1. Trang chủ
  2. » Kinh Doanh - Tiếp Thị

Global Economic Prospects Realizing the Development Promise of the Doha Agenda phần 8 docx

33 259 0

Đang tải... (xem toàn văn)

Tài liệu hạn chế xem trước, để xem đầy đủ mời bạn chọn Tải xuống

THÔNG TIN TÀI LIỆU

Thông tin cơ bản

Tiêu đề Reducing Trading Costs In A New Era
Trường học University of Global Studies
Chuyên ngành International Trade
Thể loại Bài viết
Năm xuất bản 2023
Thành phố Hanoi
Định dạng
Số trang 33
Dung lượng 294,08 KB

Các công cụ chuyển đổi và chỉnh sửa cho tài liệu này

Nội dung

volun-Another problem is that preferences, evenwhen effective, are likely to divert trade awayfrom other excluded developing countries be-cause the exports of developing countries tend t

Trang 1

larger number of routes.) Even with open entry,

thin traffic densities and the associated lack of

economies of scale are likely to remain key

ob-stacles to lowering air freight rates in the

de-veloping world If liberalization leads airlines

to adopt hub-and-spoke networks, prices could

fall on well-connected hub routes, while rising

on some spoke routes To reduce this risk by

cross-subsidizing transport to remote and poor

areas within continents, the concept of

univer-sal service should be embraced internationally

Rich countries could offer tax breaks on air

cargo service provided to certain developing

country locations Alternatively, an

interna-tional fund for the provision of universal air

services could be established

For maritime transport, one avenue to

im-provement would be to subject the industry to

MFN treatment in routes as part of the larger

GATS discussion on services Doing so would

undermine the competition-restricting liner

codes that prevent new entries in designated

shipping routes Another avenue would be to

review exemptions in U.S and EU antitrust

law for maritime transport

Security can be increased without

jeopardizing trade flows from

developing countries

Even though the costs of compliance with new

security measures could be large and

dispro-portionate for smaller countries, all

partici-pants in the global trading system have an

in-centive to invest in counterterrorism Such

investments are likely to pay off in the long

run through efficiency gains, better

manage-ment of information, and greater use of

elec-tronic commerce To ensure that they do,

sev-eral steps must be taken

First, technical assistance must be increased

The IMO, ICAO, and other organizations

should step up their technical cooperation

ef-forts to provide more training in risk

assess-ment, customs administration, and

infrastruc-ture planning in their client countries.

Second, nations must coordinate

trade-re-lated actions not only with other countries, but

also with their own private sectors The

inter-dependence and linkages among differenttransport modes call for a coordinated ap-proach to security among sectors and modes

Regional and bilateral partnerships amongcountries can strengthen channels for informa-tion exchange and cooperation in training andsharing of best practices, resulting in mutualenhancement of security efforts Other regionscould follow APEC’s lead by looking for ways

to design collaborative programs with the vate sector to implement security measures

pri-Third, a risk-assessment template wouldensure that high-risk areas are targeted forspecial security programs The measuresadopted should be those that distort trade theleast and provide the greatest benefits, espe-cially for exports from developing nations

Fourth, a formula for cost-sharing must bedeveloped The Hong Kong Shippers Coun-cil (HKSC) and the ASEAN Federation ofForwarders Associations (AFFA) have urgedthe USCS to subsidize the cost of its newrequirements and U.S importers to share with Asian exporters the burden of providinginformation

Trade facilitation depends on capacity building and development assistance

Capacity building and development assistanceare necessary if countries are to make the most

of trade-facilitation measures—whether thosemeasures stem from security imperatives ormultilateral trade talks Attempts to build tradecapacity may require several elements—frombuilding basic transport infrastructure to mak-ing legislative changes and training regulators

Some developing countries may require onlytechnical assistance to expedite cargo clearancethrough electronic trade documentation Oth-ers will need much more help No single pack-age will meet the needs of all countries

Whether or not trade facilitation becomespart of multilateral trade negotiations, mea-sures that lower transport costs, remove barri-ers to goods and services moving across bor-ders, and build capacity in trade facilitationmust be pursued Success will depend first ongovernments and the private sector in devel-

Trang 2

oping countries, but also on the G-8, UNagencies, the WCO, the World Bank, and otherinternational development institutions Multi-lateral efforts to support domestic policy re-form and institutional improvements in devel-oping countries are particularly important ifinvestments in trade facilitation are to yieldtheir full potential—a potential that is greatindeed

in-in developin-ing economies Private in-investment in-in the short run increased by 0.5 to 1 percentage point of GDP, in relatively insecure countries that adopted se- curity measures to the levels in “best practice” regions.

Moreover, economic growth received a boost by 0.5 to 1.25 percentage points per year in the long term

3 The newly created Department of Homeland curity includes Customs, Immigration and Naturaliza- tion Services (INS), Border Patrol, and the federal Agri- cultural Inspection Service The Department provided

Se-$170 million in port security grants in June 2003.

Under discussion is a plan that would include an tional $1 billion for the Transportation Security Ad- ministration, $200 million to $700 million more for the Coast Guard, and an increase in federal grants to local police and fire departments for counterterrorism training.

addi-4 Some overseas suppliers are covered under the C-TPAT because they are subsidiaries of U.S compa- nies enrolled in the initiative

5 The Swedish port of Goteborg has become the twelfth to join the Container Security Initiative (as of May 2003) Those already participating include: Rot- terdam, LeHavre, Bremerhaven, Hamburg, and Ant- werp in Europe; Singapore, Hong Kong, and Yoko- hama in Asia; and Vancouver, Montreal, and Halifax

in Canada These ports are at different stages of mentation of the CSI framework CSI is now moving into its second phase, which will include Turkey, Dubai, and about 20 other nations in Asia, Latin America, Europe, and Africa.

imple-6 On a related note, Europe’s largest air cargo riers, which are calling for a level playing field among the United States, Europe, and the rest of the world as

car-far as security and its costs are concerned, criticized U.S government aid of $10 billion to its airlines to conform to increased security measures European car- riers believe that the aid has helped U.S carriers slash rates on very competitive North Atlantic routes

