The bifurcated theater urban space, operatic entertainment, and cultural politics in shanghai, 1900s 1930s 2

Entrepreneurship The theater entrepreneur is, in Joseph Donohue’s words, “the first essential for theatrical performance,” for it is he who brings together dramatist’s works, players’ a

Chapter 2

A Tough Business: The Ecology of Theater Enterprise

In parallel with the architectural transformation, local theaters went through significant institutional innovations Compared with a teahouse, a modern theater required stronger financial resources, a larger number of personnel, more rigorous operational ways, and updated commercial tactics All these reshaped the ecology of local theater enterprise Though the prosperity of the operatic entertainment enterprise in modern Shanghai has been well documented, our knowledge about the teahouse-theater’s institutional arrangements, and their changes and continuities as local theaters transformed architecturally, remains rather incomplete This chapter offers a comprehensive examination of the institutional structure of commercial theaters in early twentieth-century Shanghai, and discusses various theatrical and extra-theatrical factors that promoted or hindered related innovations It argues that, whereas local theaters underwent rapid changes in material aspects, their institutional arrangements evolved at a much slower pace That,

to a great extent, should be attributed to the disorderly business competition of the operatic entertainment enterprise

In no sense a linear account of institutional modernization of local theaters, this chapter analyzes the intricate socioeconomic relations embedded

in their organization and operation, and illustrates the interactions among different groups of participants of operatic entertainment life during their institutional evolution It first focuses on changes of entrepreneurship in the early twentieth century The second section presents a detailed description of the back-stage personnel that were responsible for daily operatic performances The following two sections investigate the front-stage personnel, whose main

job was to receive spectators during business hours, and daily operational methods of the theater In comparison with the back-stage, the front-stage went through more remarkable innovations, which, however, took place at a rather faltering pace The last section looks at the business competition of among local theaters and commercial tactics adopted by them

A study of theaters’ institutional situation is of great significance to our understanding of local operatic entertainment culture For one thing, it demonstrates the production mechanism of operatic performances and, on a broad level, the business ecology of local theater enterprise For another, it helps us comprehend spectators’ consumption of operatic entertainment culture, because the theater’s operational methods conditioned the way in which audiences participated in public life therein and hence influenced their reception of operatic performances Last but not least, economic historians of early twentieth-century China tend to focus on modern factories and big companies, while research on smaller commercial institutions remains inadequate.1 This chapter, in that sense, also presents a case study of small- and medium-scale businesses in modern Shanghai

Entrepreneurship

The theater entrepreneur is, in Joseph Donohue’s words, “the first essential for theatrical performance,” for it is he who brings together dramatist’s works, players’ acting, and the audience.2 Regardless of their successes and failures, theater entrepreneurs as a whole significantly shaped the operatic landscape of modern Shanghai Due to the architectural modernization of local theaters and

1 Di Wang, The Teahouse: Small Business, Everyday Culture, and Public Politics in Chengdu,

1900-1950 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008), p 28 Wang’s study is certainly an

exception to this observation

2 Joseph W Donohue, Jr “Introduction: The Theatrical Manager and the Uses of Theatrical

Research,” in The Theatrical Manager in England and America: Players of a Perilous Game,

ed Joseph W Donohue, Jr (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), p 3

the shift in the socioeconomic context, the early twentieth century saw profound changes in theater entrepreneurship, which greatly transformed the ecology of operatic entertainment enterprise

Almost all teahouse-theaters in late Qing Shanghai were privately run by Chinese.3 Entrepreneurs of many teahouses are unknown due to lack of records Among those who can be identified, nearly half were famous opera actors, while the rest came from a variety of occupations, including staff members of local government, Chinese employees of colonial authorities, compradors, and gangsters.4 Quite a few entrepreneurs had problematic social and political identities Examining fourteen theater bosses active in the 1860s and 1870s, Meng Yue points out that most of them either had histories of being arrested or were on the run from the state or powerful individuals.5Notwithstanding, the entrepreneurs, especially non-actor ones, often had strong networks and considerable influence in local society, which facilitated the operation of their business It goes without saying that those with official connections had advantages in running theaters Compradors usually possessed both strong financial resources and personal networks with the colonizers, while gangsters often used underhand means to manage the business In contrast, famous players had few advantages to assume theater entrepreneurship, except for their professional knowledge and familiarity with the operatic circle Consequently, theaters run by actor-bosses in general had shorter careers than those run by non-actors

In late Qing Shanghai, the financial requirements for running a theater business varied considerably from case to case It could cost a large amount of money if the entrepreneur decided to build the theater by himself and organize

a strong troupe Liu Weizhong 刘维忠 reputedly raised more than 50,000

3 Only the entrepreneur of the Full-Court Fragrance, Luo Yiqing, was reputedly a British

subject from Singapore Zhou Jianyun ed., Jubu congkan [Collection of records about drama]

