1. Trang chủ
  2. » Giáo Dục - Đào Tạo

Illegal but Common Life of Blast Fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago, South Sulawesi, Indonesia

144 699 0

Đang tải... (xem toàn văn)

Tài liệu hạn chế xem trước, để xem đầy đủ mời bạn chọn Tải xuống

THÔNG TIN TÀI LIỆU

Thông tin cơ bản

Định dạng
Số trang 144
Dung lượng 1,36 MB

Các công cụ chuyển đổi và chỉnh sửa cho tài liệu này

Nội dung

This thesis titled Illegal but Common: Life of Blast Fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago, South Sulawesi, Indonesia by MUHAMMAD CHOZIN has been approved for the Center for Internation

Trang 1

Sulawesi, Indonesia

A thesis presented to the faculty of the Center for International Studies of Ohio University

In partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree

Master of Arts

Muhammad Chozin June 2008

Trang 2

This thesis titled Illegal but Common: Life of Blast Fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago, South

Sulawesi, Indonesia

by MUHAMMAD CHOZIN

has been approved for the Center for International Studies by

Gene Ammarell Associate Professor of Sociology and Anthropology

Gene Ammarell Director, Southeast Asian Studies

Drew McDaniel Interim Director, Center for International Studies

Trang 3

ABSTRACT CHOZIN, MUHAMMAD, M.A., June 2008, Southeast Asian Studies

Illegal but Common: Life of Blast Fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago, South

Sulawesi, Indonesia (144 pp.)

Director of Thesis: Gene Ammarell

Blast fishing is fishing method practiced by throwing a bomb made from mixed

fuel-ammonium nitrate fertilizer (NH4NO3) into sea in order to quickly catch large

quantity of fish However, it is tremendously destructive to coral reefs It is estimated that

more than 53% of Indonesia’s coral reefs in Indonesia have been threatened by

destructive fishing including blast fishing Particularly, in the Spermonde Archipelago,

South Sulawesi, more than 75% of fishermen are practicing this fishing method

My research focus is on technological and socio-cultural aspects of blast

fishermen society in an island within the Spermonde archipelago Using participant

observation, I looked at the society to observe how deep the practice of blast fishing is

rooted in their cultures, beliefs, and political economy I also conducted interviews with

fishermen, government officers, and fish traders By doing so, I tried to understand how

the blast fishermen perceived themselves and others, how they dealt with the power of

the state, and how they responded to the global economy

Finally, I examined fishermen’s opinions on the sustainability of their maritime

resources including coral reefs and fish stocks It seems that their awareness of

environmental issues had no impact to their daily life The desire to achieve economic

gain and modernization overcame their desire for resource sustainability Even though

Trang 4

they knew the negative impact of blast fishing practice in the long run, they continued it

because they are “greedy.” Actually, exposure to the nearby city of Makassar’s modern

life combined with a lack of formal education plunges them into a greediness situation in

which they have only limited alternatives available with which to participate in the

material consumption that surrounds them The high demand from global markets for fish

attracts them to use short-cuts in fishing Moreover, the lack of law enforcement

contributes the continuity of this practice

Approved: _

Gene Ammarell Associate Professor of Sociology and Anthropology

Trang 5

The highest dedication is for my both moms:

Trang 6

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

As I finished this thesis, I would like to acknowledge the people and institutions

which contributed to helping me finish this research First, I would like to give my

highest gratitude to the Ford Foundation International Fellowship Program (IFP) and

Southeast Asian Studies Program of Ohio University The Ford Foundation generously

awarded me a scholarship to pursue a master degree at Ohio University; Southeast Asian

Studies kindly awarded me a travel grant to conduct a field research for this thesis in

summer 2007

Secondly, I would like to thank my academic adviser as well as my thesis chair,

Gene Ammarell, who gave me a lot of academic support and assistance To all my thesis

committee members: Muhammad Iqbal Djawad from the Marine Center at Hasanuddin

University, Indonesia, who provided me research assistance and advise, and Yeong-Hyun

Kim who patiently read every single paragraph of my thesis and give me feedback

I will not forget all the people on the islands of Kodingareng, Barang Lompo,

Balobaloang, and Sumanga who were willing to share their underground activities with

me Without their openness, it would have been impossible for me to write this thesis

Special thanks to Bukhari, my research assistant, who helped immeasurably in

connecting me to important persons in the blast fishermen society In addition, I would

also like to thank student activists from HMI-MPO and Inninawa in Makassar who

provided me warm space for discussions To my colleague, Ridwan Alimuddin, who

offered me preliminary information of blast fishing activities

Trang 7

I extend my thanks to all of my friends at Ohio University who gave me

friendship and warm discussions From the bottom of my heart, I would like to honor my

“thesis partner”, Lauri Hlavacs, with whom I share many readings and ideas; to Ryoko

for being the best company at the Donkey café while I was writing this thesis, thanks for

translating Japanese references! To my editors: Patricia Black, Molly Roth, and all people

in writing center at Alden library Special appreciation for Talinn Phillips (the director of

writing center), who did a research on my English writing Your interviews encouraged

me to keep writing

Finally, to two others trio-Ford, Farid and Sandra: “We started together, and

finally, graduated together!” Last but not least, to all PERMIAS (Indonesian Student

Association) members whom I cannot mention one-by-one, a thousand thanks for being

the warmest family in Athens

Trang 8

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Abstract 3

Acknowledgments 6

List of Tables 12

List of Figures 13

List of Pictures 14

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION 15

CHAPTER 2: COASTAL RESOURCES AS THE COMMONS 20

A The Idea of Common Property 20

B Conflicts of the Commons 22

CHAPTER 3: FISHERIES AND COASTAL RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT AND CONSERVATION IN INDONESIA 28

