The bifurcated theater urban space, operatic entertainment, and cultural politics in shanghai, 1900s 1930s 3

Despite the fact that for commercial theaters, business was usually the principal consideration, these initiatives vastly changed local operatic entertainment culture and generated profo

PART TWO

Operatic Entertainment and Social Reproduction

Chapter 3

“A Great School for the People”: Theaters during Political Transition

Harmonious singing and dancing remain commonplace,

When colorful (foreign) flags are wavering in the wind everywhere

Who will bother to care about the fate of the country?

In the whole city people crowd round to talk about Jiaotianer 叫天儿 (i.e Tan Xinpei).1

Di Baoxian 狄葆贤, a political activist in the late Qing, wrote the poem above in

1900 Beijing, when the imperial capital was captured by the Allied Force of Eight Powers during the Boxer Rebellion Revealing the extraordinary popularity of Tan Xinpei at that time, the poem, more importantly, suggests the distance

between operatic entertainment and contemporary politics When Di founded Shi bao 时报 in Shanghai four years later, he might have been delighted to see a new

trend taking shape in the treaty port

The first two decades of the twentieth century witnessed radical innovations

of Peking opera performances in Shanghai, which was greatly influenced by national crisis and China’s political transition from an empire to a republic Considering popular drama as a powerful means for mass enlightenment and political mobilization, Chinese intellectuals vigorously advocated reform of the genre, while local players initiated bold attempts in practice Fresh themes with

1 Di Baoxian, Pingdeng ge riji [Notes of Equal Pavilion] (Taibei: Mile chubanshe, 1984), p 2

explicit sociopolitical meanings were adopted for new plays, and innovative performing methods were taken to facilitate the effect of performance In the meantime, philanthropic performances became increasingly prevalent, which provided theaters and spectators with a new channel to engage in social and political life Despite the fact that for commercial theaters, business was usually the principal consideration, these initiatives vastly changed local operatic entertainment culture and generated profound social and political implications.2 This chapter illustrates the interplay between operatic entertainment and political situation in Shanghai during the first two decades of the twentieth century Scholars have examined the subject from different perspectives.3However, most studies heretofore tend to regard the renovation of Peking opera largely as a result of intellectuals’ advocacy, while underestimating the initiatives

of theaters as a force in their own right Scholars usually focus on reformist opinions and new plays, but pay inadequate attention to spectators’ reception of performances Presenting a more comprehensive historical account, this chapter scrutinizes the reformist discourse and practice about popular drama, and illuminates their social and political significance It starts with a general survey of Peking opera performances in late nineteenth-century Shanghai, which is followed by analyses of Chinese intellectuals’ advocacy for the reform of popular drama in the 1900s The third and fourth sections concentrate on innovations in dramatic theme by local theaters While the former looks at the general politicization of new Peking opera plays, the latter pays particular attention to theaters’ adaptation of contemporary political events and figures for operatic performances Besides, local theaters also introduced new performing methods,

2 As a review in 1911 points out, local theaters strove to carry out innovations of Peking opera because the entrepreneurs knew that it was “the principal tactic of competition.” Pianyun, “Juping”

[Drama review], Xinwen bao, September 14, 1911, 4 (2)

3 See for example, Li, “Opera, Society and Politics,” Chapters 2 and 5; Goldstein, Drama Kings, Chapter 4; Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (shangjuan), Chapter 9; Fang, “Xiyuan yu qingmo

Shanghai gonggong kongjian de tuozhan.”

especially the application of Western-style stage sets, which will be investigated

in the fifth section The last part is devoted to philanthropic performances that burgeoned during this period, an important historical phenomenon that has long been ignored In general, this chapter argues that the pressing political situation at the beginning of the twentieth century stimulated radical innovations in public operatic entertainment life, which in turn facilitated the popularization of modern political discourse and the reorganization of individual-state relationship when China transformed from an empire to a nation-state

Peking Opera Performances in the Late Nineteenth Century

Ever since its introduction in 1867, Peking opera had dominated daily performances of theaters in late Qing Shanghai The primary type of

performances was zhezi xi 折子戏 (selected-scene plays) As the term suggests,

those plays were not complete in themselves Rather, they were selected parts of complete plays produced and accumulated during the formation course of the genre Without identifiable initial composers, most plays were orally imparted from one generation to another in the theatrical circle but seldom formally scripted The themes were usually adapted from ancient Chinese historical stories, popular novels, and folk legends, many of which were well known even among illiterate people The original complete plays varied considerably in length While

a short play could be finished in a couple of hours, a long one might take several days or more Theaters presented complete short plays occasionally, but seldom staged long ones More often than not, players just performed the most popular parts of whole plays, which were thus called “selected-scene plays.” Having prevailed since the late Ming, such a form of operatic performance proved to be

fairly suitable for commercial theater, for it enabled the audience to enjoy a variety of plays at a time According to Luo Suwen’s statistics of one week in March 1882, six theaters in Shanghai staged 698 plays in all, more than sixteen per day by each on average.4 The vast majority of them were undoubtedly selected-scene plays Since many plays were repeatedly performed over time, opera fans were familiar with their general plots and lyrics Each play had highlights of singing and acting which a talented player often performed with his unique style and exclusive skills When watching a selected-scene play, therefore,

it was more players’ performing skills than dramatic plot that most spectators appreciated

