Jaladas: Owner-operator with Two Engine-boats 216

7.2.4 Case III: Shataranjan Jaladas: Owner-operator with Three Engine-boats 218

7.2.5 Case IV: Dinabandhu Jaladas: A Pannowa 220

7.2.6 Case V: Haribandhu Jaladas: Mid-sea Fishing Operator with Trawler 221

7.2.7 Case VI: Md Alauddin: Mid-sea Fishing Operator with Trawler 222

7.2.8 Overview of Cost-Returns 224

7.3 CHANGES IN PRODUCTION ORGANISATION AND DIFFERENTIATION OF THE

TRADITIONAL FISHERS 226

7.3.1 Changing Trends of Differentiation among Traditional Fishers 226

7.3.2 Inequality between Jaladas Fishers and Market Functionaries 229

7.4 SOCIAL, OCCUPATIONAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGES 229

7.4.1 Changes in Socio-Demographic Composition of the Fisheries Labour Force 229

7.4.2 Changes in Indigenous Social Institutions of Jaladas Fishing Communities 231

7.4.3 Changes in the Gender Division of Labour among Traditional Fishers 232

7.4.4 Changes in Social and Occupational Identity among Jaladas Fishing Communities 234

7.5 OVERVIEW OF CHANGES IN THE SOCIAL ORGANISATION AND PRODUCTION RELATIONS IN THE FISHERIES SECTOR 236

CHAPTER 8 8 NATURE AND EXTENT OF CAPITALIST DEVELOPMENT IN FISHERIES 239

8.1 ROLE OF UNPRODUCTIVE CAPITAL IN FISHING 240

8.2 ROLE OF PRODUCTIVE CAPITAL IN FISHING 246

8.2.1 The Bahaddars: Commercial Entrepreneurs 246

8.2.2 Industrial Fishing Ships 249

8.2.3 Inland Fisheries 251

8.3 INTERACTION BETWEEN PRODUCTIVE AND UNPRODUCTIVE CAPITAL IN MARINE FISHERIES 252

8.3.1 Collaboration and Co-existence 252

8.3.2 Trends of Change: Declining amounts of Loan to Traditional Fishers and Dadandars 253

8.3.3 Piracy, Fish Depletion and Conflicts between Productive and Unproductive Capital 255

8.3.4 Conflicts among Capitalist Producers 257

8.3.5 Constraints to Transformation of Jaladas Fishers into Capitalist Producers 258

8.4 FISHING AND THE INTER-SECTORAL CIRCULATION OF CAPITAL 260

8.4.1 Inflow of Capital into Fishing 260

8.4.2 Deployment of Surplus from Fishing 264

8.5 NATURE AND EXTENT OF CAPITALIST DEVELOPMENT AMONG TRADITIONAL FISHERS 265

8.6 OVERVIEW OF CAPITALIST DEVELOPMENT IN FISHERIES 268

CHAPTER 9

9 CONCLUSION: MAJOR FINDINGS OF THE STUDY 271

9.1 ADAPTATIONS TO THE PARADIGM OF CAPITALIST DEVELOPMENT 271

9.2 FACTOR AND PRODUCT MARKETS 273

9.3 PRODUCTION ORGANISATION AND TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATION 275

9.4 INTERACTIONS BETWEEN PRODUCTIVE AND UNPRODUCTIVE CAPITAL 278

9.5 EXTENT OF CAPITALIST TRANSFORMATION AMONG JALADAS FISHERS 279

9.6 ROLE OF STATE, CREDIT AND RESISTANCE 280

9.6.1 Role of State 280

9.6.2 Role and Impact of Credit tailored for the Traditional Fisherfolk 281

9.6.3 Forms and Role of Resistance of the Traditional Fishers 283

9.7 FUTURE SCENARIOS 286

9.8 BROADER RELEVANCE OF THIS STUDY 288

Bibliography 290

Appendix-1 Table A: Types of Data Sources by Period and Sites of Research 299

Appendix-2 Drift Nets introduced by BOBP 301

Appendix-3 Table B: “Marketing of Hilsa from a Landing Centre near Chittagong to Dhaka Markets, July 2001 302

Thesis Summary

Capitalist Development and Technological Innovation in Open-Water Fisheries:

Impacts on Traditional ‘Water-Slave’ Fishing Communities of Southeastern Bangladesh

