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Casson, for example, have insisted that itcould have been members of the Roman imperial elite, and Crawfordeven mentions the imperial family as a possibility.60But I myself amsimply indi

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were those that existed between a lender and a borrower’.58Thus, itwould be mistaken to assume that a senator who had concluded a con-tract of this kind was a trader or an industrialist.

Nevertheless, traces do exist of productive middle- or long-term loans.Some were advanced by patrons to their freedmen A fragment included

in the Digest, attributed to Q Cervidius Scaevola, relates to just such a case of commercial credit loaned for a period of several years A negotia-

tor marmorum, providing security in the form of marble blocks, borrowed

money from a creditor whose identity is not given The loaned moneyserved to pay the sellers of the marble The wholesaler had meanwhileleased some warehouses belonging to the Emperor.59This, too, was aloan that helped to finance circulating capital

In recent years, the question of the financing of eastern commercehas again been raised, particularly that of trade between the Red Seaand India Who provided the large sums necessary for setting up suchtrade? M Crawford and L Casson, for example, have insisted that itcould have been members of the Roman imperial elite, and Crawfordeven mentions the imperial family as a possibility.60But I myself amsimply indicating a few ways in which commerce may have beenfinanced I do not possess any new information on the identity of thosewho invested in eastern commerce Like Casson and G.W Bowerstock,

I rule out, at any rate, the idea that the Emperor in person may havefinanced eastern trade to promote some commercial policy appliedthroughout the eastern regions.61So far as I can see, there is no convinc-ing evidence that such a policy existed However, that does not excludethe possibility that highly important figures, possibly even those veryclose to the Emperor, may have pursued private interests in this sector.Roman banking and business certainly did not constitute a tool delib-erately designed to further economic investment All the same, theyshould not be totally denied an economic role

This chapter relating to the traditions of reciprocity and seeking exhange, and to the economic role of financial life constitutes asuitable conclusion to this study of banking and business

non-profit-Pre-industrial historical societies were familiar with writing and with

58 Le Goff :  59 Dig ... (Scaev lib XXVII digg.).

60 Crawford  and Casson .

61 Casson : – and Bowersock  On the relations between the Roman public authorities and trade, see Andreau a On eastern trade, see Drexhage ; Sartre ; Millar ; Tchernia .

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money; they were so firmly divided socially that they may be called classsocieties They were also merchant (but not bourgeois or capitalist) soci-eties.

The Greek cities constituted one such example, the Roman Empireanother One comes across disinterestedness and reciprocity in both, butalso profit, cupidity, and avarice Both societies made use of consumerloans, but also of a minority of productive loans; they engaged in manypolitical operations, related to warfare and conquest, but engaged inactivity that may properly be called economic The types of behaviourthat stemmed from cupidity or avarice were by no means invariably eco-nomic, however; far from it Many were linked with social and culturaltraditions One example is provided by dowries, which gave rise to manycomplicated strategies, although they were not, strictly speaking, an ‘eco-nomic’ matter The same goes for inheritances – a patrimony was notsolely an ‘economic’ phenomenon

However contradictory these patterns of behaviour and practicesseem to us, they continued alongside one another and interacted (just assome of them even continue and interact in our own ‘modern’ societies)

If one tries to eliminate some of them to simplify one’s historical view

of antiquity, one will inevitably fail to understand it, or one’s standing of it will be flawed For it was not characterized purely andsimply by archaism, but by a complex combination of archaic elementsand elements that were more ‘modern’

under-It would be relatively pointless to assess its archaism (or its modernity)

on, for example, a scale ranging from  to  What is important is tounderstand how these so very disparate elements interacted, and tocompare pre-industrial economies with one another

For the non-agricultural economic sectors, what I would proposewould be, for example, to compare them from the point of view of thetwo major social groups that are involved: on the one hand, the aristoc-racy, whose members possessed a real-estate patrimony; on the other, themen with urban professions, the artisans, the traders, and the bankers

In between those two major groups are the circles of big businessmen,the ‘entrepreneurs’, who did not belong either to the landowning aris-tocracy or to the world of professions, but who would nevertheless haveoccupied a substantial place The consistency and success of these circlessituated on the margins of the aristocratic elite vary enormously fromone society to another

In Rome, their position was truly marginal They never formed ahomogeneous group and never constituted a real bourgeoisie; they were

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just a few isolated and heterogeneous figures Is that one of the tant features that differentiates the ancient economy from the economies

impor-of the modern period? It is, but not the only one There are plenty impor-ofother aspects to compare Where financial life is concerned, some arestudied in this book Others have escaped me or, rightly or wrongly,seemed to me irrelevant But a comparative approach is certainly indis-pensable

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Bibliographical essay

The themes touched upon in this book have given rise to partly separatebibliographies, for the diverse aspects of Roman financial life are notusually treated all together (for the Republican period, Barlow  is theonly useful study that treats all aspects)

The first of those bibliographies relates to the big business deals of thesenatorial elite, particularly at the end of the Republic A number ofworks have been specifically devoted to them, some recent (Rauh a,

, and Verboven a, which are extremely stimulating), some ofmuch earlier date but still useful (Früchtl ) But they are also fre-quently mentioned in prosopographical works on the senators, theknights, their patrimonies, and their entourages (the various articles in

Pauly & Wissowa’s Realencyclopädie, Nicolet , Shatzman , who is

very useful because he provides information on all the Republican ators known to us) They are also studied in relation to political life andthe debt crises (Yavetz , Amsden , Frederiksen ), or mone-tary and economic developments (Yavetz , Lo Cascio  and ,Barlow , Crawford , Duncan-Jones  and , Verboven

sen-, see also Greene : –) Much information is to be found incommentaries on the works of Cicero, particularly in Shackleton Bailey