(Taipei: zhuanji wenxue chubanshe, 1974 Reprint of 1922 eidtion.), p 205

4 Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (shangjuan), pp 261-262

5 Meng, Shanghai and the Edges of Empires, p 94

taels of silver when he erected the Red Cassia Teahouse in 1866.6 Such a huge investment, however, was rare Most entrepreneurs rented theaters from landlords rather than constructed the buildings themselves, and the rentals

were usually no more than 1,000 yuan per month.7 In most cases, an amount

between 3,000 and 5,000 yuan was enough to initiate the business Some

entrepreneurs actually had little capital, but they managed to start businesses

by collecting money from the theaters’ future staff members, who paid deposits to them beforehand.8 Entrepreneurs with adequate capital probably ran the business as an exclusive investment, while others did it in partnership, and it was commonplace that an actor and a non-actor shared the venture The capital needed for a theater business increased drastically in the early twentieth century The price of land in the International Settlement, particularly in the commercial district around the Nanking Road and Foochow Road where most theaters were located, had soared since the turn of the century.9 Meanwhile, the modernization of buildings and facilities naturally required larger initial investments and daily expenditures The founders of the

New Stage raised 160,000 yuan when they established the theater in 1907; in

1923, more than 300,000 yuan were put into the construction of Chunhua

Wutai 春华舞台 (Spring Magnificence Stage), a theater with a reinforced concrete structure and about 3,000 seats.10 Most entrepreneurs still rented theater buildings from landlords or property developers, and rental prices increased continually.11 In the 1920s, it cost thousands of yuan per month to rent a large theater, and at least 30,000-50,000 yuan were necessary to start a

6 Tong ed., Shanghai wenhua yule changsuo zhi, p 319

7 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” six, Xiju yuekan 1, 6 (Nov 1928)

8 Hongnian, “Anmu zhi jinxi guan” [Comparison of table tenders in the present time and

before], Xi zazhi 8 (Aug 1923)

9 For a thorough examination of the rise of land prices in the International Settlement in the

early twentieth century, see Meng, Shanghai and the Edges of Empires, pp 174-181

10 Qin Peijun, “Linji Gengxin Wutai” [Lin’s Reform Stage], Shanghai wenhua shizhi tongxun

[Shanghai cultural and historical newsletter] 28 (Oct 1993), p 63

11 Zuantianshu, “Zao xiguan fangzi de shengcai zhidao” [The way to make a fortune by

building theaters], Luobinhan, October 28, 1928; Zhang Guyu, “Shanghai jingju yiwang” [Memories about Peking opera in Shanghai], in Xiqu jingying [Elites of traditional drama], ed

Zhongguo Renmin Zhengzhi Xieshang Huiyi Shanghaishi Weiyuanhui Wenshi Ziliao

Gongzuo Weiyuanhui (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1989), p 213

business, about ten times as much as for a common teahouse.12 In addition, the quick growth in salaries of players, especially of star actors, also contributed to the explosion in cost

The increasing business costs resulted in noticeable changes in theater entrepreneurship First and foremost, almost all modern theaters became joint ventures, because few individuals could afford to run the business alone Usually, a modern joint-stock company comprised of a number of shareholders was founded to facilitate the collection and mobilization of financial resources, such as the Market Revitalizing Company for the New Stage The largest shareholder usually became the main entrepreneur, while the others had rights to participate in the making of crucial decisions When some leading theaters suffered financial shortages in the early Republican period, their prominent players were asked to buy shares as well For example, after its organizational reform in 1917, the shareholders of the Great Stage included three leading actors.13 The New Stage and the Red Cassia First Stage adopted similar policies in the late 1910s and 1920s.14

Secondly, big businessmen started entering the theater enterprise, and some of them became entrepreneurs Previously, few noted businessmen degraded themselves by running the theater, a small business that rarely brought great fortune.15 This attitude changed in the early twentieth century, because the architectural modernization transferred the theater from a small business to a much larger and more profitable one Meanwhile, as the rhetoric

of drama reform changed the public perception of theaters, it became increasingly reputable to be a theater entrepreneur The founders of the New Stage included a number of local mercantile elites, such as Yao Ziruo 姚紫若,

12 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” six; Hongnian, “Anmu zhi jinxi guan.”

13 Kanwairen, Jingju jianwen lu, p 149; Xuanzi, “Da Wutai houtai geming” [The back-stage revolution of the Great Stage], Xi zazhi 9 (Dec 1923)

14 According to Ouyang Yuqian, all players of the New Stage whose monthly salaries were

over one hundred yuan were shareholders of the theater in the late 1910s Ouyang, Zi wo yanxi

yilai, pp 132, 199.

