To hold down the delivered price ofmilk, it may try to fix the wages of milk-wagon drivers, theprice of containers, the farm price of milk, the price offeedstuffs.. To fix the price of b
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be to bring about a shortage of that commodity But this
is precisely the opposite of what the government regulatorsoriginally wanted to do For it is the very commoditiesselected for maximum price-fixing that the regulators mostwant to keep in abundant supply But when they limit thewages and the profits of those who make these commodities,without also limiting the wages and profits of those whomake luxuries or semi-luxuries, they discourage the pro-duction of the price-controlled necessities while they rela-tively stimulate the production of less essential goods.Some of these consequences in time become apparent
to the regulators, who then adopt various other devicesand controls in an attempt to avert them Among thesedevices are rationing, cost-control, subsidies, and universalprice-fixing Let us look at each of these in turn
When it becomes obvious that a shortage of some modity is developing as a result of a price fixed below themarket, rich consumers are accused of taking "more thantheir fair share"; or, if it is a raw material that enters intomanufacture, individual firms are accused of "hoarding"
com-it The government then adopts a set of rules concerningwho shall have priority in buying that commodity, or towhom and in what quantities it shall be allocated, or how
it shall be rationed If a rationing system is adopted, itmeans that each consumer can have only a certain maxi-mum supply, no matter how much he is willing to pay formore
If a rationing system is adopted, in brief, it means thatthe government adopts a double price system, or a dual
Trang 2GOVERNMENT PRICE-FIXING i 2 9
currency system, in which each consumer must have acertain number of coupons or "points" in addition to agiven amount of ordinary money In other words, the gov-ernment tries to do through rationing part of the job that
a free market would have done through prices I say onlypart of the job, because rationing merely limits the demand
without also stimulating the supply, as a higher price would
have done
The government may try to assure supply through tending its control over the costs of production of a com-modity To hold down the retail price of beef, for example,
ex-it may fix the wholesale price of beef, the slaughter-houseprice of beef, the price of live cattle, the price of feed, thewages of farmhands To hold down the delivered price ofmilk, it may try to fix the wages of milk-wagon drivers, theprice of containers, the farm price of milk, the price offeedstuffs To fix the price of bread, it may fix the wages
in bakeries, the price of flour, the profits of millers, theprice of wheat, and so on
But as the government extends this price-fixing wards, it extends at the same time the consequences thatoriginally drove it to this course Assuming that it has thecourage to fix these costs, and is able to enforce its decisions,then it merely, in turn, creates shortages of the variousfactors—labor, feedstuffs, wheat, or whatever—that enterinto the production of the final commodities Thus thegovernment is driven to controls in ever-widening circles,and the final consequence will be the same as that ofuniversal price-fixing
Trang 3back-I 3 ¤ ECONOMback-ICS back-IN ONE LESSON
The government may try to meet this difficulty throughsubsidies It recognizes, for example, that when it keepsthe price of milk or butter below the level of the market,
or below the relative level at which it fixes other prices, ashortage may result because of lower wages or profit marginsfor the production of milk or butter as compared with othercommodities Therefore the government attempts to com-pensate for this by paying a subsidy to the milk and butterproducers Passing over the administrative difficulties in-volved in this, and assuming that the subsidy is just enough
to assure the desired relative production of milk and butter,
it is clear that, though the subsidy is paid to producers,those who are really being subsidized are the consumers.For the producers are on net balance getting no more fortheir milk and butter than if they had been allowed tocharge the free market price in the first place; but the con-sumers are getting their milk and butter at a great dealbelow the free market price They are being subsidized tothe extent of the differenœ—that is, by the amount ofsubsidy paid ostensibly to the producers
Now unless the subsidized commodity is also rationed,
it is those with the most purchasing power that can buymost of it This means that they are being subsidized morethan those with less purchasing power Who subsidizes theconsumers will depend upon the incidence of taxation Butmen in their role of taxpayers will be subsidizing them-selves in their role of consumers It becomes a little difficult
to trace in this maze precisely who is subsidizing whom.What is forgotten is that subsidies are paid for by someone,
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and that no method has been discovered by which thecommunity gets something for nothing
3
Price-fixing may often appear for a short period to besuccessful It can seem to work well for a while, particu-larly in wartime, when it is supported by patriotism and asense of crisis But the longer it is in effect the more itsdifficulties increase When prices are arbitrarily held down
by government compulsion, demand is chronically in excess
of supply We have seen that if the government attempts
to prevent a shortage of a commodity by reducing also theprices of the labor, raw materials and other factors that gointo its cost of production, it creates a shortage of these inturn But not only will the government, if it pursues thiscourse, find it necessary to extend price control more andmore downwards, or "vertically"; it will find it no lessnecessary to extend price control "horizontally." If weration one commodity, and the public cannot get enough