This is a study of technological innovation and capitalist development in open-water capture fisheries of Chittagong in southeastern Bangladesh It focuses upon the role of traditional low caste Hindu fishing communities, known as the Jaladas (literally meaning ‘water-slave’), involved in marine and riverine fishing The dynamics of change have involved a process of

levelling effect followed by differentiation among the traditional fishers as well as the

entrance of new entrepreneurs and workers from very different social and religious backgrounds The pre-existing forms of production organisation prevailing among traditional fishers have been partially undermined by the advent of the new technology, while new forms

of capital-mediated production have emerged under the control of commercial entrepreneurs

or trader-moneylenders These complex outcomes have been associated with changes in the social institutions, cultural practices and power relations characterising the traditional fishing communities as well as the ecological resources on which their livelihoods are predicated

The dissertation addresses a number of critical issues and questions: What are the features of production organisation among the traditional Jaladas groups and how do these differ from the new forms of organisation characterising capitalist fishing units? What factors have facilitated or constrained the adoption of new technology by traditional fishers? In what ways

have market transactions, particularly the credit-product interlocked market (dadan) contract,

mediated such technological innovation and served to extract surplus from Jaladas groups by

trader-moneylenders? How have dadan contracts been used in the case of capitalist

entrepreneurs? What factors have constrained capitalist transformation in traditional fishery? What kind of economic competition and extra-economic conflicts have taken place between

traditional fishermen, moneylenders and merchants, as well as different types of capitalist entrepreneurs?

The study has followed an ethnographic approach, involving fieldwork at multiple sites The analysis has combined primary evidence with secondary data to examine the structures of fish production and marketing, as well as processes of change triggered off by technological innovation and the inflow of capital The analytical framework draws upon the classical paradigm of capitalist development in the tradition of political economy, while adapting it to the specific context of fisheries characterised by interactions between subsistence-oriented and profit-driven producers as well as the various classes operating with productive and unproductive capital

The findings of the study indicate that the differentiation of peasantry (fishers), primitive accumulation and capitalist reconstitution have displayed analytically distinctive features in the fisheries sector compared to the classical paradigm of agrarian capitalism Furthermore, the conflict between the classes operating productive and unproductive capital takes place not only in terms of command over markets and new technology, but also through use of extra-judicial violence for encroaching on fishing grounds, destruction of fish habitats, as well as piracy for grabbing fish catch and assets

In addition to providing new empirical data, the thesis draws out certain theoretical inferences about the nature and determinants of capitalist development These conclusions provide analytical insights into the processes and dynamics of capitalist transformation which may have a wider applicability to comparable instances in other parts of the world

List of Tables, Maps, Charts and Figures

Tables

Table 1.1: Distribution of Different Types of Inland Fishing Grounds in 2003-04 9Table 1.2: Earlier Fieldwork for Fisheries Research over 1997-2002 20Table 3.1: Traditional Fishing Groups in Colonial Bengal by Religion, Caste and Occupational

Activities ……… 64Table 4.1: Distribution of Jaladas Fisher Households by Ownership of Fishing Boats and Nets

and Role in Production Organisation during the Peak Season in Shagarmala (MFV), 2005 97 Table 4.2: Distribution of Jaladas Fisher Households by Ownership of Fishing Boats and Nets

and Role in Production Organisation during the Peak Season in Shangkhomala (IFV), 2005 98Table 4.3: Distribution of Jaladas Fisher Households of Shagarmala (MFV) by Principal Occupation during the Peak Season of 2005 100Table 4.4: Distribution of Jaladas Fisher Households of Shangkhomala (IFV) by Principal Occupation during the Peak Season of 2005 100Table 5.1: Distribution of Marine Fishing Vessels in Bangladesh by Type during 1981/82-2004/05 130Table 5.2: Fish Species that have Disappeared or Declined in the Fishing Grounds used by Shagarmala (MFV) and Shangkhomala (IFV) Fishers 140Table 5.3: Annual Catch, No of Crafts and Catch per Craft (CPC) in the Marine Fisheries of Bangladesh

by Industrial and Non-Industrial Units: 1983/84-2003/04 142Table 6.1: Prices of Wooden and Fibreglass Boats and Engines used by the Traditional Fishers of Shagarmala (MFV) during 2005 154Table 6.2: Types of Nets and other Fishing Gear used by Traditional Fishermen of the Inland and Marine Fishing Villages in 2005 154Table 6.3: Prices of Nets and Fishing Gear used by the Traditional Fishers of Shangkhomala (IFV),

