From war dance to theater of war moro moro performances in the philippines 1

Table of Contents Chapter 1: From Colonial Baggage to National Heritage: Changing Attitudes Recent Studies on the Moro-Moro 1976 - 2006 14 A Choreographic Approach To The Study of the

MORO-MORO PERFORMANCES

IN THE PHILIPPINES

NIKKI SERRANILLA BRIONES

B A in International Studies (De La Salle University) M.A in Peace and Development Studies (Universitat Jaume I)

A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAMME NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE

2010

Acknowledgements

Just as Moro-Moro performances are known to take a long time to finish, so too has the writing of this thesis been a lengthy journey, and I have accumulated numerous debts of gratitude along the way, to so many people, some of whom I may fail to mention here

I am most grateful to my supervisor, Prof Reynaldo Ileto for his inspiring mentorship, his unfailing patience, and infinite generosity in sharing his knowledge and resources It has been a great honor to have his critical guidance from start to finish Prof Rey was not only an inspiring supervisor, he was also very much like a caring godfather who, together with his wife Tita Loolee, opened the doors to his home to his students, providing us with a sense that we had a family in Singapore He empathized with me when big events in

my personal life (marriage, pregnancy, childbirth) prevented me from delivering my thesis chapters on time And when I had difficulty getting back on track, and lost all confidence and interest in my work, he devoted many hours to conversing with me about my topic, and this rekindled my passion for my studies With his crucial intervention, I was able to return to thesis writing with vigor and gusto, allowing me to not only complete my dissertation, but to

do so joyfully! For inspiring me when I needed it most, I owe him a deep utang na loob

I thank my professors in the Southeast Asian Studies Programme, in particular the members of my committee Early ideas about this thesis were developed in my ISM module with Dr Goh Benglan, whose reading list on Postcolonial studies was particularly useful My thinking was likewise influenced greatly by Dr Jan Mrazek's lectures and writings, most especially his awesome book on Wayang, which I found immensely pleasurable to read I thank Dr Julius Bautista for giving me important research leads, lending me a variety of materials, including his own dissertation, and for advising me on the pressures and pleasures

of life in the academe I thank my other teachers in SEASP Dr Daquila, Dr Vattana, Dr Budi, Dr Pattana, Dr Lindsay, Dr Irving, Dr Natasha and my colleagues in the grad room Karyen, Davisakd, Arafat, Effendy, Idham, Danny, Arthur, Zuraida, Shu, Jun, Alice, Shao Han, Precious, Tiffany, and Soon among others - I benefited greatly from conversations with them, and I enjoyed being part of our SEASP community Special thanks to Kanami Namiki,

who taught me a lot on the topic of folk dance, and whose thesis has influenced my thinking about the Moro-Moro; and Trina Pineda Tinio who has been a valuable source of information and constant inspiration, for her friendship, I am deeply grateful I thank George Radics, Mercedes Planta, and Lou Antolihao for helping me with matters academic and non- academic; my flat mates Adrian and Daisy Javier who kept me company through many months of thesis writing and creating a warm and comfortable home environment; and Visiting Professors Rolando Tolentino and Joi Barrios for the frequent invitations for dinner

at Gillman Heights which made life in Singapore more enjoyable

I am most thankful to Mr Nemi Pagtakhan of San Dionisio, for his generosity with his time and knowledge; Joseph Gonzales of Baler, for sharing information and photos; The Briones family in Nueva Ecija for hosting me Ernie and Christie Briones, for facilitating contact with the performers in Sinasajan; I thank Lucy Tan, Rohani Sungib, and Rohani Jantan of the SEASP for helping me with official paperwork; Ronnie Holmes, Shirley Lua, and Charmaine Misalucha for keeping me connected to DLSU; Dr David Szanton and other participants in the AAS Dissertation Workshop held in Boston in 2007; Wendell Capili and Sir Anril Tiatco of UP, and other friends made at the 2008 Komedya Fiesta in UP

My doctoral studies was made possible by a generous scholarship grant from the National University of Singapore I am most thankful to this institution for funding my studies, as well as my fieldwork trips, and conference participation in various countries This dissertation would not have been possible without the support of NUS