15 Tuian: “Ji zuzhi Da Wutai yuanyin” [Recording the reason for the establishment of the

Great Stage], Xi zazhi 4 (Sep, 1922)

the Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce of the South Market.16 Yu Qiaqing 虞 洽 卿 , disputably the most famous businessman in modern Shanghai, also dabbled at theater business in the 1910s.17 The most representative figure was probably Huang Chujiu 黄楚九, a native of Yuyao county of Zhejiang Province who achieved extraordinary success as a medicine merchant in 1900s Shanghai.18 In 1912, Huang established the New New Stage in cooperation with two partners However, the theater’s high expenditures and poor revenues forced him to give up the entrepreneurship before long.19 This early failure did not extinguish his enthusiasm for theater business Thereafter, he successively managed two well-known amusement halls in Shanghai, Xin Shijie 新世界 (New World, 1915) and Da Shijie 大世

界 (Great World, 1917), both having small theaters in them In 1930, one year before his death, Huang dominated the establishment of two grand theaters: the Three Star Stage and Qitian Wutai 齐天舞台 (Equaling Heaven Stage).20 The introduction of the modern joint-stock system and the involvement of big businessmen, to a certain extent, reveal the institutional modernization of local theaters With stronger financial resources, local theaters in general had longer careers, some lasting for decades However, while gaining great achievements in other modern commerce or industries, few big businessmen proved to be very successful theater entrepreneurs In comparison, secret society leaders were seemingly more proficient, or more capable, in managing theater business Secret societies had become fairly influential in Shanghai by the beginning of the century, facilitated by the growth of the city’s economic significance and its unique sociopolitical circumstances.21 Originated from the

16 Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (shangjuan), p 337

17 Tu ed., Shanghaishi daguan, part two, p 51

18 Xiong Yuezhi, Shanghai mingren mingshi mingwu daguan [A grand view of famous men,

events, and things of Shanghai] (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2005), pp, 251-252

19 Kanwairen, Jingju jianwen lu, pp 141-143

20 “Sanxing Da Wutai mingming de youlai” [Reasons for the naming of Three Star Great

Stage], Liyuan gongbao, January 17, 1930 Tong ed., Shanghai wenhua yule changsuo zhi, pp

320-321

21 Brian G Martin, The Shanghai Green Gang: Politics and Organized Crime, 1919-1937

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), p 27

northern region of Jiangsu, qingbang 青帮 (Green Gang) based in Shanghai

grew into one of the most powerful secret societies of modern China and infiltrated deeply into almost every local socioeconomic domain

In the 1910s, Green Gang leaders started to step into the theater enterprise The pioneer was Huang Jinrong 黄金荣, a police officer of the French Concession who, ironically, dominated the Green Gang organizations

in that district Taking advantage of his official power, Huang built up close connections with gangsters and controlled opium dens, gambling joints and brothels in the Concession.22 In the mid 1910s, he expanded his sphere of influence into operatic entertainment by assuming the entrepreneurship of a small theater in the Concession Thereafter, Huang became the shareholder of

a few theaters, and in 1927 became the entrepreneur of the Great Stage in the International Settlement.23 In the early 1930s, managing four large-scale theaters, Huang was undisputedly one of the most powerful figures in the local theater world

Gu Zhuxuan 顾 竹 轩 was another prominent gangster leader who ventured into the theater business A poor migrant from northern Jiangsu, Gu joined the Green Gang in the mid 1900s and later became a disciple of Huang Jinrong By the early 1920s, he had established his power base among northern Jiangsu migrants and nearly monopolized the rickshaw business in the Hongkou-Zhabei suburban area.24 Setting foot in operatic entertainment enterprise by running a small theater in Zhabei, Gu took a big step forward in

1922 and became the entrepreneur of the Heavenly Toad Stage, one of the

22 It is noteworthy that despite his close relations with members of the Green Gang, Huang himself was not a formal member of the Green Gang for most of his active career.Martin, The

Shanghai Green Gang, p 38 For a brief account of Huang’s career, see Huang Zhenshi and

He Guotao, Wo suo zhidao de Huang Jinrong [Huang as I know him], in Jiu Shanghai de

banghui [Gangs in old Shanghai], ed Zhongguo Renmin Zhengzhi Xieshang Huiyi

Shanghaishi Weiyuanhui Wenshi Ziliao Gongzuo Weiyuanhui (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1986), pp 167-194

23 Zhang Geng and Sun Bin eds Zhongguo xiqu zhi: Shanghai juan [The gazetteer of Chinese

drama: the volume of Shanghai] (Beijing: Zhongguo ISBN zhongxin, 1996), pp 639-640

24 Martin, The Shanghai Green Gang, p 37

top-class theaters in the International Settlement.25 In 1930, when the theater was shut down by the Settlement authorities for architectural reasons (see Chapter 1), he took over Shanghai Wutai 上 海 舞 台 (Shanghai Stage, originally the Great New Stage), the largest theater in Republican Shanghai, and renamed it as the Heavenly Toad Stage.26 In addition, he was in charge of the Three Star Stage in 1935.27