7 Another proposal under consideration is the ing of a bill of lading by U.S Agricultural exporters 24 hours before loading the containerized freight

fil-8 The Agricultural Ocean Transport Coalition has urged Customs to require no more than 12 hours ad- vance notice for agricultural products and 6 hours for perishable products

9 U.S VISIT, a new entry-exit system to be stalled in U.S airports and seaports by January 1, 2004, will be based on visas that include biometric features such as fingerprints and photographs to identify foreign visitors The EU has also earmarked Euro 140 million

in-to fund biometric identification technology for visas

10 A U.S.-EU dilemma arose over reservation records demanded by the United States that violated EU’s data privacy rules An interim agreement was reached, after the United States assured the European airlines of “appropriate handling” of the records, which include not only names but also the passenger’s itinerary, contact phone number, and other details, such as credit card numbers.

11 The United States has initiated “smart border” programs with Canada and Mexico, that use modern technology to enhance security and expedite movement across borders.

12 Canada levied a C$24 (US$15) Air Traveller’s Security Charge on all round-trip tickets in April 2002,

to finance the increased airport security measures The tax—the highest security tax in the world—contributed

to a 10.2 percent decline in passenger traffic across Canada since the beginning of 2002, and resulted in a steep fall of 50 percent on some short routes

13 Recognizing the lack of resources to buy new technology, the United States intends to provide fi- nancing to developing countries with transportation security projects Two security experts from the United States have arrived in Indonesia to assist in upgrading cargo security and assess the implementation of secu- rity measures at the country’s seaports and airports The United States announced a joint initiative with Thailand to transform Laem Chabang port into a safe transportation port.

14 Given that a ship carries thousands of ers at any time, inspection of the cargo could cause de- lays While the scanning process is quite fast, the prob- lem lies with the turnaround time of the containers targeted for scanning It would take time to transport the container to and from the scanning area, and con-

Trang 3

contain-tainers that are late for loading would tie up hauling

equipment and reduce stowage efficiency

15 In other developments:

• The Japanese Ministry of Land, Infrastructure,

and Transport (MLIT) is set to introduce

anti-terrorist legislation that will prevent foreign

ships from entering Japanese ports unless they

have a security crew on board and can provide

identification

• Hong Kong’s customs authorities have created a

terrorist response system, acquiring mobile x-ray

machines and a radiation detector to scan cargo

and beefing up its intelligence capabilities with

more staff and equipment

• The ICAO has adopted resolutions designed to

assure the safety of passengers, ground crew

per-sonnel, and the public Its Regulated Agent

Re-gime requires parties in the flight chain to

imple-ment measures to strengthen air-cargo security

• The Australian government’s Aviation Transport

Security Bill aims to provide screening of all

bag-gage checked on international flights A $100

million federal plan to protect the nation’s

mar-itime gateways also has been enacted

• The New Zealand government will be allocating

$5.9 million next year and $1.9 million in future

years to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and

Trade, for security

16 A recent online survey by BDP International

in-dicated by a three to two margin that exporters believed

the implementation of the 24-hour rule would enhance

security About 23 percent of those surveyed said that

the impact was extreme, 30 percent reported moderate

to significant costs of compliance, half did not know

how to recover costs, and 42 percent plan to absorb

ex-penses With respect to implementation of the advance

manifest filing rule, USCS has issued less than 400

“No-Load” directives for violations of cargo description

re-quirements in its first three months of enforcement

17 Tea money refers to the use of illegal or unfair

means, such as bribery to gain an advantage in

busi-ness Ports and airports all over the world are places

where tea money comes in handy to expedite deliveries

and shipments.

18 Estimates by Leonard were made soon after the

events and could reflect the major disruptions faced

during the period.

19 This figure is comparable to the estimates of

$30–58 billion losses for the insurance industry by the

OECD (2002b).

20 The authors employ four alternative scenarios

to quantify the trade and welfare impacts, in which all

frictional costs are increased by 1 percent ad valorem.

However, assumptions are made regarding such creases as varying across regions and sectors according

in-to exposure in-to terrorism risks following the ber 11 attacks For example, high-risk regions (North America, Middle East, North Africa) are assumed to ex- perience increases in frictional costs that are two and a half times as high as cost increases in low risk regions.

Septem-The figure shows only the uniform increase in frictional costs to trade

21 Since a large part of the airfreight is transported

in the bellies of passenger planes, a cutback in ger flights has an impact on cargo

passen-22 Australia and New Zealand are strengthening their Pacific regions border control relationship by co- operating and exchanging information regarding smuggling, air and sea cargo security approaches, SARS, and general border protection issues.

23 In its “Cargo Security White Paper,” the tional Customs Brokers and Forwarders Association of America (NCBFAA) has outlined ways for the trading industry to assess risks, build information links to help government officials, and use technology to improve cargo security It recommends building a “chain of cus- tody dataset” to verify people connected to a shipment and assess cargo security throughout the supply chain.

Na-24 See Amjadi and Yeats (1995).

25 This part draws extensively from the WTO (1999)

26 See UNCTAD 2001, table 8, page 33.

27 APEC (1999)

28 See Global Competitiveness Report 2001–2002, World Competitiveness Yearbook 2001–2002, and Kaufmann, Kraay, and Zoido-Lobaton (2002), for the list of countries in the dataset.

29 The ICC, a nongovernmental organization that has long advocated trade facilitation, promoted the subject on the WTO agenda at the Singapore minister- ial meeting.

30 The Ministerial conference in Geneva (1998) concentrated on the perceived threat to the global economy due to the ensuing Asian financial crisis Al- though there were several proposals in favor of and against launching trade negotiations in the period prior

to the Singapore ministerial meeting in 1999, trade cilitation was overshadowed by other events at the Seattle ministerial (Woo 2002).

fa-31 The Doha declaration states: “Recognizing the case for further expediting the movement, release, and clearance of goods, including goods in transit, and the need for enhanced technical assistance and capacity building in this area, we agree that negotiations will take place after the fifth session of the ministerial on the basis of a decision to be taken, by explicit consen-

Trang 4

sus, at the session on the modalities of the negotiations.