of it, though it still has excess purchasing power, it willturn to some substitute The rationing of each commodity
as it grows scarce, in other words, must put more and morepressure on the unrationed commodities that remain If
we assume that the government is successful in its efforts
to prevent black markets (or at least prevents them fromdeveloping on a sufficient scale to nullify its legal prices),continued price control must drive it to the rationing ofmore and more commodities This rationing cannot stop
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with consumers In war it did not stop with consumers
It was applied first of all, in fact, in the allocation of rawtaaterials to producers
The natural consequence of a thoroughgoing over-allprice control which seeks to perpetuate a given historic pricelevel, in brief, must ultimately be a completely regimentedeconomy Wages would have to be held down as rigidly asprices Labor would have to be rationed as ruthlessly asraw materials The end result would be that the govern-ment would not only tell each consumer precisely howmuch of each commodity he could have; it would tell eachmanufacturer precisely what quantity of each raw material
he could have and what quantity of labor Competitivebidding for workers could no more be tolerated than com-petitive bidding for materials The result would be a petri-fied totalitarian economy, with every business firm andevery worker at the mercy of the government, and with afinal abandonment of all the traditional liberties we haveknown For as Alexander Hamilton pointed out in theFederalist papers a century and a half ago, "A power over
a man's subsistence amounts to a power over his will/*
4
These are the consequences of what might be described
as "perfect/' long-continued, and "non-political" price trol As was so amply demonstrated in one country afteranother, particularly in Europe during and after WorldWar II, some of the more fantastic errors of the bureaucrats
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were mitigated by the black market It was a common story from many European countries that people were able to
get enough to stay alive only by patronizing the black ket In some countries the black market kept growing atthe expense of the legally recognized fixed-price market
mar-until the former became, in effect, the market By nominally
keeping the price ceilings, however, the politicians in powertried to show that their hearts, if not their enforcementsquads, were in the right place
Because the black market, however, finally supplantedthe legal price-ceiling market, it must not be supposed that
no harm was done The harm was both economic andmoral During the transition period the large, long-estab-lished firms, with a heavy capital investment and a greatdependence upon the retention of public good-will, areforced to restrict or discontinue production Their place istaken by fly-by-night concerns with little capital and littleaccumulated experience in production These new firms areinefficient compared with those they displace; they turnout inferior and dishonest goods at much higher productioncosts than the older concerns would have required for con-tinuing to turn out their former goods A premium is put
on dishonesty The new firms owe their very existence
or growth to the fact that they are willing to violate thelaw; their customers conspire with them; and as a naturalconsequence demoralization spreads into all businesspractices
It is seldom, moreover, that any honest effort is made bythe price-fixing authorities merely to preserve the level of
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prices existing when their efforts began They declare thattheir intention is to "hold the line." Soon, however, underthe guise of "correcting inequities" or "social injustices,"they begin a discriminatory price-fixing which gives most
to those groups that are politically powerful and least toother groups
As political power today is most commonly measured byvotes, the groups that the authorities most often attempt tofavor are workers and farmers At first it is contended thatwages and living costs are not connected; that wages caneasily be lifted without lifting prices When it becomesobvious that wages can be raised only at the expense ofprofits, the bureaucrats begin to argue that profits werealready too high anyway, and that lifting wages and holdingprices will still permit "a fair profit." As there is no such
thing as a uniform rate of profit, as profits differ with each
concern, the result of this policy is to drive the leastprofitable concerns out of business altogether, and to dis-courage or stop the production of certain items This meansunemployment, a shrinkage in production and a decline inliving standards
5What lies at the base of the whole effort to fix maximumprices? There is first of all a misunderstanding of what it isthat has been causing prices to rise The real cause is either
a scarcity of goods or a surplus of money Legal price ings cannot cure either In fact, as we have just seen, theymerely intensify the shortage of goods What to do about
Trang 8ceil-GOVERNMENT PRICE-FIXING i 3 5the surplus of money will be discussed in a later chapter.But one of the errors that lie behind the drive for price-fixing is the chief subject of this book Just as the endlessplans for raising prices of favored commodities are theresult of thinking of the interests only of the producersimmediately concerned, and forgetting the interests ofconsumers, so the plans for holding down prices by legaledict are the result of thinking of the interests of peopleonly as consumers and forgetting their interests as pro-ducers And the political support for such policies springsfrom a similar confusion in the public mind People do notwant to pay more for milk, butter, shoes, furniture, rent,theater tickets or diamonds Whenever any of these itemsrises above its previous level the consumer becomes indig`nant, and feels that he is being rooked.