A Fisheries Development in Indonesia 28

B Coral Reef Management 32

C Destructive Fishing in Indonesia 37

CHAPTER 4: HISTORY OF BLAST FISHING IN INDONESIA 40

A Blast Fishing Practice in the Colonial Era 40

B Blast Fishing After Independence 42

C Contemporary Blast Fishing Practices 43

CHAPTER 5: RESEARCH METHODS AND STUDY AREA 45

A Research Methods 45

Trang 9

B Research Location 47

a) Spermonde Archipelago 47

b) Kodingareng Lompo 51

CHAPTER 6: BLAST FISHING IN KODINGARENG LOMPO 54

A Creating an ANFO Bomb 55

a) Ammonium nitrate fertilizer (as munitions powder) 55

b) Kerosene (minyak tanah) 56

c) Detonator (lopis/lucis/dopis) 57

d) Water proof wick (sumbu) 57

e) Weight (laddo) 58

f) Bottle 59

g) Bomb cap (tomba) 59

h) Igniter/lighter (Ju'ju) 60

B Procedure for Making Bombs 60

B Fishing Boats 62

a) Perahu (larger motor boat) 62

b) Jolloro’/jolor (mid-size motorized fishing boat) 63

c) Lépa-lépa (small size outrigger boat) 63

D Operating Blast Fishing 65

a) Preparation on the Main Boat 66

1 Pandega/kep (captain) 67

2 Patula’/pakaca (observer) 68

Trang 10

3 Pa'tunu (igniter) 68

4 Pabise (paddler) 69

5 Paguling (helmsman) 69

6 Paselang (diver) 69

7 Bas (machine technician) 70

b) Operating Bombs using the Lépa-lépa 71

E Encountering Police Patrols 75

F Fishing Grounds 76

G Rumpon/rompong (Fish Aggregation Device/FAD) 76

H Fishing Time 78

I Blast Fishing Risks 79

J Fish Captured 81

CHAPTER 7: SOCIETY OF THE BLAST FISHERMEN COMMUNITY 83

A Patron-client Relationship in the Blast Fishermen Groups 83

a) Case: Life a Young Juragang 87

b) Case: Life of a Sawi 90

B The Religious and Cultural Values 93

Pilgrimage to Mecca (haji) 98

C The Role of Women 101

D Blast Fishermen Relationship with other Fishermen 103

a) Blast Fishermen and Line Fishermen 103

b Blast Fishermen and Cyanide Fishermen 104

Trang 11

CHAPTER 9: BLAST FISHERMEN ECONOMY AND NETWORKING 107

A Fishing Revenue and Cost 108

a) Profit Share 110

b) Cost of Making Bombs 114

B Networking and Marketing System 115

a) Juragang (boss) 116

b) Pabalolang (fish broker) 117

c) Fish Industries 118

d) Fish Traders 120

e) Exporters 120

f) Bomb Materials Suppliers 120

CHAPTER 9: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 123

A Discussion 123

a) Patron-Client Relations 123

b) Islands-Mainland as a form of a Rural-Urban Relationship 126

c) Ideas of Conservation 129

B Conclusion 130

References 133

Appendix A: List of Fish Captured by Blast Fishing 140

Appendix B: List of interviews 144

Trang 12

LIST OF TABLES

Page Table 1: Some Conflicts between Fishermen in Indonesia in Year 2000-2002 26

Table 2: The Contribution of Marine Resources to GDP among Asian Countries 29

Table 3: Characteristics of Blast Fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago 65

Trang 13

LIST OF FIGURES

Page

Figure 1: Map of the Spermonde Archipelago .48

Figure 2: Map of borders of the Spermonde Achipelago 49

Figure 3: Procedure to make a bomb .61

Figure 4: Position of bombers on the lépa-lépa 74

Figure 5: Two different models of fish aggregation device (FAD) 77

Figure 6: Curve of the economy of blast fishing in twenty years 108

Figure 7: Revenue distribution within blast a fishermen group 113

Figure 8: Blast fishermen networks 122

Trang 14

LIST OF PICTURES

Page

Picture 1: Kodingareng Lompo Island 51

Picture 2: An example of ANFO bomb 54

Picture 3: Ammonium Nitrate fertilizer 55

Picture 4: Kerosene 56

Picture 5: A bunch of detonators and wicks 57

Picture 6: Drinking bottle 59

Picture 7: Igniter (juju’) 60

Picture 8: Perahu (large motor boat) 62

Picture 9: Jolloro’/jolor (mid-size motorized fishing boat) 63

Picture 10: lépa-lépa (small-size outrigger boat) 64

Picture 11: Divers use compressor to breath underwater when they dive 70

Picture 12: Bomber crews assessing fish and ready for blasting 72

Picture 13: A Haji with his white hat (songkok) 100

Trang 15

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION Blast fishing is a fishing method using a bomb to capture a school of fish The

bomb material is made from dynamite, ammonium nitrate, or any kind of explosives

However, most fishermen use modified bomb made from fertilizer contains ammonium

nitrate mixed with kerosene It is a very efficient fishing method to catch the huge

amount of fish at the quick time with less cost and less work However, its is destructive

to the environment because the side impact of blasting damages the coral reefs and kills

untargeted fish

Many scholars have studied blast fishing method, particularly in the Spermonde

Archipelago and areas surrounding from different points of view The recent study by

Destructive Fishing Watch (DFW 2003) describes the general idea of the blast fishing

practice from technical to social aspects This study also briefly covers the environmental

destruction caused by blast fishing activities, in particular, to the coral reefs Other

studies examines the environmental damages were by Briggs (2003) and Noveria, et al

(2007) Moreover, Pet-Soede and Erdmann (1998) studied its economic aspect, Ansary

(2002) look at its legal aspect, and Meereboer (1998), Alimuddin (2004), and Hamamoto