In the period until the fifth session, the Council for Trade in Goods shall review and, as appropriate, clar- ify and improve relevant aspects of Articles V, VIII, and

X of the GATT 1994 and identify the trade-facilitation needs and priorities of members, in particular develop- ing and least-developed economies We commit our- selves to ensuring adequate technical assistance and support capacity building in this area.” WTO (2001).

32 See WTO (2002) and Messerlin and Zarrouk (2000).

References

Amjadi and Yeats 1995 “Have Transportation Costs Contributed to the Relative Decline of Sub-Saharan African Exports? Some Preliminary Evidence.”

World Bank Working Paper 1559.

APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation) 1999 sessing APEC Trade Liberalization and Facilita- tion.” Update, Economic Committee September.

“As-Fink, Carsten, Aaditya Mattoo, and Ileana Cristina Neagu 2002a “Trade in International Maritime

Services: How Much Does Policy Matter?” World

Bank Economic Review 16(1): 81–108.

——— 2002b “Assessing the Impact of tion Cost on International Trade.” World Bank Working Paper 2929.

Communica-Freund and Weinhold 2000 “On the Effect of the ternet on International Trade.” Board of Gover- nors of the Federal Reserve System International Discussion Paper 693.

In-Gausch and Kogan 2001 “Inventories in Developing Countries: Levels and Determinants, a Red Flag

on Competitiveness and Growth.” World Bank Working Paper 2552.

Hertel, T., T Walmsley, and K Ikatura 2001 namic Effects of the ‘New Age’ Free Trade Agree-

“Dy-ment between Japan and Singapore.” Journal of

Economic Integration 24: 1019–49.

Hummels, D 2001 “Time as a Trade Barrier.” lished Department of Economics, Purdue Univer- sity, West Lafayette, Ind.

Unpub-Kaufmann, Kraay, and Zoido-Lobaton 2002 nance Matters II: Updated Indicators for 2000–01.”

“Gover-World Bank Working Paper 2772.

Leonard, J 2001 “Impact of the September 11, 2001, Terrorist Attacks on North American Trade Flows.” E – Alert, Manufacturers Alliance, Ar- lington, Virginia.

Messerlin, Patrick A., and Jamel Zarrouk 2000.

“Trade Facilitation: Technical Regulations and

Customs Procedures.” The World Economy 23

(4): 577–593.

Mueller-Jentsch, Daniel 2002 Transport Policies for

the Euro-Mediterranean Free-Trade Area An Agenda for Multi-modal Transport Reform in the Southern Mediterranean World Bank Technical

Paper 527 Washington, D.C.

Moenius, Johannes 2000 “Three Essays on Trade Barriers and Trade Volumes.” Ph.D dissertation University of California, San Diego.

OECD (Organisation for Economic Development and Co-operation) 2002a “The Impact of the Ter- rorist Attacks of 11 September 2001 on Interna- tional Trading and Transport Activities.” Unclas- sified Document TD/TC/WP (2002)9/Final Paris

——— 2002b “Economic Consequences of

Terror-ism.” OECD Economic Outlook 71: 117–40.

Paris

Poirson 1998 “Economic Security, Private Investment and Growth in Developing Countries.” IMF Working Paper WP/98/04.

Reddy, R 2002 “Friction over Security Gaps,”

Intelli-gent Enterprise October 8 (Available at http://

www.intelligententerprise.com/021008/516 infosc1-1.shtml)

Subramanian U., and J Arnold 2001 Forging

Subre-gional Links in Transportation and Logistics in South Asia World Bank, Washington, D.C.

UNCTAD (United Nations Commission on Trade and Development) 2001 E-Commerce and Develop- ment Report.

Walkenhorst, Peter, and Nora Dihel 2002 “Trade pacts of the Terrorist Attacks of 11 September 2001: A Quantitative Assessment.” Paper prepared for the Workshop on The Economic Consequences

Im-of Global Terrorism Berlin, June 12–13.

Wilson, John S., and Tsunehiro Otsuki 2003 “Food Safety and Trade: Winners and Losers in a Non-

harmonized World.” Journal of Economic

Inte-gration 18 (2): 266–87.

Wilson, John S., Catherine L Mann, and Tsunehiro Otsuki 2003a “Trade Facilitation and Economic Development: Measuring the Impact.” Working Paper 2933 World Bank, Washington, D.C.

——— 2003b “Trade Facilitation and Capacity Building: Global Perspective.” Unpublished World Bank, Washington, D.C.

Wilson, John S., Catherine L Mann, Yuen Pau Woo,

Nizar Assanie, and Inbom Choi 2002 Trade

Fa-cilitation: A Development Perspective in the Pacific Region Singapore: APEC Secretariat.

Asia-Woo, Yuen Pau 2002 “Trade Facilitation in the WTO: Singapore to Doha and Beyond.” In Will

Martin and Mari Pangestu, eds., Options for the

Next Trade Round: View from East Asia

Cam-bridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.

Trang 5

World Bank 1997 “Multilateral Freight Transport:

Selected Regulatory Issues.” Report 16361-BR.

——— 2001 Global Economic Prospects 2002:

Mak-ing Trade Work for the World’s Poor WashMak-ing-

Washing-ton, D.C.

WTO (World Trade Organization) 1999

“Develop-ment Aspects of Trade Facilitation.” WT/COMTD/

W/57 Geneva

——— 2001 “Doha WTO Ministerial Declaration.”

WT/MIN(01)/DEC/1 Geneva November.

——— 2002 “Compendium of WCO Capacity ing Tools.” G/C/W/445 Geneva.