Finally, I thank my family for the many sacrifices they endured to help me complete

my studies When my scholarship funding ran out, my husband Oliver Carsi Cruz stepped in and supported me fully so that I could submit my dissertation And when I needed to focus

on writing, and had to take trips to Singapore, he took over the task of caring for our baby Narra so that I could concentrate on my work

Deserving of most special thanks are my parents, Walter Aguilar Briones, and Sonia Serranilla Briones, for the tremendous amount of help they have given me throughout my Ph.D They accompanied me to watch Moro-Moro performances, bought books I needed

from Manila, drove me to conferences, and the airport (countless times, and at very odd hours), and very generously gave me material support, and precious company and conversation through the many years it took to complete this journey My dad was my greatest cheerleader in moments of frustration and despair, and my mom was a source of comfort when I got sick, and felt weak from pregnancy and childbirth And when I needed help in caring for Narra, they shuttled back and forth from Manila to Batangas so they could babysit and give me time to write I am overwhelmed and deeply moved by their tireless support, and I am deeply indebted

I also thank extended family, my uncle and ninong, Jessie Serranilla, who gave me a

plane ticket to the US which enabled me to attend the AAS Dissertation Workshop in Boston

My in-laws, Mama Rubi, Winnie, Ging, Rina, and Riza, all lent a helping hand in watching Narra while I was in Singapore

My sister Marion also deserves special thanks She bought me many plane tickets in the last five years so that I could always be with my family and not be too isolated while I was away doing my Ph.D She was also responsible for bringing me to Costa Rica in 2006,

where I was able to do some research to compare the moro-moro with related folk

performances in Central America Ate Marion provided me with a plane ticket and hotel accommodations for that two-week trip I could not believe how fortunate I am to have a sister as generous as her With her graduate training in both Literature and History, she was always able to give me helpful suggestions and informed reactions What a great comfort it was to have academic conversations with her on my research topic In addition, her

collection of books formed the bulk of my sources for my study She is a caring ate who gave

me crucial emotional, intellectual, and material support I give her my most heartfelt thanks

To my parents Walter and Sonia, and sister Marion; and my husband Oliver, and our daughter Narra, I lovingly dedicate this thesis

The contributions of the people acknowledged here helped shape my ideas, but the responsibility for the shortcomings and errors in this thesis are mine alone

Table of Contents

Chapter 1: From Colonial Baggage to National Heritage: Changing Attitudes

Recent Studies on the Moro-Moro (1976 - 2006) 14

A Choreographic Approach To The Study of the Moro-Moro 19 Performances Analyzed, and Organization of the Study 24

Chapter 2: The Centrality of Dance: Etymology and History of the Moro-Moro 31

On Terminology: Comedia, Komedya, Moro-Moro Examined 38 The Moro-Moro in the American Period 42 The Moro-Moro and Christian Chauvinism 48 The Moro-Moro in the History of the Martial Art Arnis 52 Chapter 3: Rethinking Repetitiousness 57

Repetition as Distribution: Consumption in Bits and Pieces 59 Repetitious Plots: Moro-Moro Malleability and Elasticity 71 Habits of Orality in Composition and Consumption 75 The Theocratic Literatrure of the Colonial Period 82

Chapter 4: Playing By Ear: The Art of Dictation and Direction by the Diktador 94

The Art of Dictation: the Arakyo performance of Nueva Ecija Province 102

The Death of Dictation in the Komedya of San Dionisio 115 Chapter 5: The Choreographic Logic of Moro-Moro Plays 135

The Arakyo of Peñaranda Town in Nueva Ecija Province 136 Audience Involvement in the Arakyo: The "Panata" 138 The Arakyo Text: The Untold Story 142

How the Story Unfolds in Principe Reynaldo of San Dionisio 158 Chapter 6: Tradition in Motion: The Moro-Moro in New Performance Spaces 175

The Popularization of the Komedya of San Dionisio 176

Prinsipe Rodante Revisited: Versions from 1962, 1992, and 2008 186

Prinsesa Perlita Revisited: From 1970 to 2006 195 New Performances Spaces for Comedia de Baler 210

