The However, the laws have their critics, who charge that sentences are often disproportion-ate to the crimes committed and that INCARCER-ATION of three strikes inmates for 25 years to l
Trang 1Yale University with an engineering degree in
1954 and earned a law degree from the Uni-versity of Pittsburgh in 1957 After his admission
to the Pennsylvania bar in 1958, he joined the Pittsburgh law firm of Kirkpatrick, Lockhart, Johnson, and Hutchinson
In 1969 PresidentRICHARD M.NIXONappointed Thornburgh U.S attorney for western Pennsyl-vania He served as U.S attorney until 1975, when President GERALD FORD designated him assistant attorney general of the JUSTICE DEPARTMENT As head of the department’s criminal division, Thornburgh was instrumental in setting up the public integrity section that investigated alleged improprieties by department personnel
After leaving office in 1977, Thornburgh returned to the Kirkpatrick law firm in Pittsburgh, but he was intent on beginning a political career In 1978 he was elected governor
of Pennsylvania, an office he held until 1987 In his early days as governor, Thornburgh was thrust into the national limelight The nuclear accident at the Three Mile IslandNUCLEAR POWER plant in the spring of 1979 set off a wave of panic in Pennsylvania Thornburgh was credited with bringing calm to the state Thornburgh also consolidated Pennsylvania’s state-owned postsecondary schools into the Pennsylvania State System of Higher Education, and left office with a budget surplus of $350 million
In July 1988 President RONALD REAGAN appointed Thornburgh U.S attorney general, succeeding Edwin Meese Meese had become a controversial figure in the Reagan administration
He had stressed social issues such as ABORTION andPORNOGRAPHYand had pushed for an end to AFFIRMATIVE ACTION Meese also had come under scrutiny for possible criminal conflict-of-interest charges He resigned only after an INDEPENDENT COUNSELdeclined to file criminal charges
Taking office under these circumstances, Thornburgh sought to restore integrity and cre-dibility to the department During the last months
of the Reagan administration, he moved to revitalize management of the department, refo-cus its energies on prosecuting crimes involving guns or drugs, and aggressively pursue white-collar criminals
His early months in office convinced Pre-sident GEORGE H W BUSH to reappoint Thorn-burgh attorney general His tenure in the Bush administration drew criticism from some con-servative groups for his prosecution of environ-mental crimes and for his strong enforcement
of CIVIL RIGHTS protection for DISABLED PERSONS Within the department, his management style provoked criticism Career department officials called him aloof and alleged that he employed political partisanship in the administration of justice
Thornburgh resigned as attorney general in July 1991 to run for the U.S Senate in a special election Harris Wofford, his Democratic oppo-nent, had been appointed senator to fill the Pennsylvania seat until the special election At the beginning of his campaign, Thornburgh enjoyed a 40-point lead in the opinion polls Wofford, however, argued that the country needed a nationalHEALTH INSURANCEsystem and reminded voters of the economy, which was
in recession Thornburgh’s lead crumbled Wofford easily defeated him, earning 55 percent
of the vote to Thornburgh’s 45 percent
In 1992 President Bush appointed Thorn-burgh undersecretary general of the UNITED NATIONS, a position he held until 1993 Thorn-burgh then rejoined the Kirkpatrick law firm’s Washington, D.C., office and served as a legal commentator on several television network news and talk shows An honorary special agent of the FBI, Thornburgh was appointed to the FBI Science and Technology Advisory Board in 2005 and chaired a National Academy of Public Administration panel examining the FBI’s actions after theSEPTEMBER11, 2001,TERRORIST ATTACKS
As the father of a mentally disabled child, Thornburgh and his wife were recognized in
2003 by the American Association of Persons with Disabilities, which presented the couple the Henry B Betts Award The Thornburghs used the funds from this award to found the Thornburgh Family Lecture Series in Disability Law and Policy at the University of Pittsburgh School of Law Also in 2003, Thornburgh’s autobiography, Where the Evidence Leads, was published by the University of Pittsburgh Press
FURTHER READINGS Ford, Daniel 1986 Meltdown New York: Simon & Schuster Thornburgh, Dick 2007 Puerto Rico’s Future: A Time to Decide Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies.
——— 2003 Where the Evidence Leads: An Autobiography Pittsburgh: Univ of Pittsburgh Press.
CROSS REFERENCES Affirmative Action; Meese, Edwin, III; Nixon, Richard Milhous.