Some other leaders, such as Du Yuesheng 杜月笙 and Zhang Xiaolin 张啸林, never assumed theater entrepreneurship formally but had enormous influence on local theaters, too.28 By the 1930s, the Green Gang leaders had almost monopolized the theater enterprise of Shanghai.29 All the three theaters established by Huang Chujiu fell into the hands of Gu Zhuxuan and Huang

25 Ru’nan, “Tianchan Wutai gaizu qingxing” [Reorganization of the Heavenly Toad Stage],

Xi zazhi, tentative Issue (Apr 1922)

26 Xiaojuese, “Kankan Gusi laoban de yanse” [Take a look at the power of boss Gusi], Liyuan

gongbao, September 5, 1930

27 Hanmei Zhaizhu, “Sanxing Wutai yaopin Li Shengzao” [The Three Star Stage hires Li

Shengzao], Xi shijie [World of drama], September 7, 1935

28 It was rumored in 1923 that Du and Zhang would establish a theater in cooperation

“Juchang xiaoxi” [Theater news], Xi zazhi 9 (Dec 1923)

29 Zhang, “Shanghai jingju yiwang,” p 214; Xu Xingjie and Cai Shicheng, Shanghai jingju

zhi [The gazetteer of Peking opera in Shanghai] (Shanghai: Shanghai wenhua chubanshe,

1999), p 307

Figure 6 Huang Jinrong (left) and Gu Zhuxuan (right)

Jinrong in the 1920s and 1930s A Shanghai handbook published in 1948 suggested that ordinary businessmen were incapable of managing a theater, and only those with “special power”—meaning a secret society background—could handle it.30 Indeed, the expansion of secret societies greatly shaped the theater enterprise, ranging from the whole business ecology

to specific operational methods, which will be discussed in the following sections

There were several entrepreneurs who were neither big businessmen nor gangster leaders, but only a few of them achieved remarkable success One example is Xu Shaoqing 许少卿 Before founding the Red Cassia First Stage

in 1911, Xu was a jeweler and owned a teashop Under his outstanding management, the theater developed steadily and became one of the most celebrated in early Republican Shanghai.31 In 1916, Xu left the Red Cassia for

a grander theater, namely the New New Stage, and renamed it as the Heavenly Toad Stage The theater enjoyed thriving business before it was taken over by

Gu Zhuxuan in 1922 Another successful case is Zhou Xiaoqing 周筱卿, who, after working as a scenery designer for years, undertook the entrepreneurship

of the Reform Stage in 1927.32 Business boomed, thanks to Zhou’s talent in scenery design and enterprising management.33

Compared to the late Qing period, significantly fewer professional players took the job of theater entrepreneur in Republican Shanghai Without strong financial foundation, they could only afford to run small-size theaters, and few made a great fortune in this way In 1910, for instance, Wang Hongshou 王鸿寿, a master of both Hui opera and Peking opera, founded Xin Juchang 新 剧 场 (New Playhouse), a theater located in the French Concession with only about 700 seats Because of depressed business,

30 Tu ed., Shanghaishi daguan, part two, p 44

31 Kanwairen, Jingju jianwenlu, pp 135-136

32 Xinren, “Zhou Xiaoqing jieban Gengxin” [Zhou Xiaoqing takes over the Reform Stage],

Luobinhan, November 30, 1927

33 Liulaolao, “Zhou Xiaoqing zhi caineng” [Talents of Zhou Xiaoqing], Liyuan gongbao, June

14, 1930

however, Wang gave up the management two years later In 1915, the theater was overtaken by another noted player, Lu Yueqiao 吕 月 樵 , whose entrepreneurship also lasted just two years.34 When Gai Jiaotian 盖叫天, the most skilled martial player of Peking opera based in Shanghai, was in charge

of the Common Stage in 1929, the theater’s income was said to be just enough

to cover expenses.35

It is noteworthy that many entrepreneurs ran the theater not as their principal occupation but as subsidiary work Big businessmen must have paid more attention to those commercial trades on which their wealth was mainly based, while secret society leaders also had other more profitable businesses Some entrepreneurs actually entrusted the management of daily business to someone else Whereas previous entrepreneurs opened theaters largely in hope

of making economic profits, the motives of those in the early Republican era were more diverse The theater’s considerable effect on the commercial prosperity of the surrounding district might have interested some businessmen.36 According to Zhou Xinfang 周信芳, the most celebrated local player in Republican Shanghai, magnates founded theaters not to profit much from operatic performances, but to promote other larger businesses.37Some entrepreneurs probably set foot in the theater business with more sociopolitical intentions than economic ones Adopting reformist rhetoric, almost all entrepreneurs in Republican Shanghai claimed that they opened theaters primarily for social education and public welfare The theater therefore served as a vehicle for them to accumulate social capital and