Trang 7

Build-The challenges confronting developing

countries seeking to expand their

inter-national trade are primarily domestic

Countries that have expanded their share of

global markets have generally shared certain

conditions: a progressively more open

domes-tic trade regime; a supportive investment

cli-mate; and complementary policies relating to

education, health, and infrastructure Most of

this agenda is national and requires domestic

policies to deal with prevailing constraints to

increasing trade The World Trade

Organiza-tion (WTO) negotiating agenda is necessarily

limited to a narrow subset of issues that

over-laps only partially with priority development

concerns for most countries (Finger 2001)

In this sense, the WTO is not a

comprehen-sive development institution It is a

negotiat-ing forum in which governments make trade

policy commitments that improve access to

each others’ markets and establish rules

gov-erning trade Developing countries can gain

from both functions: first, because trade

open-ness, growth, and poverty reduction are

mutu-ally reinforcing; and, second, because a

rules-based world trading system protects small

players that have little ability to influence the

policies of large countries Rules can reduce

uncertainty by placing mutually agreed limits

on the policies that governments may adopt—

thus potentially helping to increase domestic

investment and lower risks

Historically, many WTO rules evolved to flect the perceived interests of developed coun-tries in an era when the participation of devel-oping countries was limited Many rules reflectthe status quo practices that have already beenadopted in industrial countries The wider lati-tude accorded agricultural subsidization re-flects the use of such support policies in manydeveloped countries The same is true for thepermissive approach historically taken towardthe use of import quotas on textile products—

re-in prre-inciple prohibited by General Agreement

on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) rules New plines adopted in the WTO often mirror regu-latory practices of rich countries For example,the recent inclusion of rules on the protection

disci-of intellectual property rights has led to the ception that the WTO contract demands regu-latory changes in developing countries withoutany corresponding changes in regulatory poli-cies in industrial countries.1

per-As developing countries have become moreactively involved in the WTO, the challenge is

to design rules that promote development

Meeting that challenge means evaluating theimplications of various ways to achieve thisobjective Rarely is this a straightforwardprocess, especially when it comes to the

“behind-the-border” regulatory policies thatare increasingly the subject of multilateral dis-cussions Negotiating pro-development rules

in such a context requires the active ment of developing countries

engage-Development and the

Doha Agenda

Trang 8

The developing countries’ traditional proach has been to seek differential treatment.

ap-“Special and differential treatment” (SDT)

pro-visions in the WTO span three core areas: erential access to developed-country markets,

pref-typically without reciprocal commitments from

developing countries; exemptions or deferrals from some WTO rules; and technical assistance

to help implement WTO mandates What stitutes a developing country is not defined inthe WTO—a country’s status is a matter of self-declaration All in all, the current system hasnot worked especially well, and many countriesare seeking a new approach

con-Trade preferences have been disappointing

in delivering market access: the dilemma

Developed countries grant preferences tarily rather than as part of a binding multilat-eral negotiation Those preferences often comeladen with restrictions, product exclusions, andadministrative rules Preference programs oftencover only a share of exports from developingcountries, and among those eligible countriesand products, only a fraction of preferences areactually utilized Products and countries withexport potential often do not receive prefer-ences, whereas eligible countries and productcategories often lack export capacity

volun-Another problem is that preferences, evenwhen effective, are likely to divert trade awayfrom other excluded developing countries be-cause the exports of developing countries tend

to overlap more with each other than withthose of developed countries

Finally, preferences do little to help themajority of the world’s poor Most of thoseliving on less than $1 per day live in countrieslike China, India, Pakistan, and Association

of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) membercountries, which receive limited preferences

in products in which they have a comparativeadvantage Meanwhile, many middle-incomecountries justify relatively high barriers to trade

on SDT grounds, to the detriment of poorer veloping countries whose access is impeded

de-Nondiscriminatory trade liberalization for poor countries—and poor people—

is critical

Recent initiatives by developed countries to tend duty- and quota-free market access for theleast developed countries (LDCs) could, if fullyimplemented, make preferences more effective.But because offering deep, unilateral prefer-ences to larger countries is not politically feasi-ble, preferences can do little for the majority ofthe poor in non-LDCs Providing opportunityfor all of the world’s poor, therefore, requiresmultilateral, nondiscriminatory liberalization

ex-of trade, so that all developing countries candevelop their comparative advantage Most

of the gains from trade liberalization resultfrom a country’s own reforms As reciprocity

in the exchange of liberalization commitments

is the engine of the WTO process, both and middle-income countries should harnessreciprocity to gain market access

low-Elements of a development-supportive traderegime would include a binding commitment

by developed countries to abolish export sidies, decouple agricultural support, and sig-nificantly reduce—or eliminate—tariffs onproducts of export interest to developing coun-tries Negotiations should target tariff peaks,specific tariffs, and tariff quotas, while aimingfor a significant overall reduction in the aver-age level of applied tariffs The pursuit of theseobjectives would be more supportive of devel-opment than one that continues to emphasizenonreciprocal preferential access to markets

sub-Negotiating WTO rules that support development is a major challenge

Trade-policy disciplines that can be mented through a stroke of pen, such as tariffreductions, are fundamentally different fromregulatory disciplines and administrative rulesthat require institutional changes In contrast

imple-to tariff reforms, administrative rules mayrequire substantial resources to establish orstrengthen implementing institutions Domes-tic rules and regulations must be customized to