THIS COLLECTIVE
AMNESIA THAT
SEEMS TO AFFECT
THEWHITEHOUSE
STAFF WOULD
CONCERN ME IFI
WERE THE PRESIDENT
—R ICHARD
T HORNBURGH
Trang 2or menace others.
Statutes in a number of jurisdictions
pro-hibit the use of threats and UNLAWFUL
COMMU-NICATIONS by any person Some of the more
common types of threats forbidden by law are
those made with an intent to obtain a pecuniary
advantage or to compel a person to act against
his or her will In all states, it is an offense to
threaten to (1) use a deadly weapon on another
person; (2) injure another’s person or property;
or (3) injure another’s reputation
It is a federal offense to threaten to harm
the president or to use the mail to transmit
threatening communications These laws must
be balanced againstFIRST AMENDMENTrights
Unlawful communications include, among
other things, the use of threats to prevent
another from engaging in a lawful occupation
and writing libelous letters or letters that tend
to provoke a breach of the peace The use of
intimidation for purposes of collecting an unpaid
debt has been held to constitute an unlawful
communication but might be prosecuted as
EXTORTION
A mere threat that does not cause any harm
is generally not actionable When combined
with apparently imminent bodily harm,
how-ever, a threat is an assault for which the offender
might be subject to civil or criminal liability
In most jurisdictions, a plaintiff can recover
damages for the intentional infliction of severe
mental or emotional suffering caused by threats
or unlawful communications
In those jurisdictions that have statutes
prohibiting unlawful communications, such as
letters that tend to provoke a breach of the
peace, a violation of the statute gives rise to a
civil action for damages
THREE STRIKES LAWS
Criminal statutes that mandate increased
sen-tences for repeat offenders, usually after three
serious crimes
Beginning in the early 1990s, states began to
enact mandatory sentencing laws for repeat
criminal offenders These statutes came to be
known as“three strikes laws,” because they were
invoked when offenders committed their third
offense By 2009, 26 states and the federal
government had enacted three strikes laws The
However, the laws have their critics, who charge that sentences are often disproportion-ate to the crimes committed and that INCARCER-ATION of three strikes inmates for 25 years to life would drive up correctional costs Never-theless, the U.S SUPREME COURT has upheld three strikes laws and has rejected the argu-ment that they amount to CRUEL AND UNUSUAL PUNISHMENT
The state of Washington passed the first three strikes law in 1993 Anyone convicted of three separate violent felonies must be sen-tenced to life in prison with no chance for PAROLE The state of California followed in 1994,
by enacting a three strikes law that mandates
a sentence of 25 years to life for a third felony conviction Unlike Washington, the California law counts nonviolent felonies, such asBURGLARY and theft, as “strike” offenses The popularity
of the three strikes law in California has been pronounced In 2008, 41,284 prisoners were serving time under the new law Of those inmates, 3,629 had committed nonviolent felo-nies This population makes up about 25 percent
of California’s prison population California’s law has drawn the most attention in the debate over three strikes statutes
The California law originally gave judges
no discretion in setting prison terms for three strikes offenders However, the California Supreme Court ruled in 1996, that judges, in the interest of justice, could ignore prior convictions in determining whether an offender qualified for a three strikes sentence Prosecu-tors have the greatest discretion; they may decide whether to count certain crimes as strikes when they file their criminal complaint
Critics have charged that this system introduces the worst of both worlds: mandatory sentences for those charged under the law and unequal application of the law The disparity in prose-cutorial use of the Californian law has meant that the law is rarely used in San Francisco but
is used heavily in other parts of the state
The three strikes sentencing of offenders who have committed a number of violent crimes has rarely drawn much criticism Con-cerns about the fairness and proportionality
of the law have been raised when an offender
is sent to prison for 25 years for shoplifting
or some other minor property crime Critics note that a 25-year sentence for a third strike
Trang 3shoplifting offense is the same sentence meted out to those who commit MURDER Long sentences for relatively minor offenses, they contend, amounts to cruel and unusual punish-ment, which is barred by theEIGHTH AMENDMENT
By the late 1990s a number of appeals had been raised in state and federal courts based on the disproportionality argument
The case of Leandro Andrade became a focal point in the argument over the constitutionality
of California’s three strikes law Andrade was
convicted of two counts of petty theft for shoplifting a total of nine videotapes from two Kmart stores The value of the tapes stolen amounted to $153.54 Under California law, a petty theft charge is usually a misdemeanor with
a penalty of up to six months in county jail and a fine of up to $1,000 However, thePROSECUTORhad the discretion to elevate the charges to felony level offenses Andrade, who was a heroin addict, had a string of burglary, theft, and drug convictions on his criminal record The prosecutor charged him
Have Three-Strikes Laws Worked
to Reduce Recidivism?