34 Lin Mingmin, “Shanghai xiqu yanchu changsuo bianqian yilanbiao,” p 134; Guo Peiyou,

“Huashuo xinlao Gong Wutai” [On the new and old Common Stage], Shanghai wenhua shizhi

tongxun 21 (Aug 1992), p 58

35 Lingyun, “Shanghai liyuan jinzhuang tan” [On the recent situation of Shanghai theatrical

world], Beiyang huabao [Pei-yang pictorial news], March 5, 1929

36 Mangmang, “Juchang yu shimian zhi guanxi” [Relation between the theater and market],

Liyuan gongbao, July 29, 1930

37 Wu Shijian, “Yi Jingju biaoyan yishujia, Qipai chuangshiren Zhou Xinfang” [Recalling the

Peking opera performing artist and the founder of the Qi school Zhou Xinfang], in Jingju

tanwang lu sanbian [Memoirs about Peking opera, the third collection], ed Zhongguo Renmin

Zhengzhi Xieshang Huiyi Beijingshi Weiyuanhui Wenshi Ziliao Yanjiu Weiyuanhui (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1990), p 205

improve public images Furthermore, managing a theater provided the entrepreneur with an important platform to socialize with elite patrons who often attended performances by opera stars, which might help him secure their wealth and status I shall return to this point in Chapter 5

38 Zhou Zhifu, Jinbainian de jingju [Peking opera in around one hundred years] (Hong Kong: Zhou Zhifu, 1962), p 64; Qi Rushan, Xiban [The troupe] (Beiping: Beiping guoju xuehui,

1935), pp 135-136

39 Qi, Xiban, p 81

40 For a discussion about the significance of rotation system to theaters and players, see

Goldstein, Drama Kings, pp 30-31 The rotation system stopped functioning in 1900 when many theaters were destroyed by warfare Hou, Beijing lao xiyuanzi, pp 41-42

41 Zhang Geng and Jin Hezeng, Zhongguo xiqu zhi: Beijing juan [The chronicle of Chinese

drama: the volume of Beijing] (Beijing: Zhongguo ISBN zhongxin, 1999), p 1286

together with other staff members, were employed and salaried by the entrepreneur who assumed full responsibility for the theater The integrated system enabled entrepreneurs to manage business more flexibly but meanwhile incited commercial competition.42

Under the entrepreneur, the theater personnel was basically comprised of

two parts: qiantai 前台 (front-stage) and houtai 后台 (back-stage) While

the former dealt with various external affairs and received spectators during

business hours, the latter was responsible for operatic performances Two guanshi 管事 (managers, later renamed jingli 经理) were appointed to

supervise them respectively While the front-stage manager was undertaken by

a non-actor in most cases (sometimes the entrepreneur himself), the back-stage position was conventionally assumed by a professional player.43 In addition,

there was a zhangfang guanshi 账 房 管 事 (bookkeeper) who handled

financial affairs, such as calculating income and expenditures and distributing salaries.44 As local theaters expanded physically in the early twentieth century, the personnel became increasingly large and complex, but such a basic structure of management did not undergo substantial changes

The back-stage, while spatially referring to the greenroom, was largely a synonym for the troupe The back-stage of a large teahouse-theater consisted

of around one hundred persons, including players and staff members.45 The number further increased in a stage-theater When the New Playhouse opened

in 1909, for example, nearly one hundred players’ names were publicized in its advertisement, which was not a complete list.46 In the 1920s, the back-stage of the Heavenly Toad Stage probably consisted of over two

42 Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (shangjuan), p 259

43 There was probably only one player who assumed front-stage manager in early twentieth-century Shanghai Shouzhu, “Gong Wutai qiantai jingli Xu Junru yiyuan” [The

front-stage manager of the Common Stage the player Xu Junru], Luobinhan, June 26, 1929

44 Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (shangjuan), p 263

45 Xu, Zhongguo xiju shi, p 212

46 “Fa Da Malu Xin Juchang” [The New Playhouse in the Great Street in the French

Concession], Shen bao, December 25, 1909, 1(7) It is incomplete because each theater had

walking-on players whose name would by no means appear on theater advertisements

hundred people.47

Supervising the troupe, the back-stage manager played a crucial role in daily business His work included arranging daily performances, rehearsing new plays, and coordinating the back-stage life The manager was assisted by

a few wen guanshi 文管事 (civil sub-managers) and wu guanshi 武管事

(martial sub-managers) who were responsible for civil and martial performances as well as relevant players respectively A competent back-stage manager was not necessarily a talented player, but needed to be extremely knowledgeable about opera and understand the specialties of players, so as to establish his prestige in the troupe and to arrange performances properly In addition, ideally he was sensitive to the audience’s preferences, sophisticated

in hiring players, and creative in arranging new plays Whether or not the post was assumed by a qualified person would greatly affect a theater’s fate One distinguished example is Xie Yuekui 谢月奎, the back-stage manager of the Heavenly Toad Stage in the late 1910s and 1920s During his tenure in office, the theater enjoyed enduring prosperous business, making a yearly profit of

more than 200,000 yuan at its best One source suggests that after he left the

position, the business declined evidently.48

Professional players constituted the main body of the back-stage personnel Despite the thriving theater enterprise, there were no formal training institutions for Peking opera players in late-nineteen-century Shanghai