Trang 9

local circumstances Thus, rules relating to

reg-ulatory practices are unlikely to be a

develop-ment priority for every country, nor are the

benefits to global partners likely to be

propor-tional in all countries The experience after the

Uruguay Round with implementation of

agree-ments by developing countries has

demon-strated that limiting recognition of differential

capacities and levels of development to

uni-form transition periods is inadequate, as are

nonbinding offers of technical assistance

Al-lowing for greater differentiation among

devel-oping countries in determining the reach of

WTO rules is important

Aid for trade must be complemented by

action in developing countries

Development assistance must play an

impor-tant role in helping to expand and improve the

trade capacity needed for countries to benefit

from better access to markets Low-income

countries confront many challenges in

identi-fying and addressing trade-related policy and

public investment priorities Those priorities

should be made explicit in the form of a

na-tional development strategy That strategy, not

a WTO agenda, should drive technical and

financial assistance Diagnostic

trade-integra-tion studies completed for several LDCs reveal

that action is required in areas lying far

be-yond the scope of WTO agreements Trade

fa-cilitation and logistics are especially

impor-tant Additional development assistance could

help low-income countries address such

prior-ities Such assistance should also help

coun-tries adjust and adapt to a gradual reduction

in trade preferences and address the effects of

possible increases in world food prices

Special and differential treatment

and the WTO

The idea that developing countries should

receive SDT has a long history in the

GATT/WTO system It has three related

di-mensions First, for certain products,

develop-ing countries are granted access to country markets at tariffs lower than the most-favored-nation (MFN) rates through policiessuch as the Generalized System of Preferences(GSP) Second, they may be temporarily ex-empted from certain disciplines or grantedgreater discretion to apply restrictive tradepolicies Third, they may request technical as-sistance from high-income countries to imple-ment trade rules and related reforms

developed-The intellectual foundation of SDT was laid

in the 1960s by Raoul Prebisch and HansSinger, who argued that developing-countryexports were concentrated mainly in com-modities with volatile and declining terms oftrade They called for import-substitution poli-cies, supported by protection of infant indus-tries at home, and preferential access to exportmarkets Although the rationale for these poli-cies remains controversial (see, for example,Bhagwati 1988), in 1968 the Generalized Sys-tem of Preferences (GSP) was launched underUnited Nations Conference on Trade and De-velopment (UNCTAD) auspices This called

on developed countries to provide tial access to developing-country exports on avoluntary basis.2 Because GSP programs vio-late the GATT’s MFN rule, GATT contractingparties waived the MFN requirement in 1971for 10 years, thereby placing GSP within theGATT framework In 1979, at the conclusion

preferen-of the Tokyo Round, permanent legal coverfor the GSP was obtained through the so-called Enabling Clause,3which called for pref-erential market access for developing countriesand limited reciprocity in GATT negotiatingrounds to levels “consistent with developmentneeds.” It also confirmed that developingcountries should have greater freedom to userestrictive trade policies An important feature

of the Enabling Clause was that SDT was to bephased out when countries reached a certainlevel of development That level was never de-fined, however, leaving eligibility for tradepreferences to the discretion of preference-granting countries

Trang 10

The existence of the GSP and limited procity in GATT negotiations affected thepatterns of MFN trade liberalization in boththe Kennedy (1964–67) and Tokyo Rounds(1973–79) (see chapters 2 and 3) The end re-sult was larger tariff reductions in goods pri-marily of export interest to industrializedeconomies.4Average levels of trade protection

reci-in developreci-ing countries were reduced tively little Lack of engagement by developingcountries also facilitated the emergence of re-strictive quota regimes for textiles under theMulti-fiber Arrangement (MFA) and the effec-tive removal of GATT disciplines on agricul-ture-related trade policies (Hudec 1987)

rela-Under the pre-WTO trade regime, new rulesextending the original GATT treaty were ap-plied on a voluntary basis Extensions werecalled “codes,” whose disciplines bound onlythe contracting parties that signed them (Hoek-man and Kostecki 2001) This approach to ruleextension was removed with the creation of theWTO In contrast to the GATT, all WTOagreements and disciplines, with the exception

of rules on government procurement and trade

in civil aircraft, apply to all members regardless

of level of development—although in manycases transition periods apply to developingcountries A consequence of this so-called Sin-gle Undertaking and the expansion in the cov-erage of multilateral rules to new areas, such

as intellectual property and trade in services,was that developing-country governments wereconfronted with a significant implementationagenda as well as new policy constraints.5

In the runup to WTO’s 1999 Seattle terial meeting, SDT and implementation con-cerns figured prominently The 2001 DohaMinisterial Declaration emphasized the impor-tance of SDT, stating that “provisions for spe-cial and differential treatment are an integralpart of the WTO agreements.” Paragraph 44called for a review of SDT provisions with aview to “strengthening them and making themmore precise, effective, and operational.” Onthe basis of this mandate, developing countriesmade over 85 suggestions to strengthen SDT

minis-language in various WTO agreements Theproposals included calls for improved preferen-tial access to industrialized countries, furtherexemptions from specific WTO rules, andbinding commitments on developed countries

to provide technical assistance to help ment multilateral rules Despite intensive talksduring 2002, no agreement on these proposalsemerged One reason was that many of theproposals sought to convert nonbinding, “bestendeavors” language into obligations binding

imple-on developed countries Another was ment over what types of provisions would pro-mote development The latter issue is funda-mental, of course, but it was never the focus ofexplicit analysis and discussion in the relevantWTO committee (Keck and Low 2003)

disagree-Market access for development

International trade helps raise and sustaingrowth—a fundamental requirement for re-ducing poverty—by giving firms and house-holds access to world markets for goods,services, and knowledge; lowering prices andincreasing the quality and variety of consump-tion goods; and fostering specialization of eco-nomic activity in areas where countries have acomparative advantage Through the diffusionand absorption of technology, trade fosters theinvestment and positive externalities that areassociated with learning Policies that sheltereconomic agents from the world market im-pede these benefits and dynamic gains Whileadjustment costs and measures to safeguardthe interests of poor households should not beneglected in the design of policies, openness totrade is associated with higher incomes (Irwin2002) Moving toward an open trade policyand identifying the needed complementarydomestic policies should consequently figurecentrally in the design of national poverty-reduction strategies Many developing coun-tries have pursued unilateral liberalization oftheir trade regimes in the last two decades.They have also concentrated on obtaining pref-erential access to rich-country markets