stiffer sentences for repeat
offen-ders, but they do not impose
You’re Out” (TSAYO) laws TSAYO laws
mandate that a heavy sentence be
imposed on persons who are convicted
of a third felony The minimum prison
sentence required by such laws is
typi-cally between 25 years and life The
federal government and 24 states passed
TSAYO legislation between 1992 and
2009
TSAYO legislation is designed to
protect society from dangerous
indivi-duals who show a pattern of lawlessness,
incapacitate repeat felony offenders by
keeping them behind bars, and deter
others from committing similar criminal
offenses National criminal justice
statis-tics show that the number of violent
crimes has dropped sharply over the last
eight years TSAYO legislation is not
without its critics, however Beginning in
1998, and continuing into the 2000s,
studies have called into doubt the
effectiveness of three-strikes laws
Con-stitutional challenges have been leveled
against TSAYO laws at both the state and
federal levels, but courts and legislatures
have resisted overturning them
In 1994 Congress passed the Violent
Crime Control and Law Enforcement
September 13, 1994, 108 Stat 1796) This
act imposes a mandatory sentence of life
defen-dants who are convicted of a serious violent federal felony when they have two or more prior serious violent felonies
or one or more serious violent felony convictions and one or more serious drug offense convictions The first two convic-tions may be for state or federal offenses, but the third conviction must be for a federal offense before the VCCLEA three-strikes provision applies
MANSLAUGHTER, ASSAULT with intent to commit murder orRAPE, aggravatedSEXUAL ABUSE,KIDNAPPING, aircraftPIRACY,ROBBERY, CARJACKING,EXTORTION,ARSON, and firearms use or possession, among others (18 U.S
C.A 3559) Offenses committed at the state level need not be deemed a felony by the state to trigger the VCCLEA three-strikes provision as long as the state offense is “seriously violent,” meaning the offense is similar to those specified by
defined by the VCCLEA as knowingly or intentionally manufacturing, distributing, dispensing, or possessing with intent to manufacture, distribute, or dispense
offenses committed at the state level are
they would be punishable by the federal controlled substances laws
The impetus behind TSAYO laws came from a string of highly publicized cases in which a crime victim was viciously attacked by a repeat offender
on parole One of the most publicized cases was that of 12-year-old Polly Klaas from California In 1993 she was kid-napped, molested, and murdered by Richard Allen Davis, a sex offender with
a long history of criminal convictions
number of national television programs
to attack the criminal justice system’s lenient treatment of repeat felony offen-ders and to advocate the enactment of three-strikes laws Relatives of other victims, concerned citizens, prosecutors, and politicians followed suit
The Washington State Legislature was the first to respond, passing TSAYO
9.94A.392 et seq.) The law mandates life
in prison after conviction on any three of about 40 felonies, ranging from murder
to robbery and vehicular assault Defen-dants convicted under this law are not eligible for parole, nor may their sen-tence be suspended or shortened Cali-fornia and 11 other states passed similar laws in 1994 Nine more states were added to the list a year later By 2000, 24 states had adopted TSAYO laws of their own; no other states have passed TSAYO since that date Georgia took matters a step further, enacting a“Two Strikes and
Trang 4with two counts of felony theft and a jury
convicted Andrade on both counts
These separate convictions, along with a
prior first-degree burglary conviction, triggered
the three strikes law Because the two thefts were
treated as separate incidents, the three strikes law
was applied to both charges leading to two
consecutive terms of 25 years to life in prison
Andrade could not apply for parole until he
served 50 years in prison, at which time he would
be 87 years old The California courts upheld this
sentence as proportionate The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Andrade’s sentence was unconstitutional because it was grossly disproportionate Although the California law was unconstitutional as applied, the Ninth Circuit refused to hold that the three strikes law was generally unconstitutional
The Supreme Court, in a 5–4 decision, overturned the Ninth Circuit decision and upheld the constitutionality of the three strikes law as applied to Andrade (Lockyer v Andrade,
You’re Out” law (Ga Code Ann S
17-10-6.1[b]) Felons convicted only twice
of the state’s most serious crimes are
sentenced to life in prison without parole
Known as“the seven deadly sins,” these
crimes are murder, armed robbery, rape,
kidnapping, aggravated SODOMY,
aggra-vatedCHILD MOLESTATION, and aggravated
sexualBATTERY
Despite their popularity in the early
1990s, TSAYO began to be attacked by
researchers in the late 1990s In 1998,
several studies were released that
ques-tioned the effectiveness of such laws