2005 ……… 155Table 6.4: Prices of Nets and Fishing Gear used by the Traditional Fishers of Shagarmala (MFV), 2005………… 156Table 6.5: Types of Labour Deployment in Fishing by Jaladas Households of Shagarmala (MFV) during 2005 …… 158Table 6.6: Types of Labour Deployment in Fishing by Jaladas Households of Shangkhomala (IFV) during 2005 ………… 161 Table 6.7: Terms and Conditions of Employment of Fisheries Workers in Shangkhomala (IFV) during the Peak Season of 2005 162Table 6.8: Relative Incidence of Multiple Loan Transactions Outstanding in 2005 by Jaladas

Households by different Categories of Lenders 168

Table 6.9: Number of Aratdars by major Wholesale Fish Markets in 1987 and 2002 181 Table 6.10: Outstanding Dadan, Usurious and other Loans as well as Debt-Asset Ratio of Jaladas

Households of Shagarmala (MFV) and Shangkhomala (IFV) in 2005 193Table 7.1: Traditional Fisher (Jaladas) Households of Shangkhomala (IFV) by Principal Occupation and Major Role in Production Organisation, 2005 202

Table 7.2: Traditional Fisher (Jaladas) Households of Shagarmala (MFV) by Principal Occupation and

Major Role in Production Organisation, 2005 204

Table 7.3: Cost-Return Calculations of a Fishing Unit Operating One Engine-boat 215

Table 7.4: Cost-Return Calculations of a Fishing Unit Operating Two Engine-boats 217

Table 7.5: Cost-Return Calculations of a Fishing Unit Operating Three Engine-boats 219

Table 7.6: Cost-Return Calculations of a Fishing Unit operated by a Pannowa working on a Bahaddar’s Engine-boat 220

Table 7.7: Cost-Return Calculations of a Mid-sea Fishing Trawler Operated by Haribandhu Jaladas 222 Table 7.8: Cost-Return Calculations of a Mid-sea Fishing Trawler Operated by Md Alauddin – a non-Jaladas Entrepreneur 223

Table 7.9: Comparative Position of Six Fishing Operators of Shagarmala (MFV) in terms of their Actual Cost-Return Data in 2005 224

Table 7.10: Comparative Position of Four Jaladas Subsistence Producers of Shagarmala in terms of their Actual and Notional Sales Revenue and Net Returns in 2005 225

Maps Map 1.1: Bangladesh and the Principal Study Villages in Chittagong District 6

Map 1.2: Location of the Principal Study Villages in Chittagong District 24

Map 4.1: Shagarmala: The Marine Fishing Village 77

Map 4.2: Shangkhomala: The Inland Fishing Village ……… 83

Map 4.3: Fishing Zone of Shagarmala Fishers between their Village and Sandwip Island 88

Charts and Figure Chart 1.1: Fieldwork Activities in Bangladesh during 2005 30

Chart 4.1: Seasonality of Fishing in Shangkhomala and Shagarmala in 2005 86

Figure 2.1: Fish Marketing Structure in Bangladesh during the 1970s and 1980s 51

Wooden engine-boats anchored in Monpura canal, Shagarmala 127 Photograph 5.17

A fibreglass engine-boat anchored in Monpura canal, Shagarmala 127

Glossary and Acronyms

Am bashya: Last day of the ‘dark’ fortnight of a lunar month, when the moon is invisible

Arat/Aratdar: Arat is a warehouse commonly found in the wholesale markets The sale is

normally carried out in an arat through the mediation of the aratdar

(owner/operator of the warehouse), who conducts public auction in the role of

a commission agent (for details, see Sections 6.3 and 6.4 of Chapter 6)

Bahaddar: The profit-oriented commercial entrepreneur, who operates trawlers for

mid-sea fishing, is generally known as a bahaddar (see Subsection 5.2.1, Chapter

5) In addition, the small-scale traditional fishers of the study villages,

working in their boats as family labourers, are also locally termed as

bahaddars (see Subsection 5.2.3, Chapter 5)