(2007) did an anthropological study of a blast fishermen society Finally, the

development strategies of the society in regard to conserve the environment on the area

threatened by blast fishing was done by Alder and Christanty (1998), Amri (2002), and

Hidayati (2003)

Blast fishing is practiced by throwing a bomb into water in order to catch fish

Usually, the bomb material is made from ammonium nitrate fertilizer (NH4NO3) and fuel

Trang 16

oil, called ANFO (Ammonium Nitrate-Fuel Oil) (Ansary 2002, p 35) Fishermen then

mix the bomb material with kerosene in the bottle and ignite it by using waterproof fuses

A simpler bomb is created by placing matches in a bottle connected outside by a small

wick Fishermen will explode the ‘bottle bomb’ once they have gotten close to the school

of fish by lightning the wick and then throwing it directly into the school The impact of

this kind of bomb is little, detonating only 2-3 meters below the surface of water, doing

little damage to the reef With a more powerful bomb, one bottle bomb may affect about

10-20 meters square However, the most powerful level bomb use materials including

TNT (Tri-Nitro-Toluene) produced by the army TNT or dynamite bombs cause massive

damage to coral reefs

Blast fishing is an unsustainable fishing practice since it causes environmental

problems in the long run The practice of blast fishing not only kills schools of fish but

also kills coral reefs surrounding the detonation site The massive destruction of coral

reefs damaged by bombs in Indonesia had been reported by Briggs (2003) He estimates

that more than 53% of Indonesia’s coral reefs are threatened by destructive fishing

including fish bombing Citing from Chou (2000) and WIC (2002), Briggs also estimates

that the regular blast fishing in one area will destroy approximately 50-80% of the coral

reef surrounding it

In South Sulawesi, especially in the District of Pangkajene Kepulauan, the main

cause of the depletion of fish products is coral reefs destruction When the coral reefs are

damaged, the fish lose their food and habitat Therefore, the unsustainable fishing

practices like blast fishing, cyanide (poison) fishing, and trawling have a tremendous

Trang 17

impact to fish stocks (Noveria, et al., 2007) In 1998, Pet-Soede and Erdmann (1998)

estimates that up to 15% of the fishermen in some villages fishing the Spermonde

archipelago in South Sulawesi are blast fishermen, with their catches supplying 10-40%

of the total landings for the 16,000 km2fishery

Sievert (1999) concluded that blast fishing is not only practiced by impoverished

fishermen, but also higher economic classes They are practicing blast fishing with

support from businessmen, political leaders and also police and military officers

Fishermen try to catch as much as they can as fast as they can, because they do not know

how long fishing will remain profitable Through blast fishing, fishermen got more fish

than by other conventional fishing methods By using bombs for fishing, they reduced the

cost required for fishing, reduced the amount of work, and reduced the number of fishing

trips However, it increased the number of fish they caught With the US$1-2 cost of

building a bomb, it may give them a catch when market value is US$14-40 (Briggs,

2003) That is why, even though it is illegal, many fishermen keep practicing this method

However, in the long run, the practice of blast fishing potentially creates conflicts

among fishermen The excessiveness of blast fishing in exploiting the common property

of ocean’s resources directs the societies to have “conflict of the commons” (Hardin

1968) Hardin’s analogy of “conflict of the commons” among grazers in taking advantage

of limited resources on land is appropriately parallel to the conflicts among fishermen in

taking advantage of ocean’s resources In fact, there have been some conflicts between

blast fishermen and non-blast fishermen in the Spermonde archipelago recorded in

Ansary (2002) and DFW (2003)

Trang 18

My research is based on field work within a blast fishing community who on an

island in the Spermonde archipelago, South Sulawesi, Indonesia Doing two month field

research in South Sulawesi, Indonesia, I studied the strange life of destructive fishermen

I interviewed fishermen, fish businessmen, and government officers Moreover, I joined

their daily life and fishing activities to portray their secret networks

Primarily, I focus my study on the technological and socio-cultural aspects of the

society where blast fishing practice is common By using “participant observation”, I

wanted to learn about their cultures and customs As part of South Sulawesi, the

Spermonde archipelago has long been inhabited by maritime cultures in Indonesia:

Makassar, Bugis, and Mandar I wanted to more closely examine the islanders’ particular

culture in contrast to the urban culture on the mainland where there are greater influences

from other non-local cultures Finally, I analyzed how deeply the blast fishing practice is

rooted in the culture

Second, I looked into religious values including their interpretation by local

religious leaders was conducted Since almost all people living there are Muslim,

studying how people interpret Islamic teachings connected to environmental issues is

important Therefore, studying local religious leaders’ behavior and their role in the

society is very useful to understand religious influences in the society Since in many

societies, local religious leaders are somehow separated from local cultural and political

leaders, to study how people associate themselves with both types of leaders is very

helpful in describing the role of religious and cultural values in the society

Trang 19

Finally, even though economic studies of blast fishing had been conducted by

scholars like Pet-Soede, C., H.S.J Cesar, and J.S (1999) and by Tropical Research and

Conservation Center (TRACC) (2001) in Malaysia, I studied an aspect of economy of

blast fishermen by reviewing their daily catches Although it is an illegal practice, many

fishermen are still engaged in blast fishing In addition, it is interesting to study how

government officials selectively enforce the state law among fishermen In Indonesia,

blast fishing is prohibited by Indonesian Government Regulation Number 9/1985,

Regulation Number 10/2001, and Regulation Number 359/40/DKP/2001 Therefore, I

also examine local authorities’ role in regard to the blast fishermen society

In particular, I raised the following questions: Why do people practice blast

fishing? What percentage of the fishermen in the village are blasting fish? What are their

perceptions of religious values and culture? How do villagers relate their religious values

and cultures to fishing practices and conservation of marine resources? How deeply are

they aware that blast fishing is illegal? What do they think of fishermen who are not blast

fishing? What do people think of blast fishermen? How does the social system inform the

practice of blast fishing? What is their connection with local and global markets and

capital? Do they feel their life has improved? What do they think about government

officials and policies?