Four studies were largely responsible for
driving the debate: one by the Rand
Institute, one by the National Institute of
Justice, one by the Justice Policy
Insti-tute, and one by the Campaign for
Effective Crime Policy, a nonpartisan
group comprised of wardens,
prosecu-tors, and law enforcement officials
The studies revealed two kinds of
results In most states, little had changed
Washington had convicted 66 people
under its TSAYO law Arkansas had 12
Louisiana, Maryland, North Carolina,
Pennsylvania, Vermont, and New Jersey
had no more than six Wisconsin had
invoked its law only once, while no one in
Utah, Virginia, Montana, Tennessee, New
Mexico, or Colorado had ever been
prosecuted for a third-strike offense
In-stead, the states that let their TSAYO laws
lay idle were still seeking harsh
punish-ments for dangerous recidivists, but under
repeat-offender statutes that had been on
the books for decades In other words, for
these states the TSAYO laws represented a
symbolic measure that neither improved
nor diminished a prosecutor’s ability to keep dangerous recidivists off the streets
Similarly, the studies showed that only 35 offenders had been convicted of a third strike at the federal level through 1997
The results were vastly different in California and Georgia California had imprisoned more than 4,800 criminals for
25 years to life on third strikes; the state also identified more than 40,000 second-strike offenders who would await such a sentence were they subsequently con-victed for any one of roughly 500 crimes
Georgia had sent approximately 1,000 defendants to prison for life without parole under its two strikes law and identified another 1,000 offenders eligible for that fate were they to subsequently commit one of the“seven deadly sins.”
These studies did more than arm opponents of TSAYO laws with evidence
of disparate results They suggested that the laws had been enforced more often against minority offenders than against white offenders In California only, 1,237 of the more than 4,800 defendants sentenced for a third strike were white;
2,138 were African American, 1,262 were Latino, and 201 were classified as
“other.” The studies further indicated
mostly being punished for nonviolent third strikes Statistics demonstrated that more than twice as many defendants’
third-strike offenses were for drug pos-session or petty theft as for murder, rape,
or kidnapping Some of these nonviolent third strikes included seemingly innocu-ous offenses, such as shoplifting, stealing packages of steak, and drinking alcohol
at a liquor store without paying for it
been dissuaded by these results Prosecu-tors say that these laws remain a vital tool for them to hang over the heads of first-and second-time offenders They contend that seemingly “harmless” third-strike offenses are often isolated from the first and second strikes that place theDEFENDANT
in a less sympathetic context For example,
an individual who was prosecuted for a third strike after he stole a bottle of vitamins had eight prior convictions, one
of which was for robbery Another individ-ual who was prosecuted for bigamy under California’s TSAYO law had prior convic-tions for armed robbery Prosecutors also point to statistics reflecting a dramatic decline in violent crime in California since the TSAYO law went into effect A 2009 study estimated that three million fewer serious crimes had been committed in the
15 years since the law had been enacted However, critics argued that other factors were at work besides the three-strikes law
to explain the drop in crime
Opponents of TSAYO laws have argued that TSAYO laws increase prison populations and raise the costs of INCAR-CERATION By 2008, more than 41,000 prisoners were serving mandatory 25-year terms in California prisons Of these inmates, approximately 3,600 were serv-ing time for non-violent crimes The annual cost of incarcerating all of these prisoners is about $500 million How-ever, proponents of the law point out that projected large increases in the Californian prison population because
of the TSAYO have not occurred
Although these figures have caused concern among even the staunchest
Trang 5538 U.S 63, 123 S Ct 1166, 155 L Ed 2d 144 [2003]) The court held that federal courts must give due deference to state court sentencing decisions In a prior ruling the court had stated that legislatures must be given “broad discretion to fashion a sentence that fits within the scope of the proportionality principle.” The
“precise” contours of this principle were “un-clear,” which meant thatSTATE COURTShad more latitude to uphold sentences such as Andrade’s
The court further held that Andrade’s sentence was not grossly disproportionate
JusticeDAVID SOUTER, in a dissenting opinion, sided with the Ninth Circuit’s views A prior Supreme Court decision had voided a life sentence given to a repeat offender for commit-ting a theft valued at $150 Justice Souter argued that Andrade’s criminal background, coupled with the petty thefts, was strikingly similar Though Andrade would be eligible for parole at
Have Three-Strikes Laws Worked
to Reduce Recidivism?