– and , both of which are very valuable editions, with mentaries, of his correspondence

com-Over the past twenty years, the economic role of the senators andknights outside agriculture has been a subject of much debate WhileFinley  considered it to be minimal, D’Arms & Kopff  andD’Arms  have insisted on its importance Within the financialdomain, this question is studied in detail in Andreau c

On the tax-collectors (publicani), the most interesting work remains

Badian; see also Nicolet  and  Hill , who has attracted

far too much attention, is at all costs to be avoided On the Italian

nego-

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tiatores who went off to do business in the provinces, the standard works

of reference are Hatzfeld  and Wilson 

A study of the financial interests of members of the elite involves theirvalues and strategies and so engages one in a history of modes ofthought, or cultural anthropology In this domain, Labate & Narducci

 is extremely perceptive and measured The article should be plemented by a number of other works by Narducci (Narducci , forexample) and by Veyne : –

com-Aristocratic attitudes cannot be understood without reference to thearistocracy’s clienteles, kin, families, and friends On clienteles, see, forexample, Wallace-Hadrill , David , and Deniaux .There is now an abundant bibliography on the family and kinship Irecommend Andreau & Bruhns , Bradley , Corbier  and

, Dixon , Dondin Payre , Rawson  and , Rawson

& Weaver  On the financial and economic implications of ship, see Rauh b

friend-Finley  contains few references to professional banking, but thework nevertheless underlined the rigidities that hampered the develop-ment of financial life and the fact that, in the ancient world, loans werenot ‘productive’ (Actually, the meaning of ‘productive’ varies from oneauthor to another, and it is preferable to define it when one uses it Inthe present work, what I mean by productive is whatever relates to theproduction, transportation, or distribution of goods.) Over the pastdozen or so years, professional banking has been the subject of a wholeseries of works, strongly marked by the discussions surrounding Finley’s

oeuvre Rather as with Millett  and Cohen , who disagree aboutAthenian banking, Bürge , who is ‘minimalist’ or ‘primitivist’, dis-agrees with Petrucci , who is ‘modernist’ As for myself, I acceptsome of the conclusions of Finley and his disciples, while on other points

I find myself more in agreement with the ‘modernists’ It is time toprogress beyond this debate, which means understanding it first(Andreau a, , , c, a, etc.) On professional banking

in Graeco-Roman Egypt, the articles of R Bogaert are to be mended They are collected together in Bogaert  The author, likemyself, is not altogether on the side of either the ‘primitivists’ or the

recom-‘modernists’ Rathbone  gives a clear account of the uses of banking

in a rural community in third-century  Egypt and of how it was used

by the managers of a large estate The information on professionalbanking provided by the Heroninos archive seems to me to tally with thepicture presented in the present work

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Some categories of documents have been studied separately, for

example the nummulary tesserae, on which, unfortunately, the extremely

disputable works of Herzog ( and ) cannot be avoided; likewisetablets On those of L Caecilius Jucundus, see Andreau a andJongman  On those of Murecine, see Wolf & Crook ,Camodeca, and, more recently, Gröschler 

The tablets of Herculaneum were published at the time of their covery by V Arangio Ruiz & G Pugliese Carratelli (–) However,

dis-G Camodeca realized that, despite its positive qualities, that publicationcould be improved and, besides, was not complete He therefore decided

to republish the entire collection He has, to date, written three articles

on them: Camodeca a, b, and b

The epigraphy of the instrumentum (that is to say, the epigraphical study

of the marks, painted inscriptions, and graffiti on instruments andobjects used in daily life: pottery, amphorae, lamps, metal objects, etc.)

is clearly not directly related to financial life It can be useful, less, from a prosopographical point of view, for example For a synthe-sis, see Harris 

neverthe-There are many studies on maritime loans Recent titles of fine works

in which the earlier bibliography may be found include Biscardi ; deSte Croix , Vélissaropoulos , Casson ,  and ; DeSalvo : –, Tchernia  Articles devoted to other financialand accounting techniques are much more rare On the interest rate, norecent work bears comparison with Billeter  But Frank – andBarlow  contain much interesting information As for accounting,apart from Andreau a, see Mickwitz , de Ste Croix , andRathbone 

Over the past decades, the role of slaves and freedmen in commerce,manufacture, and financial life has increasingly been seen as one of the

defining characteristics of Roman society, and one of the points at whicheconomic logic becomes closely intermingled with the most deeplyrooted social structures and cultural traditions Di Porto  is a verystimulating essay and is certainly reliable from the legal point of view.However, the conclusions of the old book by Juglar () definitelyremain more convincing See also Bradley  and Kirschenbaum



The relations between banking and private business, taxation, and thefinancial and monetary policy of the State are central to the two studiesupon which I have commented at length in chapter  of this book,Hopkins and von Freyberg  But see also Gabba  and

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, Nicolet  (which contains a chapter of fundamental tance entitled ‘The economic thought of the Romans’), and Andreau,Briant & Descat .

impor-Were the city of Rome and subsequently the Empire exclusively occupied with taxation? Or did they, as I believe, appreciate the financialneed to maintain a sufficient supply of coins? Behind the measures thatthey took, is it possible to detect a veritable economic policy in embryo?These are questions touched upon in chapter , the notes of whichprovide the necessary bibliography

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