Bangladesh: The area presently comprising Bangladesh was part of the Bengal Presidency

in colonial India It became the eastern province of Pakistan and was known

as East Bengal after the partition in 1947 and subsequently as East Pakistan

Baor: Natural depression consisting of oxbow lake

BDT: Bangladesh Taka (Tk) – the unit of the Bangladesh currency

Beel: Wetlands, low-lying farm lands and inundated marshy lands

Bepari: A distributor or retail seller of fish

Dadan: It is a type of loan advanced by the financiers (dadandars and/or aratdars)

on the basis of interlocked market contracts for tying the product This has been discussed in detail in Chapter 6 (Subsection 6.4.1)

Dadandar: Providers of loan under dadan contract

Dala: The days of lean fishing in a fortnight of the lunar month

Demersal fish: Fish species which generally inhabit the bottom of the sea

Livestock, Government of Bangladesh

DRGS: Division of Research and Graduate Studies

NGO

ESBN: Estuarine set-bag net

Faar: In marine villages of the Chittagong coast, fishing is principally undertaken

by setting nets in fixed locations in the sea This practice requires the specific area to be owned (communally allotted under common property rights) or leased-in by the concerned fishermen This setting of net in a

demarcated area is locally known as faar More details about the features and operation of faars have been provided in Chapter 4 (Subsection

4.2.1.2)

FAO: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations

FASS: Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences

Bangladesh

Grameen Bank: The bank established by the Nobel-laureate Dr Md Yunus for providing

microfinance service to the poor people of rural (grameen) areas

Haor: Wetlands, low-lying farm lands and inundated marshy lands

clupanodon ilisha (Hamilton 1822), hilsa (termed ilish in

Bengali) is one of the major and very popular fish species in Bangladesh This marine and brackish water species enjoys a high demand both in the domestic and overseas markets, and as such this fish is one of the very important commercial species in Bangladesh Consequently, hilsa fishing is the major activity for most of the traditional fishermen and commercial entrepreneurs

Ijaradar: Leaseholder of open water-bodies or market-places

(das) of the water (jala), or ‘water-slave’ This is the jati title of a

traditional fishing community belonging to the lowest caste

(Sudra) among the Hindus

Jalkar: Rent derived from fishers or tax paid for fishing in the leased out

Lungi: A kind of sarong, worn by men in Bangladesh

Mahajan: The usurious moneylender, who charges very high interest at fixed rate

Majhee: The most experienced and skilled fisherman, who steers the boat and also

plays the role of an operations manager on behalf of the owner of the fishing

unit (bahaddar)

Mandapghar: A kind of small and makeshift temple for worshipping certain deities by the

Hindus

Paikar: A small-scale fish trader or wholesaler

Pannowa: Net operator working on lease-labour contract (see Subsection 7.1.3, Chapter

7 for details)

Para: Neighbourhood or cluster of homesteads

Pelagic fish: Fish species which are predominantly surface dwelling

Purnima: Last day of the ‘bright’ fortnight of a lunar month, when the moon

appears in its full

Sardar: A leader of the shamaj or a community leader

Sayar income: Income derived by the landlords from payment of rent and additional

charges by the cultivators, fishers and/or leaseholders

Shalish: A traditional mode of adjudication for conflict resolution through a

community-based ‘court’

Shalishkar: A judge or arbiter of the shalish

Shamaj: An indigenous community-based social grouping of usually

contiguous households, which makes important decisions about community affairs and conducts social and religious rituals (see Chapter 4, Subsection 4.1.1)

moneylenders in the informal credit market who charge exorbitant amount of interest both in terms of rate and method of calculation

They are commonly known as mahajan They usually charge at the rate of 10-20 percent compound interest per month on the initial loan

amount until it is fully repaid (i.e effectively this interest rate is more than 120-240 percent per annum depending upon the mode of repayment) In contrast, the commercial banks typically charge 8-12

percent rate of interest per annum on the daily balances of loan

amount (compounded quarterly) Sometimes, usurious moneylending

also refers to advancing loans on dadan contract involving severe

undervaluation of the product through the interlocked credit-product market transaction (e.g by and large the traditional fishers are paid

50 percent of the market price of their fish by the local dadandars,

i.e the trader-moneylenders) If the undervalued amount is converted into the effective rate of interest, it will far exceed the rate of interest

charged by the mahajans

Chapter 1

1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 STATEMENT OF THE ISSUES ADDRESSED