Gantimpala Theater Foundation's Florante at Laura Production 216

Chapter 7: Choreographic Opposition and the Portrayal of the Moro 224

Revisiting the Moro-Moro's Relationship With the Catholic Church 228

Choreographic Opposition and the Moro-Moro's Symmetry 244

Summary

The moro-moro, also known as komedya, is a theater form in the Philippines that was

at the height of its popularity in the Spanish colonial period Its conventional plot material is derived from European chivalric tales of romance and adventure set against a background of Christian and Moorish kingdoms at war Throughout its history, Moro-Moro theater has been criticized for its perceived "lack" of artistic merits: their anachronisms, their flagrant violations of "Western unities" of time and place, and their poor versification It was seen by some as an art form that was colonial, leading a group of nationalistic Filipino intellectuals to lobby for the banning of performances at the turn of the 19 th and early 20 th

centuries Later in the 1960's, another move to ban the Moro-Moro came from the Muslim sector, at issue was the divisive theme of Christian superiority and the demeaning portrayal of Moros who are always the villains and the vanquished

These criticisms serve as inspiration for the main concerns of this study: the first has

to do with understanding the genre's governing aesthetics on its own terms; the second, faces

squarely, the moro-moro's theme of Christian-Muslim conflict This study explores what the moro-moro means for those who participate in its production and consumption, investigating

their motivations for staging, their notions of power, their aesthetic sensibilities, and concept

of nation It also keeps track of the continuities and changes between the moro-moro of the past and the present; and of the "folk moro-moro" as it is produced in the village setting, and the "popularized moro-moro" as it is now being staged for a wider audience It also examines

how this traditional theater form embodies "Filipino-ness" and is now being tapped as a resource for asserting national identiy within a theatrical context

This study introduces a choreographic approach in analyzing the moro-moro It

acknowledges the centrality of the war dance in this theater of war, and zones in on the manner in which choreography, rather than plot or theme, serve as the organizing element of the genre

List of Illustrations and Maps

Map 1 Areas in the Philippines where the Moro-Moro was being performed 6

in the 19th Century Map 2 Expansion of the Moro-Moro to more parts of the country 6

in the first half of the 20th century Illustration 1 19 th century engraving of a Moro-Moro performance in Bicol province 1

From Voyage aux Philippines by J Montano

Illustration 2 Moro-Moro War Dance at the 1904 World Exposition or 43

Louisiana Purchase Exposition Illustration 3 Photo of a Moro-Moro Performance in Taguig 1899 62 Illustration 4 The audience sitting on a stage at a Moro-Moro performance 68

In Gapan, Nueva Ecija Province Illustration 5 A diktador seated downstage center in Gapan (2003) 104 Illustration 6 A diktador seated upstage center in Sinasajan 104

surrounded by children during a performance (2005) Illustration 7 Choreographic Sketch of the Dialogue Between Godimar and Elena 108 Illustration 8 Godimar and Elena while listening closely to the dictation 109 Illustration 9 The Absent Audience in Sinasajan 112 Illustration 10 The Audience in the Shade 112 Illustration 11 Mask-like face and listening pose in Nueva Ecija 123 Illustration 12 Evocative face and dramatic pose in San Dionisio 123 Illustration 13 The "pantot" dance in the Arakyo of Nueva Ecija 141 Illustration 14 Moro-Moro Fighting Patterns 155 Illustration 15 Ladies Dancing to the Tune of Paper Roses 156 Illustration 16 Prince Reynaldo saves Princess Floresinda from Lions 163 Illustration 17 Singkil Dance inserted into the Play 165 Illustration 18 The Paseo Innovation in San Dionisio 167

Illustration 19 Dongalo Elementary School's Prinsipe Rodante 2008 176

Illustration 20 Prinsipe Rodante 2008 presented by San Dionisio Veterans 192

Illustration 21 A Child Performer from Dongalo Elementary School 192

Illustration 22 Leaders of Komedya San Dionisio seated in the front row 205 Illustration 23 Tommy Abuel Dressed as Jose Rizal 207 Illustration 24 Prince Bayani Resurrected as Andres Bonifacio 207 Illustration 25 Dance Demonstrations of Comedia de Baler 211 Illustration 26 Costumes in Prinsesa Perlita Inspired by Malay Clothing 243

Chapter 1:

From "Colonial Baggage" to "National Heritage":