(Continued)
proponents of three-strikes legislation, as
of late 2009 no TSAYO law had been
repealed at the state or federal level Even
legislative proposals to study the law’s
impact had been rejected in California,
being vetoed first by a Republican governor
and then by a Democratic one In 2004,
California voters by a narrow majority
defeated Proposition 66, which sought to
limit the application of the third-strikes
law to violent crimes In 2009 the state
government’s dire budget crisis led to
renewed calls to repeal the law as a
cost-cutting measure However, commentators
questioned whether the law would ever be
repealed by voters, due to the emotions that
surround crime and violent criminals
The U.S Court of Appeals for the
Ninth Circuit became the first state or
federal court to strike down a TSAYO
law in Andrade v Attorney General of
State of California (270 F.3d 743 [9th
Cir 2001]) The defendant in that case,
Leandro Andrade, received a prison
sentence of 50 years to life for petty theft
of $154 worth of children’s videotapes
from two Kmart stores Petty theft is a
misdemeanor in California, punishable
by no more than six months in jail
However, California law provides that
petty theft by a person with a prior
conviction for a property crime is a
“wobbler” offense, meaning the crime
can be prosecuted as either a
misde-meanor or a felony Andrade had no
prior violent offenses, but because he had
previously committed three burglaries in one day, his two instances of shoplifting were prosecuted as felonies, and the trial court imposed an indeterminate life sentence with no possibility of parole until after he had served 50 years of his
when he started serving his sentence
“The punishment raised an inference
of gross disproportionality when com-pared to defendant’s crime,” the Ninth Circuit wrote Even in light of the defen-dant’s six prior nonviolent felony and misdemeanor convictions, the sentence was substantially more severe than sen-tences for most violent crimes in California and was unusual even when compared to applications of TSAYO laws applied to violent felons in other states, the Ninth Circuit concluded The Ninth Circuit also
COURT, in upholding the defendant’s sen-tence, failed to give proper consideration to the U.S Supreme Court’s decision in Solem
v Helm (463 U.S 277, 103 S Ct 3001, 77 L
Ed 2d 637[1983]), a case holding that a life sentence under a South Dakota recidivist law for writing a bad check amounted to CRUEL AND UNUSUAL PUNISHMENT
The state of California appealed, and the U.S Supreme Court reversed in a 5-4 decision (Lockyer v Andrade, 538 U.S
63, 123 S Ct 1166, 155 L Ed 2d 144 [2003]) Writing for the majority, Justice SANDRA DAY O’CONNOR noted that the Ninth Circuit overturned the California
Supreme Court’s decision pursuant to a HABEAS CORPUSpetition However, O’Con-nor wrote, 28 U.S.C.A § 2254(d)(1) only gives federal courts authority to overturn state court decisions in habeas proceed-ings if the state court decision was contrary to or an unreasonable applica-tion of clearly established federal law
Solem and Lockyer were similar cases, she emphasized that a decision may only be deemed “contrary to clearly established precedent” if the state court applied a rule that contradicts the governing law set forth in the Supreme Court’s cases or confronts facts that are materially indis-tinguishable from a Supreme Court deci-sion and the state court nevertheless arrives at a different result This did not happen here, O’Connor said The defen-dant in Solem was sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole, while the defendant in Lockyer became eligible for parole after serving 50 years of his sentence This fact made the two cases materially different, O’Connor said, and justified the California Supreme Court’s decision upholding Andrade’s sentence
FURTHER READINGS Walsh, Jennifer E 2007 Three Strikes Laws Westport, Conn.: Greenwood.
CROSS REFERENCES Cruel and Unusual Punishment; Determinate Sentence; Recidivism; Parole.