In addition to existing plays, as noted previously, local theaters often arranged new ones as a way to promote business Between 1887 and 1905, more

than 1,000 advertisements about new plays were published in Shen bao.5 Some were recomposed based on earlier versions or plays of other genres, while others were original products by local players.6 Most new plays had conventional themes, but there were also some adapted from contemporary national events and local news In August 1887, for example, Liuchun Chayuan 留 春 茶 园

(Retaining Spring Teahouse) staged Xianshi bao 现世报 (Retribution in This

Life), a play based on a local case of murder and arson.7 During the last two decades of the century, a number of plays concerned with the warfare between the Qing government and rebels, especially the Taiping Rebellion, were produced by local theaters.8 Different from selected-scene ones, a new play had to be presented from the beginning to the end because its plot was unfamiliar to

4 Luo, “Lun jindai xiqu yu dushi jumin”, p 217

5 Statistics according to Lin, You Shenbao xiqu guanggao kan shanghai jingju fazhan, pp

437-615

6 Some players, such as Wang Hongshou and Zhao Songshou, were known for their outstanding

talent in arranging new plays Haishang Shushisheng, “Liyuan jiushi linzhua lu,” three, Xiju yuekan 1, 3 (Aug 1928); nine, Xiju yuekan 1, 12 (Jun 1929)

7 “Xianshi baoying” [Retribution in This Life], Shen bao, August 6, 1887, 5

8 Aili Laoren, Tongguang liyuan jilue , p 55

spectators Their length varied as before The performance of a short play could

be presented in one night show, whereas a long one cost several nights or more.9 Meanwhile, local theaters initiated efforts to elaborate stage sets and props Sets and props for operatic performances in late imperial China appeared to be rather simple in general More often than not, a colorful cloth with auspicious patterns was used as the backdrop for different plays despite the variance of themes, and no curtain was installed in the front of the stage Covered with embroidered cloths, one table and a couple of chairs constituted the basic stage sets which, through different arrangements, could refer to various indoor or outdoor physical circumstances Temporal and spatial changes were suggested more through players’ words and movements than through switches of sets, leaving much to the spectator’s imagination Regardless of the historical period of dramatic themes, costumes were usually in the style of the Ming dynasty Most small props were wooden fakes, while large ones, such as vehicles or animals, were commonly invisible and implied by players’ acting The primary reason for the simplicity of sets and props seems to be economic.10 As a commercial theater usually staged a few selected-scene plays in a show, it would be costly to prepare different sets and props for each of them Another significant reason was that, square in shape and small in area, the stage of teahouse-theater was unsuitable for wide application of sets and props Nevertheless, as long as physical and economic conditions allowed, fancy sets and props were often used to make operatic performance more enjoyable visually For instance, a grand three-story stage was erected in the Summer Palace of the Qing rulers, and the performances often required the application of mechanical devices and marvelous sets and

9 Haishang Shushisheng, “Huruan jubu shiyi zhi,” nine, Xin sheng [Heart voice] 3, 2 (1923)

10 Tuian, “Xitai zhi yanjiu” [Research on the stage], Xi zazhi 4 (Sep 1922); Zhou Yibai, Zhongguo xiqu lunji [A collection of discussions about Chinese drama] (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe,

1960), pp 178-179

applied in dengcai xi 灯彩戏 (colored-lantern plays) Characterized by novel

stage design rather than dramatic plots or players’ skills, colored-lantern plays first appeared in Shanghai in the 1860s and flourished during the following decades.12 One representative play was Douniu gong 斗牛宫 (Palace of the

Dipper and the Altair) staged by the Red Cassia Teahouse in 1885 In addition to numerous colored lanterns and gorgeous costumes, magnificent settings of the heavenly palace and garden were elaborately arranged onstage; mechanical devices enabled players to move upward riding artificial cranes, while magic tricks turned a beauty on a painting into a genuine person Despite its mediocre plot, the play indeed amazed the audiences and brought the entrepreneur a great fortune.13

The progress of stage design should be partially attributed to Western influences, both materially and culturally There were no professional set designers in local theaters at the time, and sets and props were largely designed and produced by Chinese artisans with traditional skills Nevertheless, some new technologies and facilities imported from the West, such as gaslights (later electric lights) and mechanical devices, were applied in set construction Spectacular sets of Western theatrical performances in the Lyceum Theater,

11 Zhong Laoren, “Juchang bujing jiguan yange kao” [Investigation of the evolution of theater sets and gimmicks],Xiju zhoubao [Theater weekly] 1, 8 (Nov 1936)

12 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” seven, Xiju yuekan 1, 9 (Mar 1929)