Trang 20

CHAPTER 2: COASTAL RESOURCES AS THE COMMONS

A The Idea of Common Property The idea of common property was discussed by Garet Hardin forty years ago in

an influential theory regarding natural resource management In his article “The Tragedy

of Commons,” Hardin (1968) introduced the concept of “the commons,” where people

tend to exploit natural resources excessively due to their desire to fulfill their personal

interests As Hardin defines it, “A commons could be any resource pool open to many but

lacking in substantial governing rules.” He gave a brilliant example of how farmers tend

compete on using the common property of a field of grass to feed their cattle As one

farmer grazes more to raise cattle productivity, other farmers will follow him to graze

more without considering the sustainability of the grass field On a broader scale, this

concept can be extended to the largest commons: the natural resources of the ocean It is

commonly understood that the world’s oceans are considered as common property where

individuals and corporation exploit the resources for personal gain

The concept of the ocean as common property was introduced long time before

Hardin In 1609, Hugo de Groot (Grotius) proposed the concept of mare liberum (the

freedom of ocean) He proposed that concept as a response to conflicts between the

Dutch and Portuguese in the colonial territory of the Malaka Strait when the Dutch

burned Portuguese ships whenever their ships went through the strait The Dutch claimed

that the Malaka Strait was their territory, so they had the right to use it On the other

hand, the Portuguese argued that they had the right to pass through the strait base upon

Trang 21

the Tordesillas 1 agreement between Portuguese and Spain Therefore, according to

Grotius, every nation has a right to take advantage of the sea to support their daily life

through navigation, fishing, research, and other pursuits His concept was based on the

assumption that the oceanic resources are abundant and impossible to deplete

Interestingly, this is remained a common belief among many fishermen, including among

blast fishermen

People like to settle on coastal areas and take advantage of the ocean, at least

three reasons First, coastal areas often are productive ecosystems that can support human

life The resources such as fish, mangrove, estuaries, and coral reefs support the human

life Second, coastal areas provide resources for industries, housing, energy,

transportation, waste disposal, and other needs Third, the beauty of the ocean attracts

people make it as a tourist destination (Bengen dan Rizal 2001) The longtime

exploitation of the ocean’s natural resources has resulted in their depletion Increasingly,

people have come to realize that the ocean limited in its ability to support human life

Therefore, they have started to manage the ocean’s natural resources

In Southeast Asia, the history of managing the ocean’s natural resources was

started long ago The concept of sea tenure systems, where groups of people manage their

sea area by themselves was traditionally practiced Using customary law (adat), they

regulated themselves including the regulation of fishing grounds, fishing methods, and

fishing seasons One group often had an unwritten agreement with another group

regarding those fishing grounds, fishing methods, and fishing seasons For example,

1

The Treaty of Tordesillas divided the newly discovered lands outside Europe into an exclusive duopoly

between the Spanish and the Portuguese along a north-south meridian 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde

islands signed at Tordesillas, Spain on June 7, 1494 (Davenport 1917)

Trang 22

fishermen in villages in Southern Thailand who had common fishing grounds had a

common agreement over fishing their fishing areas They had an agreement of

non-fishing areas within the inside edge of coral reefs and the outsider edge of coral reefs,

which is deeper water, as a free area for fishing (Ruohomaki 1999, p 120-122) People in

North Sulawesi also continue to have sasi laut which are traditional regulations to

conserve natural resources and regulate of fishing methods (Bayley and Zerner 1992;

Harkes 1999) Therefore, these traditional systems of sea tenure suggest that what might

be seen as an unregulated commons is a community property where a fishing community

manages it’s sustainably for the benefit of all

B Conflicts of the Commons However, the modernization of fishing life tends to ruin those traditional customs

The mechanization of fishing methods followed by the market demand encourages

fishermen to exploit the ocean natural resources excessively and ignore those traditional

customs The application of engine and modern fishing tools give them the possibility to

capture fish as much as they want in order to fulfill the market demands Their interaction

with global markets creates “new needs,” to consume products of world’s markets,

plunging them into greediness Sometimes, due to competition over the ocean’s natural

resources, this greediness creates conflicts Often, the conflicts occur because of the

disparity in applying fishing technologies When groups apply advance fishing

technology while others cannot, there is a potential for conflict That happened in 1980s

when a new technology for large scale fishing (trawling) was introduced The conflicts

occurred between traditional fishermen and trawlers because the trawl fishing

Trang 23

marginalized small-scale fishing Using big scale of fishing, trawl fishermen ruined the

small-scale fishermen’s fishing ground (Bailey, 1988) The conflict was started even

earlier, with the introduction of the outboard motor for fishing in the 1960s There were

conflicts between traditional fishermen and motorized fishermen because traditional

fishermen cannot compete with motorized fishermen in fishing (Semedi, 2003;

Ruohomaki, 1999)

According to Kendrick (1993), other factors that cause conflicts are the depletion

of the resources, the rapid growth of population, migration, and government policies

When fishermen are always trying to increase their catch, they may not care about

conserving the resources for the next generation The responsibility of taking care of their

family requires them to work as hard as they can There is no chance to think about

conservation and maintaining the resources for future generations The hard work to

catch fish is seen as an effort to increase the well being of next generation, their children

If they can feed and educated their children well, they ensure a better future for their

family and themselves Moreover, migration often places pressure on the local habitants

If the local people are concerned about conserving the natural resources, people from

outside often do not care about conservation Their lack of local knowledge and their

distance from local values mean they do not have sense of belonging with the local

natural resources They tend to exploit the resources for their benefit rather than thinking

about the common benefit of the natural resources The conflict between Bajo and Bugis

in Taka Bonerate atoll in South Sulawesi is an example The Bugis, who arrived on the

island after the Bajo, are concerned more about prosperity rather than the environment