Trang 6also troubled by the state’s use of the two minor
theft charges, just weeks apart, as the second
and third strikes In his view,“Andrade did not
somehow become twice as dangerous to society
when he stole the second handful of
video-tapes.” A 25-year sentence would have been
reasonable but 50 years was disproportionate
In 2004 California voters defeated
Proposi-tion 66, which would have limited the
applica-tion of the three strikes law to violent felonies
The defeat came despite the rising costs of
incarceration By 2009 it cost $31,000 per year to
house an inmate and the total cost of
incarcer-ating three-strike prisoners had risen to $500
million Inmates over the age of 55 cost over
$50,000 per year to incarcerate Critics of the
law believe rising costs will eventually lead the
state to change or repeal the three strikes law
FURTHER READINGS
Kieso, Douglas 2005 Cruel Justice: Three Strikes and the
Politics of Crime in America’s Golden State Berkeley:
Univ of California Press.
Walsh, Jennifer 2007 Three Strikes Laws Westport, CT:
Greenwood Press.
Zimring, Franklin E., Sam Kamin, and Gordon Hawkins.
2003 Punishment and Democracy: Three Strikes and
You’re Out in California New York: Oxford Univ.
Press.
CROSS REFERENCES
Determinate Sentence; Prisoners ’ Rights.
THRIFT SUPERVISION, OFFICE OF
SeeOFFICE OF THRIFT SUPERVISION
vTHURMOND, JAMES STROM James Strom Thurmond began his service as a U.S senator from South Carolina in 1954; when
he died at the age of 100 in 2003, he was the oldest sitting senator in U.S history An outspoken opponent of federal CIVIL RIGHTS legislation for most of his career, Thurmond is known for conducting the longest FILIBUSTER ever by a U.S Senator, in opposition to the Civil Rights Act of 1957 Thurmond softened his views in the 1970s but remained a controversial political figure until the end Although he later moderated his position on race, Thurmond continued to defend his early segregationist campaigns on the basis ofSTATES’RIGHTS, never fully renouncing his earlier viewpoints
IMAGES
James Strom Thurmond 1902–2003
❖
1902 Born,
Edgefield, S.C.
◆
1914–18 World War I
1939–45 World War II
1950–53 Korean War
1961–73 Vietnam War
1925
◆
1923 Graduated from Clemson University
1924–29 Worked as a teacher in Edgefield County, S.C.
1929 Served as superintendent of education, Edgefield County
◆
1930 Admitted to S.C bar
1932 Elected
to S.C.
Senate
1938 Appointed state circuit judge
1942–45 Served
in U.S.
Army
1964 Switched to Republican party 1954–2003 Served in U.S Senate
1954 Brown v Board of Education
decided by Supreme Court
◆
1951 Returned to private law practice
1947–51 Served as governor of South Carolina
1948 Presidential candidate, Dixiecrat Party
1995–99 Chaired Armed Services Committee
◆
2002 Became first sitting U.S senator to turn 100
2003 Retired from Senate; died, Edgefield, S.C.
❖
1981–87 Served as Senate president pro tempore
Civil Rights Act of 1964 enacted
Trang 7Thurmond was born on December 5, 1902,
in Edgefield, South Carolina Thurmond’s father, John William Thurmond, was an attor-ney who served as county PROSECUTORand later
as U.S district attorney He was also a powerful political leader in Edgefield County Strom, as
he preferred to be called, graduated from Clemson University in 1923 He was a teacher and athletic coach in several South Carolina school districts before becoming superintendent
of education for Edgefield County in 1929
While serving as superintendent, Thurmond studied law under his father, who had become a state judge In 1930, Thurmond was admitted to the South Carolina bar He became a full-time attorney in 1933 and soon became county attorney It was then that Thurmond decided
to pursue a political career He was elected as a state senator in 1932, serving until 1938, when
he gave up his office to accept an appointment
as a state circuit judge He took a leave of absence in 1942 to serve with the 82nd Airborne Division duringWORLD WAR II
On his return to South Carolina, Thurmond resumed his political career He was elected governor in 1946, serving until 1951 Thur-mond believed, as most southern Democrats did, that state-enforced racial SEGREGATION was legitimate PUBLIC POLICY and that the federal government had no authority to end it At the
1948 national DEMOCRATIC PARTY convention, southern Democrats on the platform committee removed President HARRY S.TRUMAN’s proposals for civil rights legislation When the convention, under the leadership of HUBERT H HUMPHREY, restored Truman’s proposals, many southern Democrats, including Thurmond, walked out of the convention and started a splinter party, the States’ Rights Democratic party It was popu-larly known as the Dixiecrat party