Changing Attitudes Towards the Moro-Moro

Introduction

"The moro-moro translates, with the most fidelity, the instincts, inclinations,

desires, and customs, and in a certain way, the fanaticism of the indigenous population" so wrote a Spanish observer in 1894, in reference to the theater much loved by the natives in the Philippine colony.1 Ten years later, this was echoed by an American scholar studying the dramatic traditions of the territory just acquired by the

US from Spain: “the moro-moro plays afford the most interesting study of the drama,

and the character of the Filipino”. 2 These comments were written at the turn of the

20th century when the moro-moro was at its height of popularity To foreign

observers, the appeal of this peculiar type of drama was not immediately apparent, and the fact that it was so loved by the natives invited inquiry into their nature

Not just foreigners but Filipinos, too, especially those among the intellectual

elite, or the ilustrado class, were baffled by the moro-moro's appeal In the Noli Me

Tangere written by the national hero Jose Rizal, the philosopher Tasio, remarks:

But now, I am reminded, does it [the moro-moro] not call attention to the

character of our people? Peaceful, they like bellicose spectacles, bloody

battles; democratic, they adore emperors, kings and princes; Our women

are sweet of character yet they go wild when a princess brandishes a

sword…do you know why that is?3

Speaking through Tasio, Rizal points to the contrast between the violent world

constructed by the moro-moro and the lived experience or even the very nature of the

otherwise peaceful Filipinos It is as though Rizal questions his fellowmen's love for a theater that does not reflect who they truly are Filipinos seem to be mired in a crisis

of identity, and their love for the fantastic moro-moro that deals with foreign matters

seems to emphasize this crisis even further Writing in 1909, the Spanish journalist and historian Wenceslao Retana asks, "to what must we attribute the fact that in the artistic productions of Filipinos, there exists hardly a note that is genuinely Filipino?

Retana was referring to the conventional plot material of moro-moro plays that was

derived from European chivalric tales of romance and adventure set against a background of Christian and Moorish kingdoms at war Retana wondered why native playwrights did not write about the battles between the Moros and the Christians in the Philippine islands He asked: "Why this "tendency to emigrate", why this

"systematic exoticism in the artistic conception of Filipinos"?"4

The moro-moro, also known as komedya is a style of theater that was once the

most popular form of entertainment in the Spanish colonial period in the Philippines

3 Rizal, Jose Noli Me Tangere: Novela Tagala Translated by Maria Soledad Lacson-Locsin Manila: Bookmark,

1996 p

4

Retana, Noticias Historicas-bibliograficos del teatro en Filipinas p 122.

The plays lasted for several days, sometimes even more than a week, with a plot that was stretched very thinly to accommodate countless episodes of kingdoms at war portrayed through lengthy and numerous choreographed war dance sequences, of heroes defeating giants and other magical creatures, and of princes and princesses, Christians and Moros, falling in love

Throughout its history, moro-moro theater has been much maligned by

foreigners and Filipinos alike, who judged what they saw by the standards of the Western urban middle class In the late 19th century, Spanish orientalists observed that

the moro-moro theater much loved by the natives was artistically "lacking" in many

respects The plays were faulted for their anachronisms, their flagrant violations of

"Western unities" of time and place, their supposed poor versification, and their length and pomposity which led one Spanish observer to call them "dramones tagalos" (monstrous Tagalog dramas).5 Barrantes and Retana interpreted the foreign subject matter of the plays, that of battles between Moors and Christians in Europe, as proof of the natives' "penchant for low-order mimicry".6 Navarro even declared that

the moro-moro "is the only theater possible in this country" explaining how the

natives' "dormant intelligence renders them incapable of producing anything grand".7

The negative evaluation of the moro-moro was also shared by a segment of the

local elite, the ilustrado, who saw in this native theater a primitive and backward dramatic form Products of the "Filipino enlightenment" in the late-nineteenth

century, the ilustrado were educated either in Europe or in European ways, and were

5 In 1882 Francisco P de Entrala wrote a sainete entitled Cuadros Filipinos that ridiculed the "ignorance" of the

Moro-Moro This sentiment was echoed by Manuel Lorenzo D'Ayot in his essay "El Teatro Tagalog" A Filipino

playwright Severino Reyes was a staunch critic and he wrote a modern one-act play entitled R.I.P that called for

the death of the Moro-Moro For an extensive discussion on the criticisms against the Moro-Moro from 1878 -