This is a study of the dynamics and determinants of change in a traditional fishing economy, which has been subject to technological innovation and the inflow of capital in different forms These economic changes have been associated with social and demographic shifts, such as differentiation and occupational diversification among traditional fishing communities

as well as the entry of new socio-economic groups into the sector, inclusive of entrepreneurs and workers In the process, the pre-existing social organisation of production among traditional fishing communities has been partially undermined and transformed, while new forms of commercial fishing have emerged and expanded The manifold impacts of these complex processes, along with other exogenous and endogenous factors, have also brought about changes in the social institutions, cultural practices and power relations characterising the traditional fishing communities as well as the ecological resources on which their livelihoods are predicated

These interconnected processes of change raise certain analytical issues and problems, as follows

(1) What are the features of the social organisation of production among the traditional fishermen and how do these differ from the new forms of organisation used by commercial and industrial fishing units?

(2) What factors have enabled traditional fishers to adopt new technology and what have been their socio-economic and ecological consequences?

(3) In what ways have credit and product market transactions mediated such technological innovation and provided the basis for surplus appropriation from traditional fisherfolk by moneylenders and merchant-usurers?

(4) What have been the sources of capital and the terms and conditions of loans for the new commercial entrepreneurs coming in from outside?

(5) What kind of economic competition and extra-economic conflicts have taken place between (a) traditional fishermen, (b) moneylenders and merchants extracting interest and surplus from them, and (c) commercial fishing entrepreneurs?

(6) What have been the outcomes of such contentions and their consequences in terms of the nature and extent of capitalist transformation of the pre-existing fishing economy?

This dissertation addresses these analytical issues and problems in the context of a case study

of the fishing sector in Chittagong, a district in southeastern Bangladesh2 It uses based primary evidence and secondary data to analyse the structure of fish production and marketing, as well as processes of change including technological innovation and capitalist development The evidence is presented and ordered within an analytical framework based on the classical paradigm of capitalist development which distinguishes between the properties

fieldwork-of different forms fieldwork-of market transactions and production relations (Adnan 1985) The analysis aims to specify the nature and determinants of change in this particular case study of a fishing economy, as well as draw out general theoretical inferences about the process and dynamics

of capitalist development The theoretical conclusions of the study go beyond the existing literature on the process and determinants of capitalist transformation in traditional fishing economies, and may have a wider applicability to comparable instances of fishing in other parts of the world

This research attempts to study the dynamics of change among the traditional marine and inland fishing communities in selected villages and fish markets of Chittagong district It

2

The area presently comprising Bangladesh was part of the Bengal Presidency in colonial India It became the eastern province of Pakistan and was known as East Bengal after the partition in 1947 and subsequently as East Pakistan

focuses upon the situation of traditional fishing communities, termed Jaladas3 (‘water-slave’), involved in marine as well as riverine fishing4 The analysis specifies the range and diversity

of the social organisation of production in these two fishing sectors, inclusive of trends of change over recent decades Changes in property rights and power relations in the fisheries sector from 1793 (during the British colonial period) to the present are briefly reviewed in order to provide the social-historical background in the context of which these more recent trends are situated

The advent of new technology, in the forms of mechanised boats and modern fishing nets and gear, has been one of the most critical factors impinging upon the traditional fishers, particularly since the mid-1960s This study examines the impacts of technological innovation upon these artisanal fishermen, inclusive of changes in their social organisation of production

Production requirements impel the fishermen to get involved in complex types of market transactions The analysis investigates their dealings in input markets for labour, credit, boats, nets, other fishing gear, fuel, and foodstuff, as well as in product markets for the disposal of

their produce (fish) Particular attention is given to the role of dadan or the credit-product

interlocked market (ILM) contract, characteristic of transactions between moneylenders and traditional fishermen

trader-The high levels of investment needed in fishing have compelled fishermen to mobilise capital from a variety of sources and under different terms and conditions In particular, they have

become involved with different forms of productive and unproductive capital (Chapter 2)

There are crucial differences in the roles of these two types of capital as well as their relative significance, which have critically influenced the dynamics of the fisheries sector