Trang 24

Therefore, they are economically better off than the Bajo who concern themselves with

maintaining the environment (Alder and Christanty 1998; Reichel 2006)

Finally, government policy also plays a role in creating conflicts The idea of

privatization, as it is proposed by some scholars (Hardin 1968; Ophuls 1973), to protect

the common property became a disaster when it was implemented by the Indonesian

government in the case of shrimp farming Shrimp farming accounts for the biggest

portion of fish farming activities in Indonesia It accounts for 56 percent of the total

export of fish products The products are exported to Japan (50.75 percent) and USA

(14.49 percent), Thailand (7.97 percent), China (5.13 percent), Singapore (2.68 percent),

and Hong Kong (2.67 percent) (DKP 2004) However, big companies, especially from

Thailand (Charoen Phokphan) and France own most of the shrimp farms Therefore,

shrimp farming provide less economic benefit for poor people in coastal areas Local

communities are marginalized and exploited by large-scale fish farms, and this often

results in conflict In November 1998, about 1,600 small farmers protested against the

conditions imposed by the big fish farming company (Siregar, 2001) The change from

traditional to industrial shrimp farming benefitted the government and the large-scale

shrimp investors due to foreign currency generation in the short run However, the

environmental and social costs associated with the industry are more costly in the long

run

Shrimp farming also devastates the country’s mangrove ecosystems that were

logged or converted to shrimp and other fish ponds over the past two decades Indonesia

is home to one of the world’s largest and most diverse mangrove forests The massive

Trang 25

areas of mangrove and peat swamp forests have been rapidly and unsustainably exploited

for shrimp farming As an example, mangrove logging in Lampung Province (southeast

coast of the Sumatra Island) damaged 736,000 hectares of mangrove forest (Shrimp

News International, June 1, 2007) Intensive shrimp farms, while reducing the

mangroves, also have another problem Their nutrient-rich effluents discharged into the

environment seriously harm the ecological balance The waste contains chemical

fertilizers, pesticides, and antibiotics that pollute the environment

Recently, there are many new conflicts among fishermen under regulation no

25/1999 of Regional Autonomy (Otonomi Daerah) In the years after 2001, when the

regulation no 25/1999 was implemented, media reported many conflicts among

fishermen especially in the island of Sumatera and Java Adhuri (2002) summarized some

of those conflicts

Trang 26

Table 1

Some Conflicts between Fishermen in Indonesia in Year 2000-2002

1 The burning of six boats, hostage

taking, torture of Pati and Tegal

(Central Java) fishermen by

Masalembo fishermen

Masalembo, Java

Early 2000 Republika, 13

Nov 2000

2 The burning of one fishing boat

belonging to Central Javanese

fishermen by Masalembo fishermen

Masalembo, East Java

3 Jakarta fishermen protested against

non-local trawl operation traditional

fishing zone

2001

Kompas, 13 August 2001

4 Fight between fishermen from Wedung

and Bonang sub-districts, Demak

Demak, Java January

2002

Kompas 12 January 2002

5 The arrest and hostage taking of eight

Cilacap (central Java) fishermen by

Pangandaran (West Java) fishermen

Pangandaran, Java

February

2002

Kompas 23 and

27 February 2002

6 Confiscation of 16 mini trawlers

owned by Panciran sub-district,

Lamongan district and Paceng

sub-districts, Gresik district by traditional

fishermen from Ujung Pangakah

sub-district

Gresik, East Java

March

2002

Kompas, 12 March 2002

7 The burning of eight mini-trawl boats

belonging to Sampit village’s (Matan

Hilir Utara sub-district) fishermen by

fishermen from Sukabaru village,

Matanhilir Selatan sub-district

Pontianak, West Kalimantan

March

2002

Kompas, 21 March 2002

taken hostage by locals

Brebes-Tegal, Java

April 2002 Kompas, 18 April

2002

9 The burning of four purse seine boats

owned by fishermen from Indramayu

and Cirebon districts (West Java)

Serang, West Java

2002

10 The burning of a trawl boat and protest

by traditional Bengkulu fishermen over

the use of trawl and purse seine owned

by fishermen originating from North

Sumatra and South Sulawesi

2002

11 Protest by traditional fishermen in

North Sumatera

Medan, North Sumatera

September

2002

Kompas, 17 September 2002 Source: Adhuri (2002)

Trang 27

However, even though there have been some conflicts regarding sea management,

fishermen gain more benefit since they get more attention from the local government

Some government programs aimed at helping people to escape from poverty were really

beneficial to coastal communities (Hamamoto 2007)

The lack of law enforcement and uncertainly of resources management was the

main causes of the conflicts The lack of qualified and honest government officers is one

the problems from long ago The corrupt mentality of the bureaucratic system inherited

from Dutch colonial rule still remains strong Most of government officers are incapable

and corrupt Consequently, people do not trust them when they have programs It has

been common sense that there will be a loss of about 30 percent from every budget for

the development programs Where does the money go? The money goes to government

officials

Trang 28

CHAPTER 3: FISHERIES AND COASTAL RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT AND

CONSERVATION IN INDONESIA

A Fisheries Development in Indonesia Having 81,000 kilometers of coast line, with almost 18,000 islands, including

their abundant marine resources, Indonesia is the largest archipelagic country in the

world According to the United Nations Convention on Sea Law (UNCLOS), Indonesia

has 5.8 million square kilometers of sea, including 3.1 million square kilometers of

territorial sea and 2.7 million square kilometers of an Exclusive Economic Zone (ZEE),

and 200-350 miles beyond the island coastal lines of the National Sea Jurisdiction