1920 see Nicanor Tiongson's Ang Komedya Sa Pilipinas:1766-1982 Chapter IV pp 67-95

6 See Wenceslao Retana Noticias Historico-Bibliograficas del Teatro en Filipinas desde sus Origines hasta 1898 Madrid: Libreria General de Victoriano Suarez, 1909 And Vicente Barrantes El Teatro Tagalo Madrid:

Tipografia de Manuel Gines Hernandez, 1889

7 Antonio Chápuli Navarro Siluetas y Matices Galería Filipina Madrid: Impr De la Viuda de M Minuesa de los

Ríos, 1894 p 168-169

exposed to the literary tastes and trends of the West It became fashionable among them to favor realism, and to gauge all sorts of artistic expressions, from literature to drama, according to the standards of realism As Soledad Reyes points out, the canonization of realism since the turn of the nineteenth century has engendered a negative attitude towards modes other than realism and this has led to the perpetuation

of the myth that popular literature are by nature inferior to works that are produced within the realistic mode Verisimilitude and a work's ability to capture and reflect reality have become highly prized such that popular literature is looked down upon as

"romantic, predictable, and conventional reproductions that offer nothing but mindless entertainment to the gullible public".8 That there is disdain for the unrealistic

and fanciful moro-moro is reflected in a comment made by an ilustrado who wrote:

"We ought to be embarrassed by the moro-moro because it is noticed by Americans who say asi pilipino mucho buang (thus are Filipinos very crazy)."9

The moro-moro's staunchest critic in the early 1900s was the playwright,

Severino Reyes He represented a new breed of playwrights who used another theater

genre called sarswela as a form of resistance against American colonizers Their

plays were infused with anti-colonial and patriotic themes, and depicted the lives of Filipinos in local settings and in contemporary times For Reyes and his camp, the

moro-moro represented Spanish colonial baggage, superstitious beliefs, and

backwardness Beyond their criticism of its lack of artistic merit, they were equally

concerned about how the moro-moro dulls the minds of its audiences, with its formulaic and fantastic stories set in faraway kingdoms The sarswelistas sought to stamp out the moro-moro from Manila's theater houses, and their efforts, coupled with

competition from newer forms of entertainment introduced by the Americans, like the

8 Reyes, Soledad S The Romance Mode in Philippine Popular Literature and Other Essays Manila: De La Salle University Press, 1991 pp 58-59

9 See Tiongson, Kasaysayan ng Komedya, p 92.

stage show, vaudeville, and the cinematograph, effectively evicted the fantastic spectacle from Manila's theaters

A distinction must be made here between two kinds of moro-moro in the late

19th and early 20th centuries One was a commercial enterprise, undertaken by troupes and financed by investors who were motivated by the prospect of economic gain

These commercial moro-moro proliferated in theater houses in 19th century Manila

The other kind of moro-moro was a folk enterprise, a community undertaking

participated in by villagers themselves, produced through the financial sponsorship of

the local elite, and the free labor of regular folk, all motivated by their panata or devotional vow to the local patron saint The sarswelistas were able to triumph over the moro-moro as a commercial enterprise in that they successfully reduced its

commercial viability in Manila's theater district As a folk enterprise, however, the

moro-moro remained strong, and continued to draw huge crowds in village fiestas

In the American period, the moro-moro 's popularity spread to various parts of

the country as fiesta committees of smaller towns endeavored to stage performances

at their fiestas Beyond the devotional motivation to offer a performance to the patron saint, a lavish performance was also a status symbol, a source of pride, and a sign of the wealth of the town and the health of the civic body Professional troupes from elsewhere were initially invited by town leaders and hired to perform at fiestas but eventually, in many places, local talent was developed and tapped for performances

In the 1920's, the moro-moro spread from the larger port cities to smaller provincial towns, and spread even further inward from the poblacion (town proper) down to little villages or barrios all over the country The moro-moro, then, was far from

being only a "Spanish-era" or 19th century phenomenon, for it enjoyed its greatest geographic reach during the American period (See Map 1)

SUGBUANON

Cebu Iloilo Antique Iligan

LUZON

Pangasinan Tarlac

La Union Zambales Many parts of

Central Luzon &

Batanes Cagayan Isabela Nueva Vizcaya Baler, Aurora Camarines Norte/Sur Masbate Island