As specified in greater detail below (Chapter 2), existing studies of the traditional fisheries of Bangladesh do not appear to have dealt adequately with these issues pertaining to technological innovation and capitalist development The present work attempts to make a contribution in these areas By analysing and interrelating these varied aspects of the social organisation of fisheries production, inclusive of technological change, input and product market transactions and the roles of productive and unproductive capital, I have made an effort to assess the nature and extent of capitalist transformation among traditional fishermen

as well as capitalist development in the fisheries sector as a whole

1.2 THE FISHERIES SECTOR OF BANGLADESH

As shown in Map 1.1, Bangladesh is endowed with numerous rivers flowing into the Bay of Bengal in the south It has inland water areas of about 44,000 sq km and coastal waters (50 metres depth zone) of about 37,000 sq km., which are ideally suited for small-scale fishing activities (BOBP 1985, p 1) Historically, the diverse varieties of fish, subsuming 511 marine and 284 freshwater species, have been caught primarily by artisanal fishermen using small-scale fishing crafts and traditional gear (DoF 2005, p 138) In recent decades, however, new entrepreneurs from non-fishing backgrounds have begun to exploit these resources with high-powered trawlers and industrial fishing ships

Fishing offers a livelihood to about 9 per cent of the total population of Bangladesh (Ahmed

2005, p 11; BBS 2006, p 5) In 2004, there were 1.28 million full-time fishermen (510,000 marine and 770,000 inland fishers) and 3.08 million fish farmers and shrimp fry collectors in Bangladesh (DoF 2005, p 137)5 In addition, there are 11 million part-time fishers, whose numbers may rise further during June-October, the monsoon period (Pokrant & Rashid 1995a,

In 2002-03, the fisheries sector contributed 4.92 per cent of the country’s GDP (Gross Domestic Product) and 23 per cent of the agricultural output (DoF 2005, p 137) It also contributed 5.71 per cent of the national export earnings during 2003-04 (DoF 2005, p 141)

Almost all the Bengalis and other ethnic groups of the country eat fish, constituting one of the main food items of Bangladeshi households There is still a strong consumer preference for freshwater fish, although it is being gradually replaced by marine varieties The actual per capita fish intake in Bangladesh is 15.04 kg per annum, while the required per capita intake is 18.0 kg (DoF 2005, p 138) This is indicative of a 20 per cent shortfall in aggregate supply, amounting to 413,800 tonnes of fish for a population of 140 million people6 Nonetheless, marine and inland fisheries provide the people of Bangladesh with 63 per cent of their animal protein requirements (DoF 2005, p 138)

6

Re-computed figures based on data from Kleih et al (2003, p 22), DoF (2005, p 138) and BBS (2006, p 5)

Map 1.1: Bangladesh and the Principal Study Villages in Chittagong District

1.2.1 Marine Fisheries

As shown in Map 1.1, the coastal region of Bangladesh is characterised by the discharge of an enormous amount of water into the Bay of Bengal by a vast network of rivers The coast is

005, p 137) The area of the

grounds are formally owned by the state which regulates access to specific zones by different types of fishers and fishing crafts In addition, the traditional fishermen have customary

he coastal area of Bangladesh can be broadly divided into the eastern, central and western

ramanik 1988; Anwar 1993) The segment from the Baro Feni

River to Badar Mokam along Chittagong-Cox’s Bazar coastline is known as the eastern

region The eastern coast is regular and unbroken and protected by mud flats and submerged sands There is a continuous sandy sea beach of about 145 km from Cox’s Bazar to Badar Mokam Mangrove forests had existed in the past as elements of the ecosystem in the eastern coastal region, but have been cut down since then, particularly in the Chakoria Sundarbans (ESCAP 1985b; Pramanik 1988; Anwar 1993)

lex tropical estuarine ecosystems in the world The coastline is ery irregular, and consists of a series of islands and sand-bars, where the rivers are continuously changing their course (ESCAP 1985b; Pramanik 1988; Anwar 1993)

characterised by strong tidal and wind activities, and is often subject to tropical cyclones and associated storm surges (ESCAP 1985a)

Bangladesh has a coastline of 710 km and its territorial limit extends up to 12 nautical miles, measured seaward from the coastline (ESCAP 1985b; DoF 2

adjoining continental shelf is about 66,400 sq km., of which about 37,000 sq km lie within the 50-metre depth zone and has good fish resources (BOBP 1985, p 1) The marine fishing

occupancy rights on micro-segments of the fishing grounds

T

regions (ESCAP 1985b; P

The central coastal region stretches from the Tetulia River in the west to the Baro Feni River estuary in the east, subsuming the Meghna River delta up to the confluence of the Padma and Meghna rivers near Chandpur This region is characterised by heavy sediment load and harbours one of the most comp

v

In 2003-04, there were 510,000 full-time marine fishermen involved in capture fishing in the Bay of Bengal They operated 22,1