(Djamil 2006) The seventy percent of the total area provides potential Maximum

Sustainable Yield (MSY) of fish of some 6.26 million tons which is equal to US$ 15.1

billion per year

Ironically, inhabitants of most coastal communities in Indonesia live in poverty

According to DKP (2005), of a total of 47 billion people living in poverty, 60 percent of

them live in coastal areas Recent estimations of per capita income in coastal

communities ranges from US$50 to US$70 per month; this is clearly below the poverty

threshold set by the Indonesian government at US$ 100 per capita per month

Furthermore, after the economic crisis started in 1997, the number of people living in

poverty has more than doubled It rose from 17 million in 1995 to almost 40 million

within five years To further complicate matters, education level among coastal

communities is still very low The latest census showed that 70 percent of coast dwellers

Trang 29

do not finish elementary school, 19.5 percent only finish elementary school, and only

0.03 percent has diplomas

Even though Indonesia has the longest coastal line, the contribution of marine

resources to GDP is the lowest It only accounts for 20 percent of the total national the

GDP Of this total, fisheries constitute only about 2 percent of total; heavy industry

activities such as oil, gas, mining, logging, and ship transportation account for the biggest

contribution of marine resources to the GDP

Table 2

The Contribution of Marine Resources to GDP among Asian Countries

No Country Coastal Line

(km)

GDP Contribution (percent)

On the other hand, marine development in Indonesia is still quite young when

compared to other Asian countries During the Orde Baru regime, the government paid

more attention to the land-based agriculture and industries rather than focus on maritime

issues However, after the fall of the Suharto government, the establishment of the

Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries (Departemen Kelautan dan Perikanan/DKP) by

President Abdurrahman Wahid in 1999 initiated new policies for marine development

Establishment of the DKP was formalized by Presidential Bill No 136/1999 (Keppres no

Trang 30

136/1999) In addition, the new regulations of Regional Autonomy (Undang-undang

Otonomi Daerah) No 22, 25 /1999, and No 32/2004 played a significant role in

decentralizing the fisheries development Those new policies shifted fisheries

development management from the central government to the local

The Indonesian government made significant steps for fisheries development by

spending more of the budget to carry out programs The former minister of Marine

Affairs and Fisheries, Rochmin Dahuri, said that central government expenditure for this

sector increased from 70 billion rupiah in 1999 to 2,020 billion in 2004 This increased

the tax revenue from 52 billion rupiah to 450 billion (8.65 percent per year) from 2000 to

2003 (BAPPENAS 2004) It also increased the total number of fishermen by 5 percent in

2000 (Dahuri 2003) In contrast, before the economic crisis in 1997, the PDB of this

sector grew by only 3.9 percent, from 5,659.5 rupiah in 1994 to 6,516.9 billion rupiah in

1998 (BAPPENAS 1999)

In 2004, the National Development Planning Agency (BAPPENAS) reported that

fish production in 2003 was 5.9 million tons, valued at $1.64 billion, and it rose to 6.9

million tons in 2006, which is equal to $2.45 billion (BAPPENAS 2007) In 2007, the

government targeted the production by 9.5 million tons with the total revenue of $10

billion They also focused on increasing per capita fish consumption in the country from

23 kg/year to 28 kg/year

In order to empower the economy of fishing communities, the government created

“the Coastal Communities Development Program” (Program Pemberdayaan Ekonomi

Masyarakat Pesisir/PEMP) in 2001 This program was aimed at raising the minimum

Trang 31

income up to at least $1.5 per day for at least 10 percent of the total of poor people in

coastal areas Over five years, the program produced 554,234 jobs in 278 fishermen’s

co-operatives, 242 micro-finances, 110.217 small-medium enterprises, and 138 units of fuel

packing dealers (DKP 2006) In addition, there were small credit schemes for fishermen

The credits were used by fishermen to motorize their boats, build storage, establish new

small enterprises, etc

In several provinces, the government established intensive fish farms, including

fish processing factories In some areas, the fish processing industries are located close to

fish production to make a short chain of production For quality intensification, the

Directorate General of Fish Processing and Marketing of DKP has authority to certify

fishery products before export The institution has a national policy on seafood quality

and safety development based on Hazard Analysis Critical Control Points (HACCP); it is

called the Integrated Quality Management Program (IQMP)

Other programs are meant to increase jobs in fisheries activities by 7.7 million

people (Dahuri, 2003) The government created programs such as economic

empowerment and technical innovations for small fishery capture and rural fish farming,

small loans and quality assistance for fishermen, and some other projects funded by

international institutions such as the World Bank, USAID, ADB, JICA and AusAID

(DKP 2005)

Even though the growth of the fisheries sector is higher than other sectors in

agriculture, the distribution of the growth is questionable Only a few groups can benefit

from this growth Most of these are businessmen, government officers, and a few

Trang 32

fishermen’s groups Many groups of small scale fishermen still live in poverty and have

no access to the development programs Therefore, some problems remain regarding the

marine and fisheries development in Indonesia, such as lack of capacity building of

government institutions, disparity of regional development, lack of technology, poverty,

lack of education, and environmental degradation

In addition, Indonesia also has problems with illegal, unreported and unregulated

(IUU) fishing practices Having such a large marine area makes it hard for the Indonesian

government to protect it; it does not have adequate resources to control the territory

According to DKP, the total lost caused by IUU fishing practices is $1.9 billion It is

estimated that 70 percent of about 7000 certified fisheries vessels operated on the

Indonesian sea are owned by foreigners from Thailand, the Philippines, Japan, South

Korea, Taiwan, and China (Satria, 2004) Finally, another big problem is destructive

fishing like trawling, cyanide fishing, and blast fishing which are still widely practiced,

especially in the eastern Indonesia

B Coral Reef Management Located in the coral reef triangle, Indonesia is one of the richest coral reef

countries in the world It has about 15 percent of the world’s total coral reefs with a total

area of approximately 75,000 square kilometers However, most of these coral reefs are

under threat WRI (2002) estimated that during the last 50 years the threat to the coral

reefs has risen from 10 to 50 percent A survey conducted by the Indonesian Institute of