13 Haishang Shushisheng, “Liyuan jiushi linzhua lu,” nine

which deeply impressed Chinese patrons, might have inspired local theaters to improve stage design By the end of the century, a few theaters probably had tried Western-style painted backdrops in performances, for which, it was claimed, European painters were hired.14 However, fundamental innovations in stage design did not take place until the early twentieth century, when the alternation of political situation and the architectural transformation of local theaters caused more radical changes in the theatrical landscape of Shanghai

The Appeal for Reform

China at the beginning of the twentieth century was pregnant with changes Facing those internal and external crises, Chinese elites struggled to find a way out While some still placed hopes on peaceful reform to rescue the empire, others turned to radical revolution aiming to change the polity fundamentally From both camps, many intellectuals paid particular attention to popular drama, and regarded

it as an effective vehicle to promote social and political progress.15 However, embedded with traditional values and ideas, existing plays could by no means assume such a destiny A vigorous appeal for reform of drama thus arose in the Chinese intellectual circle

Popular drama played an important role in sociocultural integration in imperial China, but its implications had always been controversial Drama’s

14 For two detailed examinations of Peking opera stage design in late Qing Shanghai, see Shen Dinglu, “Qingmo Shanghai de wutai dengcai” [Stage sets and props in late Qing Shanghai],

Zhonghua xiqu [Chinese traditional drama] 9 (Mar 1990): 238-251; Lin, You Shenbao xiqu guanggao kan shanghai jingju fazhan, pp 299-322

15 For a more comprehensive discussion on the interplay between China’s political situation and intellectual world around the turn of the twentieth century, see Li, “Opera, Society and Politics,”

pp 45-55 Li holds that, though Chinese intellectuals’ increasing attention on drama had profound intellectual roots, the Boxer Rebellion directly stimulated their attempt to use drama as a means of mass enlightenment

potential contribution to moral edification and social harmony was widely acknowledged While the government always encouraged plays illustrating orthodox ideological doctrines, such as loyalty and filial piety, local elites often made use of popular drama as a means to maintain and strengthen the existing social structure.16 Notwithstanding, as noted earlier, some conservative elites regarded popular operatic entertainment as a kind of money-wasting activity that brought about few benefits but caused moral degeneration and social turbulence From the Yuan Dynasty, imperial governments were always suspicious about drama’s possible threat to political stability because of its potential as a channel for subversive messages Popular dramatic activities were not completely prohibited but discouraged in general, and various decrees were promulgated to regulate commercial theaters.17

However, China’s modern intellectuals reappraised popular drama at the beginning of the twentieth century For the first time in Chinese history, drama was declared to be the most powerful tool for social enlightenment and political mobilization, and the 1900s saw the publication of numerous articles illustrating

the necessity to reform drama The best known piece was Lun xiqu 论戏曲 (On

drama) by Chen Duxiu 陈独秀 who announced that “the theater is truly a great school for the people under heaven; performers are indeed teachers of the people

of the world.” While other media, such as schools, novels, and newspapers, could just enlighten part of the population, Chen argued, “only reformed drama could move the whole society, because even the deaf could see it and the blind could hear it.”18 Another article discussed the importance of drama reform to political

16 For a case study on local elites’ manipulation of popular drama to maintain social and moral

order in late imperial China, see Guo, Ritual Opera and Mercantile Lineage

17 For edicts regarding popular operatic entertainment in the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, see

Wang, Yuanmingqing sandai jinhui xiaoshuo xiqu shiliao

18 San’ai, “Lun xiqu” [On drama], Xin xiaoshuo [New fiction] 2, 2 (Mar 1905) Fu Jin ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan [Compilation of historical documents about Peking opera: the Qing Dynasty] (Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2011), Vol 8, pp 719-721

progress, and asserted that if people wanted to revitalize China, more attention must be paid to dramatic performances.19

Meanwhile, intellectuals also proposed practical suggestions for the reform

of drama It was advocated that while plays celebrating loyalty and righteousness might be preserved, superstitious, erotic, and selfish thoughts should be eliminated from performances Writers and players were encouraged to derive subjects from both history and the present time, both China and foreign countries,

to produce new plays provoking public morality, nationalism, and ideas regarding social reform and even revolution Some intellectuals even proposed specific dramatic themes For instance, one article from 1904 asked players to dramatize Russian outrages in northeast China, the suffering Chinese, and the way to resist Russia in cooperation.20 Another recommended the adaption of foreign historical stories, such as the partition of Poland, the independence of America, and the French Revolution.21 Innovations in performing method and organizational arrangement were formulated as well One article published in 1904, for example, advised that more attention should be paid to speaking rather than singing in performances in order to facilitate the expression of ideas, while stages sets, props, and electrical lighting be utilized to create lifelike visual effects so as to move spectators more deeply.22

The discourse of drama reform was deeply embedded with nationalism that had risen in China since the end of the nineteenth century When intellectuals elaborated drama’s function in social enlightenment or political mobilization,