The western region covers the coastline from the Tetulia River in the east to the international boundary with India in the west, located at the Hariabhangha River This region is mostly

covered with dense mangrove forests, including the famous Sundarbans, with deeply scoured

tidal channels (ESCAP 1985b; Pramanik 1988; Anwar 1993)

20 non-mechanised and 21,016 semi-mechanised fishing oats along with 218,581 units of fishing nets Their output in 2003-04 was 422,601 metric nnes of fish In addition, 111 industrial fishing ships operated in the sea, and their output

2.

7, lakes, ponds and

p farms and other wetland areas (Huq & Huq 1985; Pokrant & Rashid 1995b;

ditches and shrimp farms are

grounds (DoF 2005, p 137) In terms of size, Bangladesh has the fourth largest inland fisheries sector in the world, after China, India and the former Soviet Union (Agüero 1989,

tributaries, brackish water estuaries, streams, canals, natural depressions

ditches, shrim

Pokrant, Reeves & McGuire 1996; DoF 2002) A substantial part of the inland fisheries of Bangladesh is formally owned by the state It is administratively divided into 13,003 water

bodies known as jalmahal (Toufique 1997, p 458) These used to be leased out to private

parties up to August 1995, after which these were declared to be ‘open accesses’ by the government (Habib 1999, p.19) However, most of the ponds,

owned by private individuals

During 2003-04, there were about 1.73 million hectares of perennially used inland fishing

7

The natural depressions consist of oxbow lakes known as baors, defunct streams, wetlands, low-lying farm lands and inundated marshy lands, variously known as haors and beels

Toufique 1997) However, open water inland capture fisheries do not definitionally include

closed water bodies like ponds and ditches, shrimp farms and oxbow lakes, which are mainly

sed for aquaculture Table 1.1 shows the breakdown among different types of inland open

Table 1.1: Distribution of Different Types of Inland Fishing Grounds in 2003-04

Area

u

and closed water bodies

Sl

Sub-total: Open Water Bodies 1,214,524 70.28

Sub-total: Closed Water Bodies 513,584 29.72

Source: Re-computed from the data provided in DoF (2005, p 137)

During the monsoon season, the open water inland fishing grounds are augmented by 2.83

million hectares of flooded paddy fields on the average, which remain inundated for 4-6

months over May to October (CU 1977; Huq & Huq 1985; DoF 2005, p 137) This implies

that the open water bodies account for 88.6 per cent of the inland fishing ar

9

ea during the onsoons, as compared to 70.3 per cent for the rest of the year

m

The harvest from the inland open water capture fisheries of Bangladesh amounted to 732,067

metric tonnes in 2003-04, when 770,000 fishermen were involved Fish production from

aquaculture in the closed inland water bodies was 914,752 metric tonnes in the same year

(DoF 2005, p 137)

8

An artificial lake created during early 1960s over an area of about 400 square miles in the Chittagong

Hill Tracts (CHT), due to establishment of the Kaptai hydro-electric power plant by damming the river

Karnafuli at Kaptai (Adnan 2004, pp 23-24)

However, DoF (2005) included ‘polders/enclosures’ amountin

inland fishing grounds These are man-made water control structu

9

g to 873,000 hectares as part of the res created for controlling floods and checking river bank erosion, and are not necessarily used for fishery Some of these contain agricultural

lands Hence this category has not been included in the above calculation

1.2.3 Social Groups and Classes involved in Fishing

Despite its importance in the socio-economic life of Bangladesh, artisanal fishing is regarded

as a very low-status occupation and the traditional fishers are socially looked down upon,

livelihood, particularly along the sea coast and river banks They live together in distinct

nal communities have been involved in capture fishing for many generations,

nd in most cases they cannot specify the date when their ancestors became involved in this profession They are regarded as artisanal producers in the sense that they are fishing with non-

discussed in greater detail in Chapters 3, 4 and 5 below

es

specialisation has limited their livelihood option only to capture fishery in cultural, economic and technical terms They cannot easily switch to culture fishery (aquaculture) or other

constrained to remain confined to capture fishery and related activities due to limited or

of viable alternatives (Dastidar & Dutta 2002)