Trang 11

Preferences result in limited market

access and are uncertain

Trade preferences granted by developed

coun-tries are voluntary They are not WTO

obli-gations Donor countries determine eligibility

criteria, product coverage, the size of

ence margins, and the duration of the

prefer-ence Developed-country governments rarely

have granted deep preferences in sectors where

developing countries had the largest export

po-tential Indeed, preferences tend to be the most

limited for products protected by tariff peaks

(Hoekman, Ng, and Olarreaga 2002)

Developing countries often obtain only

lim-ited preferences in sectors where they have a

comparative advantage (table 6.1).6 In some

cases, developing countries face higher average

tariffs because of the composition of their

ex-ports Some subcategories include tariff peaks

that further restrict access for developing

coun-tries The primary reason for this pattern of

protection is that in some sectors there is strong

domestic opposition to liberalization in

devel-oped countries However, it is also partly a

con-sequence of the limited engagement by

devel-oping countries in reciprocal negotiations

Benefits are often limited by design Market

share or value thresholds limit the extent to

which recipients can export on preferential

terms In the United States, for example, a

country’s GSP eligibility for a given productmay be removed if annual exports of that prod-uct reach $100 million7or if there is significantdamage to domestic industry In the EuropeanUnion, products classified as “sensitive” onlybenefit from a 3.5-percentage-point reduction

of the MFN tariff rate, except for clothing, forwhich the reduction is 20 percent.8Most chem-icals, almost all agricultural and food products,and all textiles, apparel, and leather goods areclassified as “sensitive.”9The European Unionalso excludes from GSP eligibility certain prod-ucts from large countries—regardless of theirper capita income Examples include Brazil,China, India, and Indonesia Finally, the Euro-pean Union has a safeguard clause allowingpreferences to be suspended if imports “cause

or threaten to cause serious difficulties to aCommunity producer.”

In numerous instances, products or tries have been removed from GSP eligibility, ei-ther as the result of specific criteria having beensatisfied (see above) or because of lobbying bydomestic interest groups in importing coun-tries The resulting uncertainty can only have anegative impact on incentives to invest in ex-port sectors Binding multilateral liberalizationcommitments under the WTO are more secure

coun-The uncertainty of unilateral preferences alsoarises from conditions that may be attached

Table 6.1 Developing countries rarely receive significant preferences in sectors in which

they would have a comparative advantage

Import revenues, market shares, and tariff rates for key products without GSP preferences in the European Union and

United States in 2001 (percent, except where otherwise noted)

Average tariff

(billions of dollars) market share market share tariff rate GSP recipients

Note: GSP countries only; LDCs may obtain deeper preferential treatment China is included under EU GSP but excluded by the

United States.

Source: World Integrated Trade Solution.

Trang 12

to eligibility Such conditions often relate toworker protection, human rights, intellectualproperty, and the environment.10

Recent initiatives by the European Union,the United States, and several other industrial-ized countries to provide either full or much in-creased duty- and quota-free access to theirmarkets for exports from LDCs clearly im-proves the situation However, excessively re-strictive rules of origin remain an importantimpediment to full use of these deeper prefer-ences, which, moreover, do not extend to manypoor countries with substantial trade capacity

The use of preferences is limited

All preferential programs, whether unilateral

or reciprocal (under free-trade agreements),impose significant administrative costs related

to enforcement of rules of origin.11These rulesare imposed to prevent transshipment—that

is, reexport of products produced in eligible countries Rule-of-origin requirementsand related inspection procedures can be quitecostly They also may be explicitly protection-ist in intent An example is the so-called tripletransformation rule in textiles, which requiresimported clothing to be made from textiles

non-produced with yarn spun in either the ence-granting or the beneficiary country Al-though rules of origin are necessary for pref-erences to work and are beneficial in ensuringthat value is added and employment created inthe recipient country, it is important to ensurethat rules of origin are not intentionally or in-advertently protectionist

prefer-Rules of origin and associated paperworkand administrative requirements are likely to

be a major reason that many eligible products

do not enter developed-country markets underpreference provisions—instead exporters paythe applicable MFN tariff Except for certainalcohols, sugar, flowers, and jewelry, less thanone-third of eligible exports from beneficiarycountries entered the United States under anypreference program in 2001 (table 6.2) An in-dicator of the restrictiveness of these rules isthat only 65 percent of eligible apparel exportsfrom the Caribbean and Central America enterthe United States under all preference pro-grams, despite a preference margin of morethan 14 percent

Limited use of preference programs is alsoobserved in other countries Sapir (1997)showed that in 1994, only one-half of Euro-

Table 6.2 Utilization rates for preference-eligible products with high MFN tariffs are low

Preference use by GSP recipients in the U.S market, 2001 (percent, except where otherwise noted)

Total imports GSP recipients Share imported all preference tariffs on Category (billions of dollars) (billions of dollars) under GSP programs all imports

Note: Table reports data on imports (at the 4-digit HS classification) of products on which the United States applied tariffs that

exceeded 4 percent in 2001, and where GSP recipient countries had significant exports to the United States.

Source: U.S International Trade Commission.

Trang 13

Table 6.3 Actual use of preference programs is declining

Quad country imports from GSP beneficiaries (billions of dollars) and ratio of use of available preferences (percent), 1994–2001

Rate of use Eligible for Receiving of preferences

pean imports that could potentially benefit

from GSP entered under this preferential

regime, reflecting the combined effect of rules

of origin and tariff quotas In 2001, imports

by the Quad (Canada, the European Union,

Japan, and the United States) from GSP

bene-ficiaries totaled $588 billion, of which $296

billion were subject to duties and $184 billion

were covered under various preferential

pro-grams (table 6.3) Only $71 billion of the

eli-gible exports actually received preferential

treatment (approximately 39 percent of

eligi-ble exports) The share for LDCs, however, is

higher at approximately 60 percent (Inama

2003), reflecting less restrictive treatment

Who benefits from preferences?