19 Shiming, “Guanxi ji” [Records of theatergoing], Qingyi bao quanbian [Complete compilation

of Chinese discussion] 25, 1903 Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, Vol 8, p

699

20 Shimin, “Gao you” [To players], Eshi jingwen [Alerting news about Russia] 34 (1904), Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, p 104

21 Zhufu, “Lun kaizhi puji zhifa shou yi gailiang xiben wei xian” [On the primary way of

enlightenment and popularization is the reform of scripts], Zhifu bao [Zhifu news] 7 (1905) Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, Vol 8, p 702

22 Jianhe, “Gailiang xiju zhi jihua” [The plan to reform drama],Jingzhong ribao [Alarming bell daily], 95、96、97 (1904) Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, Vol 6, pp 106-108

their ultimate concern was national salvation in most cases In turn, such an influential intellectual movement contributed to the raging torrent of nationalism

in the new century Though some advocates were actually radical revolutionaries, few propagated explicitly anti-Manchu thoughts in their writings, focusing instead

on sociopolitical reforms By the mid-1900s, the rhetoric of “drama enlightenment” and “drama reform” had become so popular that even the Qing court, which was engaged in implementing the reformist “New Policies” then, declared its approval and promulgated supportive edicts.23 Undoubtedly, the intellectual movement took place under enormous Western (including Japanese) influences Many advocates had experience of studying abroad, and foreign examples were often referred to in their works Lacking ample professional knowledge, however, most intellectuals tended to hold a strongly instrumentalist approach towards drama, valuing it as a means for social education and political mobilization but neglecting its basic nature as a form of entertainment As a result, whereas the reformist discourse was widely echoed, their specific suggestions often appeared to be too idealistic to put into practice Likewise, very few scripts produced by them, which amounted to a huge number, were adopted by commercial theaters

Concentrating the most numerous Chinese modern intellectuals, Shanghai became the forefront of the movement As China’s leading center of modern publishing industry, the city facilitated the formulation of reformist opinions and their diffusion all over the country Various newspapers and magazines provided the primary platform for intellectuals to make their voice heard by the public In

October 1904, China’s first journal exclusively about drama, Ershi shiji da wutai

二 十 世 纪 大 舞 台 [Great stage of the twentieth century], was released in Shanghai, which, according to the editors’ declaration, was dedicated to

23 See Hsiao-t’i Li, Qingmo de xiaceng shehui qimeng yundong, 1901-1911 [Lower class

enlightenment movement in the late Qing period: 1900-1901] (Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu shubanshe, 2001), pp 182-185

“reforming backward customs, enlightening the lower class, promoting nationalism, and evoking national thoughts.”24 In addition, the city’s prosperous theater enterprise also contributed to the prevalence of reformist discourse While intellectuals expounded the renovation of drama, local theaters produced plenty of new plays with explicit sociopolitical significance These two trends, hand in

hand with each other, made Shanghai the center of the so-called xiqu gailiang yundong 戏曲改良运动 (Drama Reform Movement) when China was on the eve

of political upheaval

Politicizing Drama

As some reformist advocates pointed out, Chinese drama had had a close connection with politics since the very ancient times Despite their low social

status, dramatic players, or you 优, had much freedom to mock and satire

emperors or bureaucrats about their irrationality or misbehaviors through humorous performances Because of the unique nature of their profession, players were usually—yet not always—immune to punishment for their words Such a tradition held on throughout the imperial period, right up to the early twentieth century.25 Moreover, during the Song and Yuan periods when Chinese drama matured, there emerged plays that took as their subject current political figures

and events Such plays, generally called shishi ju 时事剧 (current-event plays),

burgeoned in the late Ming and early Qing, primarily because of the radical

24 “Ershi shiji da wutai congbao zhaogu qi bing jianzhang” [Prospectus of Great stage of the twentieth century], Ershi shiji da wutai [Great stage of the twentieth century] 1 (Oct 1904) Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, Vol 8, p 644 The journal enjoyed good sales, but

was banned by the Qing government after publishing two issues

25 See Yu Yingshi, “Zhongguo zhishi fenzi de gudai chuantong—jianlun ‘paiyou’ yu ‘xiushen,’”

in Yu Yingshi,, Shixue yu chuantong [History and tradition] (Taipei: Shibao wenhua chuban qiye

youxian gongsi, 1994), pp 71-92

sociopolitical changes during this period Due to the repressive policy of the government, however, current-event plays had basically disappeared since the mid Qing.26 Even so, popular drama in late Qing remained one of the most important media through which ordinary people gained knowledge about politics, including political events and figures in history as well as ideological doctrines