VISAYAS

Leyte Bohol Negros Occidental

MINDANAO

Cagayan de Oro Agusan del Norte Bukidnon

Zamboanga South Cotabato

MAP 2: American Colonial Period EARLY 20 th CENTURY PROVINCIAL EXPANSION (1901-1940s)

MAP 1: Spanish Colonial Period

19 th CENTURY MORO-MORO AREAS (1800-1899)

But even as it spread to more places, the moro-moro was steadily retreating farther

inward to smaller stages in smaller villages The first half of the 20th century witnessed the gradual folklorization of this erstwhile hallmark of urbanity

More than a century after it was declared "dead" by the country's intellectual elite at the turn of the 20th century, the moro-moro nevertheless has managed to

survive and continues to be performed in time-honored ways in a handful of villages,

known locally as barangays, scattered in various parts of the Philippines It thrives in places where families and kin groups have kept a panata or sacred vow to stage performances, and have passed down the moro-moro tradition from generation to generation For inhabitants of the few communities where the moro-moro is staged

yearly, it is something very familiar and common But for the greater majority of

Filipinos today, the moro-moro is a rarity, and can be challenging to find Since a performance is usually an intimate barangay affair, the details of the staging of a play

are normally circulated only within the neighborhood Information is spread by word

of mouth or at most, announced at the local church

Prior to this study, I, like most other Manilans of my generation, had only

heard of the moro-moro but never saw an actual performance I vaguely remember

reading about it, or discussing it in passing, in undergraduate classes on Philippine

history and literature In my mind, the moro-moro was a thing of the past My interest

in the subject was prompted by the lament of a respected Muslim scholar, at a Peace conference in Manila I attended in early 2004, about the widespread vilification of Muslims in the mass media, history books, and the arts He cited, in particular, the

moro-moro 's continued existence today as proof of ongoing Filipino-Christian

chauvinism against Muslims I was surprised to hear that this colonial-era theater was still alive I had then just returned to the Philippines from completing my Masters in

Peace Studies in Spain, and while living in Valencia, I was exposed to the pageantry

of the Moros y Cristianos, a festival depicting ancient battles between Christians and

Moors That exposure had piqued my interest in cultural forms premised on war Months later, while discussing possible research topics for my dissertation, my thesis

supervisor suggested that I look into the moro-moro, and this triggered my

recollections of the Muslim scholar's comments and my observations in Spain I began to wonder why and how this colonial-era theater premised on warring Christians and Muslims survives in today's post 9-11 setting, when tensions between these two civilizations are high

My engagement in this topic is shaped by my interest and previous training in Peace Studies for my Masters degree, which I have wedded to my doctoral work in

Southeast Asian Studies I have found in the moro-moro phenomenon a fertile ground

for exploring issues close to my heart: Christian-Muslim conflict, the colonial encounter, and the Filipino crisis of identity It is a fertile topic not only in a scholarly sense, but also because it enables me to make sense of my own experiences and issues

of identity as someone who has lived in Spain and Southeast Asia and felt a sense of being neither here nor there, of switching between feelings of alienation and belongingness

Back in the Philippines, I am cognizant of my being identified as someone from Manila After two summers spent participating in immersion programs in Mindanao, which allowed me to interact with both Christian and Muslim NGO and peace workers, and academics from the Philippine south, I became very conscious of

my urban Catholic upbringing, and of how I may have Manila-centric ideas on national culture This research project has offered me an opportunity to reflect on my urban sensibilities and interrogate my preconceived notions of art and culture

In recent decades, studies of the moro-moro have recast this form of theater

from being “colonial", to being a "native" theater form, a localized and indigenized tradition that can be tapped as a resource in asserting Filipino cultural identity in a

theatrical context The changing attitude towards the moro-moro has led to a search

for new frameworks that would help scholars come to terms with the genre's

governing aesthetic Supposedly foreign in origin and outer appearance, the

moro-moro needs to be probed in depth to uncover what aspects of it are rooted in

indigenous tradition Having been under the influence of Spanish, American, and Japanese colonizers, Filipinos have been plagued with doubts about their cultural identity, and there is a search for roots, a bid to recover aspects of pre-colonial culture that could better situate the country in the region and bind it to its neighbors