irrespective of their religious identity (Pokrant & Rashid 1995b; Alam 1996) The traditional fishing communities live close to the various open water bodies which are their sources of

fishing paras or neighbourhoods within larger village units inhabited by other occupational

groups such as peasant cultivators

economic activities Consequently, despite decline in availability of open water fish resources and fish catch yields in terms of ‘reduced catch per unit effort’, these groups have been

availability

However, during the post-colonial period, and particularly after the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, ‘push’ factors such as increasing landlessness10 due to differentiation of the peasantry, have led people from other sectors and occupations to enter fishing for meeting their subsistence needs The relatively open access nature of the common-pool marine and inland fisheries has facilitated the entry of people from agriculture and other sectors These relatively new entrants into marine and inland capture fisheries have been mostly poor ndless Muslims, as contrasted to the traditional Hindu fishing communities of Bangladesh (Associated Services 1979; Ullah 1985; Pokrant & Rashid 1995a; Pokrant & Rashid 1995b; Alam 1996)

cess is still not very gnificant in inland fishing These newcomers are middle and upper-middle class businessmen, mostly Muslims, who employ poor labourers as crew members in their fishing trawlers A few wealthy merchants have also invested in ships for industrial trawl fishing in the Bay of Bengal and employ technical experts in addition to wage earning fishing crews

ah 1985; Alam 1996) However, comparable ccupational shifts have also begun to take place among the Hindu fishing castes subject to differentiation processes, as discussed further below

undermining their ecological balance In contrast, the new Muslim entrants, both rich and poor, have yet to develop a comparable occupational ethic and tend to resort to non-sustainable exploitation of fisheries, given their relatively weaker commitment to fishing as a

socially linked to the shamaj groupings of the poorer Muslim entrants

includes households which are involved in many different activities within and outside the

are engaged in fish trading by collecting the fish catch from the landing sites Some earn their

olved in fish selling, net

embers are involved in non-fishing activities during the fishing seasons

‘wa life’ (Ullah 1985, p 214) Although not yet socially bonded like their traditional parts, the poor Muslim entrants to fishing have formed their own social

(sha j11) and live together in particular paras (neighbourhoods) of villages (Alam 1996)

The fishing paras (neighbourhoods) are complex social units since the fishing community

fishing sector Some households are involved in fishing in the open water bodies, while others

livelihoods through collection of shrimp fries from the sea or rivers and selling these to the ers There are also intra-household differences in

of ho ehold, for instance, may be in

relations, while the other male and female members may be inv

weaving/mending and other related activities

Many of the inland fishing households are also engaged in crop farming and other non-fishing activities during the fishing seasons However, among the marine fishing households, only some m

11

The shamaj is an indigenous community-based social grouping of usually contiguous households

which takes important decisions about community affairs and conducts social and religious rituals (see Chapter 4, Subsection 4.1.1)

The various social groups and classes directly or indirectly involved in the open water capture

of Bangladesh include

) the owners of fishing boats and gear, variously known as bahaddar or matsyajibi,

who are either working fishermen or simply organisers of the fishing units;

(ii) the jaillya or jele, who are the labourers or output-sharing crew members in fishing

operations on bahaddars’ boats;

(iii) the usurious moneylenders, commonly termed as mahajan;

(iv) the dadandar, a kind of fish-trading merchant-usurer, who provides loans to the

fishers involving advance purchase of their entire catch at prices fixed by the former, which are typically far below the open market or auction price;

(v) small-scale fish traders or wholesalers, known as paikar;

(vi) fish suppliers and market intermediaries (and occasionally producers), called the

jogandar;

(vii) the large-scale fish brokers and financiers with warehouses, commonly known as the

Within the fishing communities, there are several major occupational groups and classes (Associated Services 1979; Ullah 1985; Blowfield & Haque 1995; Alam 1996; Kleih et al

12 (AssoMcGuire 1996):

(i

aratdar;

(viii) officials of local self-government institutions concerned with fisheries such as upazila

(sub-district) and zila (district) fisheries officers;

(ix) local administrative personnel;

(x) the ‘touts’ or local agents of powerful interest groups; and

(xi) pirates raiding fishing boats and nets

2003):

(i) those who own fishing boats, nets and other gear,

(ii) those who own only fishing nets and traps,

12

The local terms italicised above are commonly used in Chittagong district