In late nineteenth-century Shanghai, as noted earlier, local theaters produced some plays adapted from sensational local news and national political events which, in a broad sense, might also be called current-event plays These plays often met with governmental suppression While plays based on local news might generate objection from the people involved, those depicting contemporary political figures offended the imperial prohibition In 1895, an edict by local government forbade new plays about warfare between the Qing government and rebels, for they were “fabricated arbitrarily, confusing right and wrong, even taunting officers and soldiers as weak and viewing rebels as heroes … (The performances) insult previous celebrated officials, and have much to do with social morality and public feelings.”27 In most cases, however, the prohibition turned out to be ineffectual, for many plays were so well received that theaters tried to stage them by every means Those plays interested audiences not only because of their fresh themes and existing scenes, but also because of the historical and political knowledge they contained Whereas the government condemned the performances as nạve and ridiculous, spectators often had different interpretations Ordinary people probably regarded them as representations of what had happened which were in general believable Even elite patrons sometimes disagreed with official statements For instance, one

26 For an examination of current-event plays in the Jiangnan region during the late Ming and early Qing times, see Wu Jen-Shu, “Ming Qing zhiji jiangnan shishiju de fazhan jiqi suo fanying de shehui xintai” [The development of current-event plays during the Ming and Qing dynasties and

the social mentality that it reflected], Zhongyang yanjiuyuan jindaishi yanjiusuo jikan [Bulletin of

the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica] 31 (Jun 1999): 1-48

27 “Restricting theaters,” Shen bao, July 29, 1895，4

article in 1895 spoke highly of Zuogong pingxi 左公平西 (General Zuo Pacifies

the Western Region), a play about the suppression of the Uighur Rebellion by General Zuo Zongtang 左宗棠 in the 1870s, staged by the Heavenly Ritual Teahouse: “Despite certain exaggeration and fiction, its depictions of loyal officials, filial sons, and chaste, heroic women are breathtaking and moving.” Admiring the officials who sacrificed themselves during the war against rebels, the author criticized the selfishness, timidity, and corruption of contemporary bureaucrats.28 Likewise, another article in 1898 hoped that plays such as

Xiangjun pingni zhuan 湘军平逆传 (The Hunan Army Suppresses the Rebellion)

would warn those unfaithful people and help retrieve the empire which was undergoing many difficulties.29 These political implications, however, were largely spectators’ interpretation and self-expression rather than the producers’ original intention In other words, few new plays in late nineteenth-century Shanghai were produced consciously to convey political messages

As the national political situation deteriorated, local players established a stronger tie between drama and politics at the beginning of the twentieth century

The pioneer was Wang Xiaonong 汪笑侬 (Figure 8), a Manchu juren 举人

(second degree candidate in provincial examination) who had been a county magistrate in Henan but decided to be a professional Peking opera actor after he was dismissed Coming to Shanghai in 1894, Wang was employed by a few local theaters successively When the One-Hundred-Day Reform was bloodily

suppressed in 1898, Wang recomposed the play Dangren bei 党人碑 (Stele of

Clique Members) to memorize the martyrs Set in the Northern Song dynasty, the play told a story about a righteous young scholar destroying in anger a stone monument that depicted many virtuous officials as members of a wicked clique.30

28 “Guan Zuogong pingxi xinju yougan” [Thoughts on watching the new play General Zuo Pacifies the Western Region], Shen bao, May 23, 1895, 1

29 “Jubu xinsheng” [New voices of the theatrical world], Shen bao, December 6, 1898, 3.

30 For the script, see Wang Dacuo ed Xi kao daquan [A complete collection of investigated

However, for unknown reasons, the play was not staged until April 1901 by Tianxian Chayuan 天仙茶园 (Heavenly Immortal Teahouse)

Figure 8 Wang Xiaonong

Source: Xu Xingjie and Cai Shicheng, Shanghai Jingju zhi [The gazetteer of Peking opera in

Shanghai] (Shanghai: Shanghai wenhua chubanshe, 1999), album p 2

Probably the first “politicized” play of Peking opera in late Qing Shanghai,

the premiere of Stele of Clique Members caused a sensation Whereas previous plays mostly promoted orthodox ideology or conventional ethics, it expressed

critical opinions of contemporary politics, which was best illustrated by a long speech Wang made in performance Because of its obvious political allusion, the play drew a large number of spectators, especially intellectual elites who sympathized with the One-Hundred-Day Reform, and evoked considerable social responses.31 Men of letters strove to meet Wang and send him couplets or poems praising the play, and some Japanese dramatists even visited Shanghai to copy the

scripts] (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1990), Vol 4, pp 1031-1040

31 Aili Laoren, Tongguang liyuan jilue, pp 152-153

script.32 The play’s popularity should partially be attributed to Wang’s special background that distinguished him from ordinary players and brought him more respect from spectators More importantly, it caught the increasing public attention to politics when the empire faced various internal and external crises In the following years, the play was restaged a few times and its plot was extended One performance was presented in 1904 when the Qing government sealed up a few newspapers and arrested revolutionaries in Shanghai, and it was said that all spectators, aware or unaware of the cases, were moved by it.33 The play seemingly inspired some early advocates of drama reform For instance, a pioneering article of the intellectual movement read: “When the player-recluse