The only exception is the item he makes himself: here
he understands and appreciates the reason for the rise But
he is always likely to regard his own business as in someway an exception "Now my own business," he will say,
"is peculiar, and the public does not understand it Laborcosts have gone up; raw material prices have gone up; this
or that raw material is no longer being imported, and must
be made at a higher cost at home Moreover, the demandfor the product has increased, and the business should beallowed to charge the prices necessary to encourage itsexpansion to supply this demand/' And so on Everyone
as consumer buys a hundred different products; as producer
he makes, usually, only one He can see the inequity in
holding down the price of that And just as each
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facturer wants a higher price for his particular product, soeach worker wants a higher wage or salary Each can see
as producer that price control is restricting production inhis line But nearly everyone refuses to generalize thisobservation, for it means that he will have to pay more for
the products of others.
Each one of us, in brief, has a multiple economic sonality Each one of us is producer, taxpayer, consumer.The policies he advocates depend upon the particular aspectunder which he thinks of himself at the moment For he issometimes Dr Jekyll and sometimes Mr Hyde As a pro-ducer he wants inflation (thinking chiefly of his own serv-ices or product); as a consumer he wants price ceilings(thinking chiefly of what he has to pay for the products
per-of others) As a consumer he may advocate or acquiesce
in subsidies; as a taxpayer he will resent paying them Eachperson is likely to think that he can so manage the politicalforces that he can benefit from the subsidy more than heloses from the tax, or benefit from a rise for his own product(while his raw material costs are legally held down) and
at the same time benefit as a consumer from price control.But the overwhelming majority will be deceiving them-selves For not only must there be at least as much loss asgain from this political manipulation of prices; there must
be a great deal more loss than gain, because price-fixingdiscourages and disrupts employment and production
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We have already seen some of the harmful results of
V v arbitrary governmental efforts to raise the price offavored commodities The same sort of harmful results fol-lows efforts to raise wages through minimum wage laws.This ought not to be surprising; for a wage is, in fact, aprice It is unfortunate for clarity of economic thinkingthat the price of labor's services should have received anentirely different name from other prices This has pre-vented most people from recognizing that the same prin-ciples govern both
Thinking has become so emotional and so politicallybiased on the subject of wages that in most discussions ofthem the plainest principles are ignored People who would
be among the first to deny that prosperity could be broughtabout by artificially boosting prices, people who would beamong the first to point out that minimum price laws might
be most harmful to the very industries they were designed
to help, will nevertheless advocate minimum wage laws,and denounce opponents of them, without misgivings.Yet it ought to be clear that a minimum wage law is, atbest, a limited weapon for combatting the evil of low wages,and that the possible good to be achieved by such a law
i37
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can exceed the possible harm only in proportion as its aimsare modest The more ambitious such a law is, the largerthe number of workers it attempts to cover, and the more
it attempts to raise their wages, the more likely are itsharmful effects to exceed its good effects
The first thing that happens, for example, when a law
is passed that no one shall be paid less than $30 for aforty-hour week is that no one who is not worth $30 aweek to an employer will be employed at all You cannotmake a man worth a given amount by making it illegalfor anyone to offer him anything less You merely deprivehim of the right to earn the amount that his abilities andsituation would permit him to earn, while you deprive thecommunity even of the moderate services that he is capable
of rendering In brief, for a low wage you substitute ployment You do harm all around, with no comparablecompensation
unem-The only exception to this occurs when a group ofworkers is receiving a wage actually below its market worth.This is likely to happen only in special circumstances orlocalities where competitive forces do not operate freely oradequately; but nearly all these special cases could beremedied just as effectively, more flexibly and with farless potential harm, by unionization
It may be thought that if the law forces the payment of
a higher wage in a given industry, that industry can thencharge higher prices for its product, so that the burden
of paying the higher wage is merely shifted to consumers.Such shifts, however, are not easily made, nor are the