Commonly called keban 科班 (training school), these institutions prevailed

in Beijing, where independent troupes kept enrolling and training young players Therefore, nearly all players based in Shanghai came from other

regions, especially Tianjin and Beijing A few local keban came into existence

in the early twentieth century and produced a number of noted players.49

However, the vast majority of players were still imported from other regions,

47 Sanjianke, “Rong gongguan youdai tianchan yiyuan” [The Rong residence gave special

treatment to players of the Heavenly Toad], Luobinhan, February 21, 1927

48 Kanwairen, Jingju jianwenlu, pp 117-124

49 Xu and Cai, Shanghai jingju zhi, pp 59-61 Different from those in Beijing, local keban

were mostly affiliated to theaters

including those who later became the representatives of Shanghai-school Peking opera, such as Zhou Xinfang and Gai Jiaotian All players of a theater were categorized according to their specialized roles Meanwhile, they were also ranked based on their artistic excellence and popularity Major players

were called toudeng jue 头等角 (top-class players), and the most important ones, usually the leading laosheng 老生 (middle-aged or old righteous man) and qingyi 青衣 (young or middle-aged virtuous women), were labeled as taizhu 台柱 (stage pillar) or toupai 头牌 (head brand), vivid metaphors of

their significance to the theater At the bottom of the ranking were those who

played unnamed walk-on roles, commonly known as gongnü 宫女 (palace maids) and longtao 龙套 (dragon suites).50 Other plays between the top and bottom were divided into several ranks

A player’s rank in the back-stage determined his wage, or baoyin 包银

(contracted silver) In late nineteenth-century Shanghai, the most celebrated

players were paid over 1,000 yuan per year, much higher than in any other city

of China.51 A second-rank player’s monthly salary was commonly dozens of

yuan, which enabled him to live a fairly comfortable life But those of lower

ranks made very little, and many lived from hand to mouth.52 Besides the regular salary, a player might earn extra income by participating in private performances, the reward for which was commonly higher Players’ salaries increased to varying degrees during the early twentieth century In the 1920s,

top-rank players were usually paid more than 1,000 yuan per month, and

inferior ones received one to several hundred.53 In comparison, low-rank players’ salaries increased at a much slower rate Common players without

any specialty earned just dozens of yuan monthly, and due to pressure to make

a livelihood, many had to make extra income from various side work.54 Most

50 Qi, Xiban, pp 10-14

51 Zhou ed., Jubu congkan, pp 124-125

52 “Zhongling qiuen” [Players beg for kindness], Shen bao, June 26, 1881

53 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” three

54 “Lingjie de fuye” [Bywork of players], Ya ge [Elegant songs], February 22, 1928; Zihe,

“Luo Zibin yu Li Wencheng” [Luo Zibin and Li Wencheng], Liyuan gongbao, September 23,

bottom-rank plays could hardly make a living merely through regular

performances An article in 1922 reveals that while a leading longtao managed

to make about twenty yuan per month, a junior one earned only about one jiao

every day.55

In addition to regular affiliated players, local theaters since the late nineteenth century had sometimes invited opera stars from Beijing for temporary performances, offering them wages much higher than players based

in Shanghai During the first decades of the twentieth century, stars from Beijing visited Shanghai much more frequently, and meanwhile, their salaries soared constantly According to one article published in 1938, almost all leading Beijing stars had visited Shanghai ever since the Peking opera prevailed there.56

Aside from players, the back-stage personnel also included a variety of staff members indispensable for operatic performances, such as instrumentalists, stagehands, and dressers Most of them were poorly paid, but they might get extra income sometimes by sharing tips from spectators.57 It was also customary that when finishing his performances at one theater, a visiting star would reward the back-stage staff members with gratuities for their service.58

The general organization of the back-stage remained unchanged in the early twentieth century, nevertheless, the size of personnel expanded and the labor division segmented For example, while a teahouse commonly had two

57 Haishang Shushisheng, “Liyuan jiushi linzhua lu” [Fragmentary records of the past of the

theatrical circle], one, Xiju yuekan 1, 1 (June 1928)

58 Weng Ouhong, “Jutan hongzhua lu” [Fragmentary records of the theatrical circle], one, in

Wenshi ziliao xuanbian [Selected collection of literary and historical materials], No 33, ed