Wang Xiaonong staged the play Stele of Clique Members in Shanghai last year, he

made a speech onstage which was filled with patriotic sentiments, and evoked countrymen’s courage and uprightness, making the spectators cry, weep, and heave a long sigh for it It is just that there are very few such plays.”34 Besides, the play was referred to in several other articles

Perhaps encouraged by intellectuals’ compliments, Wang took a bold move

in 1904 by staging Guazhong lanyin 瓜种兰因 (Planting the Melon, Cause of

the Orchid), the first Peking opera play that took a foreign subject, in Chunxian Chayuan 春仙茶园 [Spring Immortal Teahouse].35 Adapted from a popular historical book, it depicts a war at a specified time between Poland and Turkey, which weakened the former and thus was one factor in its eventual partition by

32 “Wang Xiaonong chongyan Dangren bei” [Wang Xiaonong re-stage Stele of Clique Members], Youxi bao, February 5, 1904, 2 Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, Vol 5, p 280

33 Wuxia jianer, “Xi kao” (Drama investigation), Shen bao, September 25, 1911, 3 (3).

34 “Bian xiqu yi dai yanshuo shuo,” p 5

35 Here I follow Rebecca Karl’s translation of the play’s title As Karl points out, however, each

character in the title carries double meanings: gua (melon) forms part of the term guafen (cutting

the melon) commonly used to refer to the partitioning of China by Western powers and Japan;

zhong (to plant; seed) could also mean race (zhongzu) or people (renzhong); lan (orchid) is part of the Bolan, the Chinese translation of Poland; yin (cause) also means yinyuan (karma), a Buddhist-derived concept denoting an origin that produces lasting effects Karl, Staging the World,

p 29

other European powers Premiered when the Russo-Japanese War was under way

in the Korean Peninsula and northeastern China, the play’s political message was fairly clear As Chen Qubing 陈去病 remarked, Wang produced the play in hope

of “taking a faithful record of the partition of a European country as a mirror of China’s future.”36 During the performance, Wang gave the audience a speech of over five hundred words about various corrupt practices of the time.37 Largely because of its political metaphor, the play was also well received by spectators and reviewers.38 One critic held that it delivered “a profound message, intending

to awaken the public and propel them into self-strengthening.”39 It was regarded

by Chen Duxiu as a sample of plays that could enlighten the masses.40 More importantly, as Rebecca Karl suggests, the play reveals Chinese intellectuals’ effort to redefine the relations between people and the state, and between China

and the world Certain terms that featured the play, such as zhong (race) and wangguo (loss of state), were “keywords” in the formulation of Chinese

nationalistic discourse in the early twentieth century.41

Following Wang’s step, other players produced quite a number of new plays with explicit sociopolitical significance in the 1900s and 1910s, which was urged

by the prevailing rhetoric of drama reform Themes of the plays ranged from Chinese ancient history, current events, to foreign stories Some plays advocated the abolition of backward social ethics and customs; some were dedicated to

36 Chen Qubin, “Guazhong lanyin xu (jiachen)” [Preface to Planting the Melon, Cause of the Orchid (1904)], in Chen Qubing shiwen ji [A collection of poems and articles by Chen Qubing],

Vol 1, eds Yin Anru and Liu Yingbai (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2009), p 422

Chen was an active advocate of drama reform who, together with Wang, started the journal Great stage of the twentieth century in 1904

37 Xu and Cai, Shanghai jingju zhi, p 180

38 Karl, Staging the World, p.28 At the end of the month, Duoshao toulu (Numerous craniums), a

play concerned with the dismemberment of Poland by Russia in the 18th century, was staged by

the Heavenly Immortal Teahouse, which also reflects the popularity of Guazhong lanyin Zhao, Tian, and Zhu, eds., Jindai Shanghai xiqu xinian chubian, p 185

39 Muyou Sheng ed., Haishang Liyuan zazhi [Miscellaneous notes on Shanghai’s theater world] (Shanghai: Zhenkuishe, 1911) Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, Vol 2, p 547

40 San’ai, “Lun xiqu” [On drama], Anhui suhua bao [Vernacular news of Anhui] 11 (Sep 1904)

Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, Vol 8, p 725

41 Karl, Staging the World, p.32

evoking patriotic sentiments; some exposed the corruption of bureaucracy; and some publicized ideas of political reforms or even radical revolution.42 Despite

the divergent subjects, they were labeled as gailiang xinxi 改良新戏 (reformed

new plays) as a whole

Some plays were so politicized that the performances appeared to be less

operatic entertainment than political mobilization For example, Pan lieshi touhai