Sciences (LIPI) in 1998 reported that only 6.20 percent of the coral reefs were in

Trang 33

excellent condition, 23.72 percent were in good condition, 28.30 percent were in bad

condition, and 41.78 percent were under serious threat (Suharsono 1998) Another survey

conducted in 2000 showed worsening conditions; only about 6 percent of coral reefs were

in excellent condition, 24 percent were in good condition and 70 percent were under

threat (Hidayati, 2003) In his latest report in 2007, Suharsono divided the report into

more, but narrower, categories He concluded that only 5.5 percent are in excellent

condition, 25.1 percent are in good condition, 37.3 percent are in bad condition, and 33.1

percent are under serious threat (Antara, December 12, 2007)

Three factors contribute to coral reef destruction: climate change, organisms, and

human activities First, climate changes raise the temperature of sea water cause coral

reef bleaching The coral reefs are very sensitive to temperature and salinity A one

degree rise of temperature hurts the coral reefs, as has happened in countries such as

Australia, Kenya, India, the Caribbean, and Japan (Bachtiar, 2004) Second, some

underwater organisms contribute to coral reef depletion Some kinds of algae can kill

coral reefs since they block sunlight, which is the vital living element of coral reefs,

Zooxanthellae, needs for photosynthesis Recent study of the Great Barrier Reef,

Australia, shows evidence of his phenomenon The abundant nitrogen from agricultural

fertilizers used on land boosted excessive growth of algae that, in the long run, weakened

the coral reefs’ health (ARC’s media, May 31, 2007)

Finally, human activities such as destructive fishing, coral reef mining, and

industry became major threats to coral reefs in Indonesia Destructive fishing, especially

blast fishing, accounts for the largest threat to coral reefs in Indonesia According to

Trang 34

Burke, et al (2002), blast fishing contributes to 56 percent of coral reef destruction in the

country Pet-Soede et.al (1999) estimated that during 20 years the externalized costs of

blast fishing is four times the individual’s benefit from blast fishing Those losses add up

to $306,800 per square kilometer to the society Moreover, according their research, in

sites where blast fishing was active, 75 percent of the coral reefs were destroyed after 20

years

Coral mining also contributes to the coral reef destruction In atolls within the

Spermonde archipelago such as Taka Bonerate and Barrang Lompo, people take

advantage of reef coral to build houses (Alder, J and Christanty, L., 1998; Crago 2003, p

26) This practice is also common among people in other islands such as Balobaloang

They prefer to use bricks made from coral because it is much cheaper and produced

locally By using coral they do not have to buy the materials from the mainland of

Sulawesi, which is far from their island and costly to transport This gets worse as the

price of wood rises due to deforestation

Another purpose of coral reefs mining is for aquarium decorations Even though

this practice is not common in the Spermonde archipelago, people in other areas such as

the Fiji islands used to trade coral on the market It is estimated that “there are globally at

least 1.5 million tropical aquarium hobbyists, mostly in the United States” (Robert

Keith-Reid, Islands Business Magazine, February 14, 2006) Unfortunately, the USA is the

world’s largest consumer of corals for aquarium Americans buy more than 80 percent of

the total of sold corals, which means more than 400,000 pieces a year (U.S Fish and

Wildlife Trade News, 2008)

Trang 35

Coastal pollution caused by industrial or agricultural activities also becomes a

serious threat for coral reefs The chemical wastes produced by industries can kill coral

reefs, stimulate algae blooms, or cause sedimentation Construction and transportation of

offshore industries destroy coral reefs directly The city of Makassar is seeing rapid

industrial growth The disposal wastes from industries contribute to the sea pollution in

the Spermonde archipelago The pollution caused by the growing number of large cargo

ships also contributes to the depletion of coral reefs

In response to the coral reefs’ destruction, the Indonesian government

implemented programs meant to raise community awareness, to foster active civic

participation, to increase institutional capacity, and to promote inter-institutional

coordination in planning and implementation of laws (DKP 2005) The program is still

managed through cross-sector participation of national and regional governments,

enforcement authorities, the private sector and NGOs However, most of the programs

are funded by international loans or grants such as the World Bank, USAID, ADB (Asian

Development Bank), etc which focus on coastal communities for natural resources

management

For example, in 1995, the Coastal Resources Management Program (CRMP) was

funded by USAID, aimed to strengthen participatory and decentralized coastal resources

management in Indonesia In the beginning, USAID reached an agreement with the

Government of Indonesia on three broad objectives for the project: to develop models for

greater stakeholder participation in decisions about the planning management, use and

monitoring of natural resources; to improve policy development and implementation; and

Trang 36

to strengthen institutional capacity for biodiversity conservation (Hanson et al 2003;

Alder, J and Christanty, L., 1998) The program was conducted from 1997–2003 by

government and non-government institutions engaged in coastal management initiatives

and programs The result of the project was formulation and implementation of

village-based integrated coastal management (ICM) plans and marine protected areas (MPAs)

(White et al 2005)

A recent program is the Coral Reef Rehabilitation and Management Program

(COREMAP) COREMAP is supported by the World Bank, the Global Environmental

Facility, ADB, the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID), and the

Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) (Chansang, 2005) Its goal is to maintain

the protection, rehabilitation, and sustainable utilization of coral reefs and associated

ecosystems in Indonesia which will enhance the welfare of coastal communities The

program duration is projected for 15 years Phase I (initiation phase) started in 1998 for

three years; Phase II (acceleration phase) will run for six years, as will Phase III