Zhongguo Renmin Zhengzhi Xieshang Huiyi Beijingshi Weiyuanhui Wenshi Ziliao Yanjiu Weiyuanhui (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1988), p 259

sub-managers of the back-stage, a modern theater had at least four.59 New posts were created As arranging new plays became a crucial business tactics and increasing attention was paid to stage sets (see Chapters 3 and 4),

experienced players were appointed as bianju 编剧 (dramatist) and paixi zhuren 排戏主任 (rehearsal director), and leading technicians as bujing zhuren 布景主任 (set-construction director) or bujing gongtou 布景工头

(set-construction foreman).60 These posts played increasingly significant roles

in the Republican period

To ensure the smooth progress of daily performances, professional etiquette had been formulated over time to maintain an orderly back-stage Players were seated in different areas according to the type of role they played; quarrels and loud joking were forbidden; and those who were late for performances would be punished In particular, a player employed by one theater was strictly prohibited to scheme to join another; neither should he attempt to enroll any player from his own theater on behalf of another One who violated those regulations might face punishment ranging from public apology to expulsion from the theater or even the whole theatrical circle, according to the judgment by a disciplinary committee comprised of senior players.61 Even so, conflicts often occurred, which sometimes turned quite violent At least two shooting cases took place in back-stage conflicts and one player was killed in late Qing Shanghai.62 While fewer back-stage bloody cases could be found during the early Republican period, more strikes happened due to players’ dissatisfaction with their salaries.63 Despite the

59 Paojie, “Liyuan houtai zhiyuan zhi fenpei” [The organization of theater back-stage], Liyuan

gongbao, March 17, 1931

60 Shan, “Diyitai zhi houtai zhiyuan” [The back-stage personnel of the First Stage], Liyuan

gongbao, August 5, 1929; Yizhen, “Shanghai Wutai zhi houtai zhiyuan” [The back-stage

personnel of the Shanghai Stage], Liyuan gongbao, October 9, 1930; Qiang “Qitian zhi houtai zhiyuan” [The back-stage personnel of the Equaling Heaven Stage], Liyuan gongbao, October

9, 1930

61 Haishang Shushisheng, “Huruan jubu shiyi zhi” [Omissive records of Shanghai theatrical

world], eleven, Xin sheng [Heart voice] 3, 4 (1924); Xu, Zhongguo xiju shi, pp 212, 216-218

62 “Qiangshang lingren” [A player was wounded by gunshot], Shen bao, May 21, 1888, 3; Meng, Shanghai and the Edges of Empires, p 102

63 Ouyang, Zi wo yanxi yilai, pp 168-169; Tongchui, “Tianchan Wutai de fangzu wenti” [The

common use of employment contracts, it was not rare that a player of one theater transferred into another without the entrepreneur’s approval, or simply ran away before his contract expired.64 One reason for that was that some secret society leaders managed the theater with underhand means and treated the players brutally Gu Zhuxuan, for example, had a bad reputation of mistreating players, and was said to be responsible for the death of Chang Chunheng 常春恒, a player who withdrew from Gu’s theater to join another before he was murdered in January 1928.65 As gangster leaders monopolized theater enterprise, player-entrepreneur disputes were solved less through the court or professional disciplinary committee than through mediation of powerful local elites who were mostly gangster leaders themselves.66 Failing

to find a strong mediator, some players were forced to flee Shanghai for personal safety.67

Another reason for the back-stage disorder was that the professional guild could not maintain control over players and entrepreneurs As commercial theaters flourished in Shanghai, a loose guild organization, Liyuan Gongsuo 梨园公所 (Guild of the Pear Garden), was established in 1872 While providing certain welfare to local players, especially old and poor ones, it failed to efficiently regulate theaters and players in the semicolonial treaty port.68 After the 1911 Revolution, the guild was reorganized as Lingjie Lianhehui 伶 界 联 合 会 (Association of the Theatrical Circle), which appeared to be more rigorous and effective.69 Meetings and cooperative

rental issue of the Heavenly Toad Stage], Xi shijie, November 8, 1935

64 Mengsheng, “Baoyin de qianyin houguo” [The cause and effect of salary], Ya ge, May 5,

1928

65 Wang Delin, “Gu Zhuxuan zai Zhabei faji he kaishe Tianchan Wutai”[Gu Zhuxian rose to

power in Zhabei and opened the Heavenly Toad Stage], in Jiu Shanghai de banghui, pp

186-187

66 Banyeren, “Tianchan yu He Yaqiu de an” [The case of the Heavenly Toad Stage and He

Yaqiu], Luobinhan, Februrary 18, 1927

67 Zhang, Shanghai Jingju yiwang, p 214

68 Zhao Shanlin, Tian Gensheng, and Zhu Chongzhi eds., Jindai Shanghai xiqu xinian

chubian [A primary chronology of traditional drama in modern Shanghai] (Shanghai:

Shanghai jiaoyu chubanshe, 2003), p 66

69 However, the Association was disbanded by the government in 1913 when Yuan Shikai

came to be in power, and did not restore until 1920 “Linglianhui xiaoshi,” Shen bao, January

performances were held regularly, and a guild newspaper was published in

1928 However, since most theaters were managed by powerful gangster leaders, the Association could exercise little authority over famous players, not

to mention entrepreneurs, and thus played an insignificant role in the solution

of employment controversies Without substantial governmental support, the organization was in fact under the control of gangster leaders.70 As we will see below, it was basically ineffective in regulating business competition among local theaters as well

The Front-Stage of Teahouse

Compared with the back-stage, the front-stage had a more complicated structure and went through notable reforms in the early twentieth century However, some controversial staff positions and related operational methods persisted stubbornly Before exploring those changes and persistence, this section provides a detailed investigation of the structure and operational mode

of the teahouse-theater front-stage

At first sight, a teahouse in late Qing Shanghai was by no means a rigorously managed commercial institution Nor was it a solemn space as are contemporary playhouses Performances were staged almost every day and were divided into two parts, namely daytime and night shows, each lasting for about five hours.71 Seats were classified into several ranks with varying fees:

eight jiao or more for the most expensive ones, called baoxiang 包厢 (boxes) upstairs and zhengting 正厅 (pond) downstairs; around four to six jiao for medium ones such as bianxiang 边厢 (side wing) surrounding the pond on three sides; and a few dozen wen for the cheapest qima zuo 起码座 (basic

seats) at the back Though different ranks of seats were separated with wooden boards or bars, designated seating was still in fancy in the teahouse Rather, seats were assigned by staff members on the spot Spectators mostly arrived during rather than before the show, and left before it ended In addition, they enjoyed considerable freedom in behavior during the performances Hardly concentrating on the stage for long, a spectator might have a chat with neighbors while drinking tea or eating melon seeds, buy some nuts from the peddlers wandering around, wipe his face with a hot towel provided by the theater, or walk across the auditorium to greet a friend Most spectators did not pay fees when entering the theater, but were charged during the second half of show.Free access was offered to children and servants Only those purchasing basic seats had to buy entrance tickets (or something analogous) at the counter Without staff members’ assignment, the early birds got better positions, and quarrels often occurred between neighboring seats.72 The theater relaxed control after ten o’clock at night, when everyone could enter for free.73

Behind such a seemingly chaotic scene, however, the front-stage staff operated the teahouse in an orderly way Under the leadership of front-stage

manager, the staff generally included anmu 案目 (table tenders), chafang 茶

房 (tea waiters), and other members The labor division and cooperation among them enabled smooth daily business While making a living in the theater, however, many staff members were not employees in the true sense, which distinguished teahouses from normal commercial institutions then Table tenders, whose main job was to drum up business and receive patrons, played multiple important roles in daily operations A teahouse usually hired around twenty table tenders, each of whom had a number of

72 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” one; Xu Heizhen, “Jiushi liyuan

fengguang” [Scenes of the theatrical world in the past], one, Ximi zhuan [Biography of

theatergoer] 2, 2 (Jul 1939) Some scholars have described similar sceneries of teahouse life in

late imperial China, particularly Beijing See for example, Goldstein, Drama Kings, pp 63-76; Goldman, Opera and the City, pp 1-2 Notwithstanding, theaters in Shanghai were slightly

different from those in Beijing in seating arrangement and operational methods

73 Qian Huafo and Zheng Yimei, Sanshinianlai zhi Shanghai [Shanghai in the past thirty

years] (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1984), p 14

familiar clients who frequented the theater In the morning of every business day, table tenders visited clients’ houses to distribute playbills, and meanwhile accepted reservation of seats Some mainly concentrated on wealthy and powerful families, and the others on ordinary merchants and enterprisers.74Their goal was to guarantee an audience for the day’s performance In particular, when the theater was premiering a new play or a visiting star was about to stage his first show, the table tender would do his best to boast about the play or the star To show appreciation for his attention, a client usually would book more seats Meanwhile, table tenders often reserved some good seats, in case his clients visited the theater without reservation During business hours, table tenders received both familiar and unfamiliar patrons at

74 Lu Qun, “Shanghai and anmu yu chatang” [Table tenders and tea waiters in Shanghai],

Shanghai wenhua shizhi tongxun 43 (Dec 1996), p 55

Figure 7 The auditorium of a teahouse-theater during business hours

Source: Chen Pingyuan and Xia Xiaohong eds., Tuxiang wanqing: Dianshizhai huabao [Images of the late Qing: Dianshizhai pictorial] (Beijing: Baihua wenyi

chubanshe, 2001), p 263