A relatively small number of mostly

middle-income countries are the main beneficiaries of

preference programs These countries have the

capacity to exploit the opportunities offered

by meeting the administrative requirements In

2001, 10 of the 130 eligible countries

ac-counted for 77 percent of U.S non-oil imports

under GSP provisions (figure 6.1) The same

countries accounted for only 49 percent of all

imports from GSP-eligible countries

How-ever, some small countries have benefited

sig-nificantly from preferential access to markets

where high tariffs, subsidies, or other policies

are used to drive the domestic price of the

product to levels well above the world market

price An example is Mauritius, which has

preferential access to the EU market for sugarand has been granted a relatively large quota(Mitchell 2003) Such benefits are obtained athigh cost to EU taxpayers and consumers, and

to other excluded developing countries

There also is evidence that GSP programsare associated with success stories in countrieswith the capacity to benefit from access oppor-tunities Ozden and Reinhardt (2003b) com-pare the export performances of U.S GSPbeneficiaries with those of countries removedfrom eligibility (those said to have “graduated”)

Their results suggest that countries removed

Figure 6.1 The benefits of U.S trade preferences are distributed unequally

All other 26%

Russia 4%

Venezuela 6%

Turkey 4%

Thailand 20%

South Africa 5%

Philippines 7%

Indonesia 13%

India 11%

Chile 4%

Top 10 beneficiaries of U.S generalized system of preferences, 2001 (percentage of total GSP benefits)

Source: USITC Dataweb.

Trang 14

from the GSP outperform those remaining gible for GSP treatment (figure 6.2) Countriesthat are not on GSP tend to have higher ratios

eli-of exports to GDP, as well as higher exportgrowth rates This could be interpreted as evi-dence that for some countries—the successfulones—GSP played a role in generating the ini-tial export expansion While great care is re-quired in attributing causality—clearly manyother factors will be important in determiningexport performance—one reason for the betterperformance of countries that were removedfrom GSP is probably their own trade policies

Because import protection is equivalent to taxation of exports, liberalization is a precon-dition for substantially expanding exports

Preferences have a hierarchy

The foregoing discussion has focused ily on GSP In practice, unilateral preferencesgranted by the European Union and theUnited States are implemented under manydifferent programs (box 6.1) The differences

primar-among these programs in product coverage,eligibility criteria, and administrative rules (es-pecially rules of origin) have important impli-cations, not only for the countries who benefitfrom them, but also for those excluded.The United States, for example, has imple-mented the African Growth and OpportunityAct, the Caribbean Basin Initiative, and theAndean Trade Promotion Act, as well as sev-eral reciprocal free-trade agreements (withIsrael, Jordan, and Mexico) Major EU pro-grams include the Cotonou convention cover-ing the African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP)countries, and the Everything-But-Arms initia-tive, which covers LDCs The European Unionalso has concluded a large number of preferen-tial trade agreements with neighboring coun-tries in Europe, North Africa, and the MiddleEast (Schiff and Winters 2003)

These unilateral and reciprocal programsdiffer in several important respects from theGSP First, they include sectors excluded bystandard GSP programs—for example, appareland food products Thus, by 2009 EverythingBut Arms will cover all exports of beneficiarycountries (the 49 LDCs) without exception—all duties and quotas will have been removed.Similarly, the Caribbean, Andean, and Africanprograms of the United States include apparel,

in contrast to its GSP program Second, the ministrative requirements of these deeper pref-erential schemes tend to be more relaxed re-garding rules of origin and competitive needstests (USTR 2002)

ad-Notwithstanding these improvements, theoverall impact of these programs has not yetbeen very significant, with the exception ofapparel exports to the United States from cer-tain African countries (more on this below).The share of LDCs in total imports of theUnited States and the European Union has notincreased significantly in recent years (figure6.3) In the case of Everything But Arms, thismay reflect, in part, that the products thatmatter most to a number of LDCs—bananas,rice, sugar—will be liberalized only in 2006

or 2009 Most of the products exported byLDCs already were eligible for duty-free entry

Figure 6.2 Countries “graduating” from U.S generalized system of preferences have better export performance than those still in program

Source: Ozden and Reinhardt (2003b).

Exports/GDP

Dropped from GSP

In GSP

Industrial exports/GDP

Growth rate

of exports 0

5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50





Export performance of countries dropped from U.S GSP program in 1976–2000 vs those remaining in program (percent)

Trang 15

United States

Generalized System of Preferences (GSP): The U.S.