(Institutionalization) Phase I focused on encouraging people’s involvement in coral reef

management and took place in Papua, the Moluccas, East Nusa Tenggara, West Nusa

Tenggara, Southeast Sulawesi, North Sulawesi, South Sulawesi, North Sumatra, Riau,

and West Sumatra (Noveria et al 2007) Phase II (2004-2009) is still going on in the

same regions but with extended areas It is aimed to empower coastal communities in

order to maintain coral reef sustainability Hopefully, by the end of Phase III, the

program is fully institutionalized at the local governments incorporated with

communities, and supported by local private sector financial resources However,

Trang 37

criticisms of the program are starting to arise since a huge percentage of the granted

money goes into “open pockets” of government officials and COREMAP administrators

C Destructive Fishing in Indonesia Following the progress of modern technologies in fishing methods, instead of

using hook-and-line and conventional nets, people fish offshore using boats equipped

with engines and different models of nets Due to a high market demand for fish, people

have adopted high technologies such as GPS and electronic fish finders to expand their

catches Fishing has become part of a world industry which involves labor and capital,

and now becomes part of the global market Increasingly, people are fishing in response

to growing global market demand

Supported by intensive capital, fishermen apply different fishing methods to catch

fish Some of these methods develop continuously as the fishermen gain new information

which some of them are destructive There are three major destructive fishing methods

that are commonly practiced in South Sulawesi: trawl fishing, cyanide fishing, and blast

fishing First, trawling is a fishing method which involves dragging a net on the sea floor

Of course, this method works best with large sized boats To drag the net, it sometimes

requires more than one boat This method effectively catches a huge amount of fish, yet

is tremendously destructive because it damages everything it passes over, including coral

reefs, sea grass, and baby fish The small size of its mesh does not allow baby fish to

escape Its lack of selectivity of fish being captured means it catches everything without

exception Trawling developed quickly, first in the Philippines in the 1960s, then

Trang 38

triggering conflicts between traditional fishermen, who utilized conventional

fishing-methods, with trawler-fishermen (APFIC 2007)

Second, cyanide (poison) fishing is a fishing method using potassium cyanide to

capture valuable reef-fish, such as groupers and lobsters, alive In this case, fishermen

dive into the water with potassium cyanide solution in bottles and squirt it into the holes

and crevices in the reef inlets between reefs (Hidayati, 2003) This method is destructive

because the cyanide used to stun fish bleaches the surrounding coral reefs (Castro and

Huber 1992) The cyanide kills the polyps that create and reproduce of the corals It is

further unsustainable for the fish themselves because its target is often the breeding

population of the fish

However, the high price of fish captured by cyanide fishing attracts fishermen to

practice it Alder and Christanty (1998) reported that, in 1998, the live fish captured by

cyanide were ten times more profitable than fish traditionally captured Unfortunately,

this method has been used extensively in Southeast Asia since 1986 due to a high market

demand of ornamental fish for aquariums and live fish for restaurants in the USA, Japan,

and Hong Kong (McAllister et al 1999) In 2006, the U.S Coral reefs and Task Force

reported that U.S consumers import 50 percent (8 million per year) of the total world’s

marine aquarium fish market; unfortunately, this importation is growing 10-30 percent

per year (CRTF 2006)

Finally, blast fishing is widely practiced to catch fish quickly with less cost and

less work It is done by throwing ammonium-nitrate fertilizer (NH4NO3)-fuel bombs into

schools of fish This damages coral reefs, kills untargeted fish, and is dangerous to the

Trang 39

fishermen themselves It is also an unsustainable fishing practice since it causes

environmental problems in the long run Blast fishing not only kills fish but also destroys

coral reefs near the detonation site Citing from Chou (2000) and WIC (2002) Briggs

(2003) estimates that regular blast fishing in one area will kill 50-80 percent of the coral

reef Further discussion of this method is available elsewhere in this thesis

In addition to damaging coral reefs, the destructive fishing practices explained

above have a tremendous impact on fish stock itself In the long run, the fish stock is

decreasing since the spawning grounds have been ruined (Noveria, et al., 2007) Even

though state law prohibits destructive fishing methods, they are still commonly practiced

by fishermen in Southeast Asia including Indonesia There are underground networks

involving capitalists, suppliers, government officials, and fisherman groups maintaining

those illegal practices

Trang 40

CHAPTER 4: HISTORY OF BLAST FISHING IN INDONESIA

The history of blast fishing in the Spermonde archipelago cannot be separated

from the history of blast fishing in Southeast Asia, from which it is originated In

Southeast Asia, blast fishing was practiced during the colonial era in the late 19th

Century, before the nation states in Southeast Asia were formed There is evidence that

the use of dynamite to catch fish in Southeast Asia started in the 1900s For example,

from 1907 to 1910, the Philippine expedition of the USA Bureau of Fisheries used

explosives to gather underwater samples, including fish (Sievert 1999)

In addition, fishermen used dynamite stolen from railway construction projects in

East Java to catch fish such as Sardinella in Bali, Indonesia There is also evidence that in

the 1930s the Japanese used blast fishing in Southeast Asia waters During the 1940’s,

blast fishing was widely practiced among Filipino fishermen who paid a high fee to the

municipal authorities (Butcher 2004 p 163) After that, blast fishing has spread

throughout South Asian waters, including Indonesia and Malaysia Recently, the practice

has continued, shifting from dynamite to fertilizer bombs Fishermen put

fertilizer-petroleum oil mix into a bottle and ignite it with small detonator cap to make a bomb

A Blast Fishing Practice in the Colonial Era The history of blast fishing in South Sulawesi started in the colonial era in the 20th

century The Dutch colonialists introduced dynamite to bomb fish in order to speed up

the process of harvesting fish, at that time, an annual ceremony celebrated the birthday of

the Dutch Princess, Juliana The ceremony was held on New Year’s Day, January 1, in

Ngày đăng: 14/05/2015, 12:10

TỪ KHÓA LIÊN QUAN

🧩 Sản phẩm bạn có thể quan tâm

w