When D.G.E Hall's influential book entitled A History of Southeast Asia first

came out in 1955, the Philippines was conspicuously missing among the countries that were perceived to then comprise the region The exclusion could have been influenced by the common practice among French and Dutch chroniclers of Indianized states of excluding the Philippines in their accounts The country was conceptually separated from the rest of Southeast Asia by virtue of its Spanish and Christian heritage, and it was often seen, culturally speaking, to be more closely linked with its co-colonies and coreligionists in the Americas, than to its geographic neighbors Later editions of Hall's book, released in 1964 and 1968 already included the Philippines Around that time, in the mid-1960s, the stirrings of a regional identity found expression in the formation of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), of which the Philippines was a founding member The country's presence in Southeast Asia had become "official" and any writing on the region had to include the Philippines in its scope

In 1967, the same year that ASEAN was born, James Brandon released his

book entitled Theatre in Southeast Asia where he documented theater traditions in the

region, including a few dramatic genres from the Philippines Brandon's descriptions (and accompanying pictures) of Philippine theater highlighted just how heavily influenced it was by Western models In Brandon's narrative, whenever generalizations were proposed about the nature of theater in the region, the country seemed to stand out as the exception to the rule Unlike its neighbors, the Philippines did not have a court theater tradition Another glaring difference had to do with Indian and Chinese influence, which figured prominently in the theater of neighboring countries, but was relatively lacking in the Philippines In the chapter discussing dance and music, the Philippines was conspicuously absent, for its theater did not have the indigenous musical ensembles and classical dance traditions of its neighbors Brandon explains that the "long contact with Western culture" and the "dearth of indigenous theater in the islands" has created a situation whereby, "to the average Filipino, theater meant 'Western theater’, and that virtually all drama to which he is exposed is based on Western models".10 The moro-moro, which Brandon used as an

example of folk theater in the Philippines, is described by him as a vehicle for Christian propaganda introduced by Spanish missionaries and was thus seen as a colonial import and not a tradition indigenous to the region.11

In that same year, 1967, the Board of Travel and Tourist Industry (BTTI) in

the Philippines sponsored moro-moro performances in connection with its celebration

of International Tourism Year The BTTI saw it fitting to support efforts to revive or

"save from extinction" the age-old theater tradition, stating in its press release how the

10 James R Brandon 1967 Theater in Southeast Asia Cambridge: Harvard University Press p 78

11 Ibid., p 284

moro-moro was a "significant aspect of Philippine culture" that could be capitalized

on to promote tourism

The move by BTTI evoked a protest from the Muslim minority in the Philippines The senator from Lanao, Mamintal Tamano, who was then head of the Commission on National Integration (CNI) issued a statement requesting President Marcos to ban the performances In his letter to the president, Tamano decried how

the "enthusiasm on the part of those who believe [the moro-moro] to be a significant

aspect of Philippine culture is proof of the heavy concentration of Spanish colonial mentality in the Filipino Christian society." Tamano lamented how the Moro population is considered by Christian Filipinos as "national villains", which is also

manifested in the moro-moro, which depicted battles between Christians and Moors,

and which always ended in the defeat of the latter and their subsequent conversion to Christianity He advised the Board of Travel and Tourism to revive "other facets of the Filipino culture", those that do not "overreach the sensibilities" of the Muslim Filipinos He recommended the banning of the offensive performances from public

exhibition, stating how "the so-called moro-moro should be consigned to the colonial

past where it belongs."12

Tamano's protest in 1967 was followed by a series of opinions published in

newspapers that either echoed or countered his attack on the moro-moro Even among the Christian majority, there were those who shared his opinion that the moro-moro belonged to the colonial past There were those who felt that the fantastic moro-moro

was inutile and lacked artistic merit, as reflected in this commentary:

The Moro-Moro may have had moments that approached theatrical art

but the sum of all its parts never added to the entity of dramatic art The

Moro-Moro as a form of theater is dead, finished, defunct It has had its

day, has had its say, and is without interest to the contemporary mind It

12 Excerpts from the letter of Mamintal Tamano, chairman of the Commission on National Integration

to President Marcos published in the Manila Times, Mar 11 1969