潘 烈 士 投 海 (Martyr Pan Jumps into the Sea, 1906), a play based on contemporary news that Pan Boying 潘伯英, a student studying in Japan, drowned himself in the sea in Korea to protest against the Japanese government’s unfair treatment to Chinese students, was full of nationalistic and reformist rhetoric When Pan was about to leave for Japan to study, he delivered a speech in

a public assembly and concluded with the following words: “Gentlemen, gentlemen, if China wants to find a foothold in the twentieth century, everyone from the business and academic circles must be aware of pubic morality and have

no selfish ideas Only so could we protect the race, protect home, and protect ourselves!”43 Similar plays include Nüzi aiguo 女子爱国 (Women Love the Nation, 1906), Guomin tongxin 国民同心 (Countrymen with One Heart, 1908), and Guomin aiguo 国民爱国 (Countrymen Love the Nation, 1911), whose titles

suggest their strong political dimension However, very few of them proved popular, because the performances were barely entertaining, and spectators easily grew bored with vague and general political lectures

In comparison, plays advocating specific aspects of social reform often turned out to be well received Premiered by the Red Cassia Teahouse in July

1908, Heiji yuanhun 黑籍冤魂 (A Wronged Soul in the World of Opium

42 For a detailed description of new plays produced during this period, see Li, “Opera, Society and Politics,” Chapter 5 I follow Li in the translation of titles of many new plays

43 Zhang Geng and Huang Jusheng eds., Zhongguo jindai wenxue daxi, 1840-1919 [Great series

of Chinese modern literature, 1840-1919], Sec 5, Vol 16 (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1996), p

665 The script was authored by Baiyun ciren, whose real name is unknown

Addicts) was one of the most successful reformed new plays Adapted from a contemporary popular fiction, it illustrated how opium-smoking resulted in a miserable family tragedy.44 The theater announced that it staged the play with regard to the fact that “both the weakness of the state and the poverty of people were caused by the pernicious influence of opium If opium is not eliminated, we will often be jeered by Western countries as ‘Sick man of East.’ ”45 Echoing the prohibition of opium at the time, the play gained praise from local officials It was also warmly applauded by modern intellectuals because of its reformist theme and the underlying nationalistic concern, while ordinary spectators were attracted by its vivid scenes, absorbing plot, and humorous dialogues Given its extraordinary success, the play was repeatedly staged in the years that followed When the troupe of the Red Cassia Teahouse transferred to the New Stage in 1908, it became part of the repertoire of the latter, and was adapted into a movie in 1916.46The production of reformed new plays accelerated as local theaters modernized architecturally Committing themselves to reforming social customs and morality through drama, players of the New Stage staged dozens of new plays

in the late 1900s and early 1910s.47 Some plays were sophisticatedly arranged and brought the theater lasting prosperous business.48 The most popular one was

Xin chahua 新茶花 (The New Camellias), a play that premiered in June 1909

(Figure 9).49 Inspired by Alexandre Dumas’s fiction La Dame aux Camélias,

44 Zheng Zhengqiu, “Preface,” in Heiji yuanhun tushuo [Pictorial A Wronged Soul in the World of Opium Addicts] (Shanghai: Wenming shuju, 1911) In Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, Vol 9, p 567 According to Zheng, the original story was written by Xu Fumin, but another source reveals that it was by Wu Jianren See Zhang and Huang eds., Zhongguo jindai wenxue daxi, 1840-1919, Sec 5, Vol 16, p 677

45 Advertisement of A Wronged Soul in the World of Opium Addicts, Shen bao, June 23, 1908,

1(7)

46 Xu and Cai, Shanghai jingju zhi, p 181

47 Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (shangjuan), pp 341-2

48 Tiaoshui Kuangsheng ed., Haishang liyuan xin lishi [A new history of the theater world of Shanghai] (Shanghai: Xiaoshuo jinbu she, 1910) Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, Vol 2, p 689

49 The complete title is Ershi shiji Xinchahua [The New Camellias of the Twentieth Century], but

the shortened one is commonly used

which was translated into Chinese in 1899, the play told a tortuous cross-class love story between a patriotic young gentleman who joined the army and a virtuous girl who was deceived and became a famous courtesan renamed Xin Chahua Primarily set in an unspecific war between China and a “barbarian” country, it combined romance and patriotism quite well Such was its popularity that the theater considerably extended the plot, and the performances lasted on and off for about three years.50 Every time a new episode premiered, the theater was filled to capacity by spectators, especially female ones According to a critic, some late parts of the plot, though largely fictional, insinuated the political situation at the beginning of the Republican era For example, that the Autocratic

50 Zhu Shuangyun, Xinju shi [A history of new drama] (Shanghai: xinju xiaoshuo she, 1914),

anecdotes, p 2 The script is unavailable An illustrated description of its general plot could be

found in Tuhua ribao, which, however, states that the script was produced by members of the Shanghai Global Student Union, and the story was set in the Japanese-Russian War Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, Vol 10, pp 5-155