GSP program has existed since 1976 Criteria for

eligibility include not aiding international terrorists

and complying with international environmental,

labor, and intellectual property laws Unlike the

Eu-ropean GSP (see below), the U.S program grants

complete duty- and quota-free access to eligible

products from eligible countries China and several

“graduated” countries are not eligible—among them

Hong Kong (China), Republic of Korea, Malaysia,

Singapore, Taiwan (China), and Malaysia

Textiles and apparel, footwear, and many

agricultural products are not eligible for the GSP

Certain products from certain countries can be

ex-cluded if the total exports pass the “competitive

needs limit”—$100 million per tariff line or $13

mil-lion if the exporting country has more than a 50

per-cent share of U.S imports Total imports to the

United States under GSP provision totaled $14.5

bil-lion in 2001, or 1.5 percent of total U.S non-oil

im-ports and 13 percent of all non-oil exim-ports to the

United States from GSP recipients In most eligible

sectors where the MFN tariff rate is above 5 percent,

the share of exports entering under the program

from eligible countries is only 30–40 percent, in part

as a result of rules-of-origin requirements

Caribbean Trade Preferences: The Caribbean

Basin Economic Recovery Act (CBERA), commonly

known as the Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI), was

enacted in 1984 and modified in 1990 Twenty-four

countries are eligible Duty-free treatment is granted

on all products other than textiles and apparel,

cer-tain footwear, handbags, luggage, petroleum and

re-lated products, certain leather products, and canned

tuna In 1998, only 18 percent of exports from

bene-ficiary countries were in eligible product categories

The 2000 Caribbean Basin Trade Partnership Act

(CBTPA), provides NAFTA-equivalent treatment for

certain items (mainly apparel) excluded from

duty-free treatment under the CBI program

Andean Trade Preferences: The Andean Trade

Preferences Act (ATPA) extends preferences to

Bo-livia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru Enacted in 1991

as part of U.S efforts to reduce narcotic production

and trafficking, it was modeled after the CBI and has

similar eligibility requirements and product coverage

Box 6.1 EU and U.S preference programs

Duty-free treatment is granted on all products excepttextiles and apparel, certain footwear, petroleum andrelated products, certain leather products, cannedtuna, rum and sugar, syrup, and molasses The maindifferences with GSP are that the Andean schemecovers more products, has more liberal qualifyingrules, and is not subject to competitive need limits.ATPA rules of origin permit inputs from CBERAbeneficiaries ATPA was renewed in 2002 as the An-dean Trade Promotion and Drug Eradication Act(ATPDEA) and expanded to include tuna, leatherand footwear products, petroleum products, and ap-parel—subject, however, to restrictive rules of origin.For example, if apparel is assembled from U.S fab-rics, no quotas or duties apply, but if local inputs areused, duty-free imports are subject to a cap of 2 per-cent of total U.S imports (increasing to 5 percent inequal annual installments)

African Trade Preferences: The African Growth

and Opportunity Act (AGOA), passed in 2000, fers beneficiary Sub-Saharan African countries duty-free and quota-free market access for essentially allproducts AGOA excludes textiles but extends toduty- and quota-free treatment for apparel made inAfrica from U.S yarn and fabric If regional fabricand yarn are used, there is a cap of 1.5 percent ofU.S imports, increasing to 3.5 percent over eightyears African LDCs are exempt from all rules oforigin for a limited period of time, helping to signifi-cantly expand apparel exports from countries such asLesotho

of-European Union

Generalized System of Preferences: Preferences under

GSP are available to all developing countries, cluding China Overall, 36 percent of tariff lines areeligible for reduced tariffs, and 32 percent are eligiblefor duty-free access Twelve percent of tariff lines(mostly agricultural) are excluded and subject to full MFN duty Excluded products include meat,dairy products, cereals, sugar, wine, and products forwhich the European Union sets minimum importprices Approximately 36 percent of all products areclassified as “sensitive”—often those with the highestMFN tariffs (Panagariya 2002) Sensitive products

in-(Continues on next page)

Trang 16

under GSP or Cotonou provisions As a result,Everything But Arms had no immediate im-pact (Brenton 2003) In the case of the UnitedStates, export market shares of countries eligi-ble under the three primary deep preferenceprograms have not increased (figure 6.4).12The primary exception is apparel, whichshows remarkable export growth, especially inthe case of AGOA Total exports of apparelsince 1996 increased by more than 200 percentfor AGOA countries, and approximately 60percent for Caribbean and Andean countries.

As a result, in 2002, apparel exports to theUnited States from AGOA countries were ap-

proximately $1.1 billion, compared to $750million from Andean countries and $9.5 bil-lion from Caribbean countries These coun-tries accounted for some 20 percent of the

$58 billion U.S apparel import market Thisgrowth is mainly a result of exemptions fromquotas and tariffs imposed on other exporters

In the case of AGOA, rules of origin are moved temporarily for some countries for alimited period, providing an extra advantage

re-A crucial issue is how these regions will farewhen remaining quotas (mostly faced by coun-tries in South and East Asia) are phased out

at the end of 2004, as required by the WTO

are subject to a flat 3.5-percentage point-reduction

in the MFN tariff, implying that the higher the duty,

the smaller the proportionate impact of the

prefer-ence Specific duties are reduced by 30 percent; if a

product is subject to both ad valorem and specific

duties, the specific duty is not reduced

Additional tariff reductions are available under

special incentive schemes for the protection of labor

rights (an additional 5-percentage-point reduction),

the environment (an additional 5 percentage points),

and for countries that combat drug production and

trafficking (duty-free access for certain products)

Currently only one country, Moldova, has requested

and satisfied the requirement relating to labor rights

(but not the environment) A group of Latin

Ameri-can countries and Pakistan benefit from

arrange-ments relating to drugs

Countries can be excluded from the GSP (based

on their development level) or from particular

prod-uct categories Sectoral exclusions are determined by

specific criteria based on shares of EU imports from

GSP-beneficiary countries and certain indicators

of development and specialization.aFor example,

Argentina is excluded from preferences for live

ani-mals and for edible products of animal origin, while

Thailand is excluded from preferences for fishery

products

ACP countries (Cotonou Agreement): ACP

countries are granted preferences that often exceed

those available under the GSP Most industrial

prod-Box 6.1 (continued)

ucts are duty and quota free Preferences are lesscomprehensive for agricultural products In 2000duties were still applied to 856 tariff lines (837 ofwhich were agricultural products) Of these, 116lines were excluded from the Cotonou Agreement,although specific protocols govern access for sugarand bananas on a country-specific basis An addi-tional 301 tariff lines were eligible for reducedduties, subject to specific quantitative limits (tariffquotas) set for the ACP countries as a group Theremaining 439 products were eligible for reducedduties without limits on exported quantities

Everything But Arms: Introduced in March

2001, this program grants duty-free access to ports of all products from the LDCs, with the excep-tion of arms and munitions, without any quantitativerestrictions Liberalization was immediate except forthree major products: fresh bananas, rice, and sugar.Tariffs on these three items will be reduced gradually

im-to zero (in 2006 for bananas; in 2009 for rice andsugar), while tariff quotas for rice and sugar will beincreased annually Access to the EU market is gov-erned by the rules of its GSP scheme A key feature

of the program is that in contrast to the GSP, ences for the LDCs are granted for an unlimitedperiod and are not subject to periodic review

prefer-a Some ad hoc exclusions are applied to China, the CIS tries, and South Africa in the fisheries and iron and steel sectors.

Ngày đăng: 14/08/2014, 22:21

TỪ KHÓA LIÊN QUAN

TÀI LIỆU CÙNG NGƯỜI DÙNG

TÀI LIỆU LIÊN QUAN

🧩 Sản phẩm bạn có thể quan tâm