Figure 9 One scene of The New Camellias by the New Stage

Source: Xu and Cai, Shanghai jingju zhi, album, p 5

Country was defeated by the Electric Party was said to be a timely warning to fake republicans, and might also appall those who intended to deprive people’s rights by use of military force.51 Given its popularity, several plays with similar

or the same titles were staged by other theaters.52

As the New Stage led the way, reformed new plays blossomed in the last decade of the Qing, constituting a crucial part of the daily performances of local theaters A book published in 1910 listed more than one hundred new plays that were often staged in Shanghai, and quite a number of them were produced with concerns about domestic social or political issues 53 Some plays were characterized by seditious comments on contemporary politics, and even those dedicated to social reforms usually had an underlying political dimension as well This period therefore saw the politicization of popular drama in Shanghai While modern intellectuals’ influence was undeniable, local players’ initiative deserved credit as well Dominating the production of most new plays, the players put reformist ideas into practice and presented fresh themes creatively to the audiences Nevertheless, mostly produced in a hasty way, performances of reformed new plays were usually slipshod and had various errors Moreover, as

Hsiao-t’i Li’s study on The New Camellias shows, many plays in fact coincided to

varying degrees with ideas and plots in traditional Chinese literature or drama.54 During the same period, amateur plays conducted more radical experiments

in reforming drama With students of new-style schools as pioneers, a number of dramatic societies were founded in the 1900s in Shanghai Their members had diverse backgrounds, and the leaders were usually intellectuals with experience of studying overseas and devotion to social education through drama Hybridizing

51 Zhengqiu, “Jubu chunqiu” [Spring and autumn of the theater world], Minquan huabao [Pictorial of civil rights] Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, Vol 9, p 703

52 Xuanlang, “Zi Xin Wutai bianyan Xin chahua yilai” [Since the New Stage arranged The New Camellias], Shen bao, March 9, 1913 10

53 Tiaoshui Kuangsheng eds., Haishang liyuan xin lishi, pp 694-695

54 See Li, “Opera, Society and Politics,” pp 235-245

Chinese and foreign theatrical elements, the plays they produced were initially

termed as xinju 新剧 (new drama) but more commonly known as wenming xi 文

明戏 (civilization plays) later In terms of theme, early civilization plays were similar to reformed new plays of Peking opera in general—except that the former transplanted more foreign plays directly—and popular plays were often adapted from each other Since there was little operatic singing in performances as a rule, civilization plays have long been widely regarded as the starting point of Chinese

huaju 话剧 (spoken drama) Civilization plays reached a climax around the 1911

Revolution, and some of them, especially those vigorously propagating revolutionary ideas, evoked strong public response However, most plays were produced in a rough and slipshod way, not to mention the poor acting of players who hardly gained any professional training Without strong financial resource and proper organization, most societies were rather short-lived and hardly influential, performing in small theaters or temporarily rented sites Except the unsuccessful two-month performance of Jinhua Tuan 进化团 (Evolution Society)

in the New New Stage in 1912, few civilization-play societies gained access to Shanghai’s leading commercial theaters.55 Civilization plays underwent fast commercialization in the first years of the Republic After enjoying a short revival due to the popularity of plays about family issues, nevertheless, their market shrank radically in the late 1910s, and some talented players, such as Ouyang Yuqian, joined in Peking opera theaters after their societies dissolved.56

The thematic innovations of Peking opera at the beginning of the twentieth century had considerable political significance Produced at the time of national

55 “Xinxin Wutai kaimu guanggao” [Opening advertisement of the New New Stage], Shen bao,

April 4, 1912, 6-7

56 For a survey of the vicissitudes of civilization plays in the late Qing and early Republican

period, see Ouyang Yuqian, “Tan wenming xi” [On civilization plays], in Zhongguo huaju yundong wushinian shiliaoji [Collection of sources of Chinese spoken drama movement in fifty

years], ed Zhongguo Huaju Yundong Wushinian Shiliaoji Bianji Weiyuanhui (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1958), pp 48-108

crisis, many new plays provoked an increasing public attention to politics According to Xu Banmei, in its last years of the Qing, plays criticizing the government or exposing the corruption of bureaucrats were particularly favored

by spectators.57 They might have promoted the anti-Manchu tendency in local society, though radical revolutionary thoughts were rarely expressed explicitly in performances Meanwhile, despite inevitable distortion and oversimplification, reformed new plays expedited the diffusion of new political ideas and discourse, which usually made their first appearances on printed media, to a broader audience That, we can suggest, contributed to China’s political transformation from an empire to a modern nation In particular, often generating strong responses from the audiences, plays with patriotic themes fueled the burgeoning nationalism that later grew into the most powerful current of Chinese political life

in the first half of the century.58 The politicization of drama continued into the 1910s and underwent new developments While new plays in the 1900s mostly took fictional subjects, the first years of the Republican era saw a wave of dramatizing contemporary political events and figures by local theaters, which further upgraded the interrelation between Peking opera and politics

Dramatizing Politics

During the last years of the Qing dynasty, as political reform became a consensus

of the government and the public, national politics drew increasing attention from the people Catering to public curiosity, commercial theaters in Shanghai had been arranging new plays directly related to current political events since the mid

1900s Premiered in October 1906, Lixian jing 立 宪 镜 (Mirror of

57 Xu, Huaju chuangshiqi huiyilu, p 6

58 Ouyang, Ziwo yanxi yilai, p 120