The Dixiecrats nominated Thurmond to run for president in the 1948 election President Truman won the election, winning 28 states
Republican nominee THOMAS E DEWEY won 16 states, and Thurmond won four southern states, the third largest independent electoral vote in U.S history Thurmond left the governorship in
1951 and resumed thePRACTICE OF LAWin Aiken, South Carolina In 1954, he was elected to the U.S Senate as a write-in candidate, the first person ever to be elected to the Senate or any other major office by this method He took the unusual step of resigning in April 1956 to fulfill
a 1954 campaign promise that he would allow a
REFERENDUMon his service in two years He was reelected in November 1956 and again in 1960,
1966, 1972, 1978, 1984, 1990, and 1996 During the 1950s and 1960s, Thurmond was
a leading opponent of federal civil rights legislation and social WELFARE programs His opposition to the CIVIL RIGHTS ACT OF1964 (42 U.S.C.A § 2000a et seq.) and President Lyndon
B Johnson’s policies led Thurmond in 1964 to switch to the REPUBLICAN PARTY Changing political parties is always unusual for political leaders, but it was especially so for Thurmond The Democratic Party dominated the southern states, making them virtually one-party states Thurmond’s defection to the Republican Party was a significant act, signaling a major shift in political power in the South that would accelerate in the 1970s and 1980s
For much of his Senate career, Thurmond served on the Armed Services Committee, the Judiciary Committee, and the Veterans’ Affairs Committee From 1981 to 1987 he was chair of the Judiciary Committee, where he helped President RONALD REAGAN secure Senate confir-mation of his judicial appointments During this period he was also president pro tempore of the Senate The president pro tempore presides over the Senate when the VICE PRESIDENT is absent From 1995 to 1999 Thurmond chaired the Armed Services Committee
Thurmond served as adjunct professor of political science at Clemson and distinguished lecturer at Clemson’s Strom Thurmond Insti-tute His name has been attached to many public buildings, highways, and other public works in South Carolina
After Thurmond’s 1996 reelection, he an-nounced he would not run again but would finish out his term, during which he served as president pro tempore and later as president pro tempore emeritus In 1997, at age 94, Thur-mond, who had served in office during the terms
of ten U.S presidents, became the longest-serving senator in U.S history, a record he held until 2006 In 2001, Thurmond, who had been hospitalized several times, took up permanent residence at Washington’s Walter Reed Army Medical Center In 2002 South Carolinians elected Republican Lindsey Graham to replace Thurmond, whose term expired in January 2003
A nostalgic reference to Thurmond’s past became the subject of controversy when staffers and friends held a 100th birthday party for him
IDON’T KNOW HOWI
GOT SUCH A
REPUTATION AS A
SEGREGATIONIST
IGUESS IT WAS
BECAUSE WHENIWAS
THE GOVERNOR OF
SOUTHCAROLINA IT
WAS MY DUTY TO
UPHOLD THE LAW AND
THE LAW REQUIRED
SEGREGATION,SOI
WAS JUST DOING MY
DUTY
—S TROM T HURMOND
Trang 8legislators, and lobbyists, Republican Majority
LeaderTRENT LOTT hailed Thurmond and stated
that if others had followed the example of
Mississippi and voted Thurmond president in
1948, the country “wouldn’t have had all these
problems over all these years.” Lott’s remark
about the days of the Dixiecrats and the platform
of segregation proved so controversial that Lott
was forced to resign his position as majority
leader Thurmond was in such frail health that it
was unclear whether he was aware of the impact
of the event His health failed to improve over
the next several months, leading to his death on
June 26, 2003, in Edgefield, South Carolina
FURTHER READINGS
Bass, Jack, and Marilyn W Thompson 1998 Ol’ Strom: An
Unauthorized Biography of Strom Thurmond Atlanta:
Longstreet.
Butterfield, Fox 1995 All God’s Children New York: Knopf.
Cohodas, Nadine 1994 Strom Thurmond & the Politics of
Southern Change Atlanta: Mercer Univ Press.
“Strom Thurmond.” 2003 CNN.com: Special Report.
Available online at
www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/2003/spe-cial.strom.thurmond (accessed December 16, 2003).
vTILDEN, SAMUEL JONES
Samuel Jones Tilden was a New York lawyer,
political reformer, governor, and Democratic
candidate for president in the famous disputed
election of 1876 Tilden’s acceptance of his defeat
in the election may have prevented civil unrest
Tilden was born on February 9, 1814, in
New Lebanon, New York He attended Yale
University and studied law at New York
University before being admitted to the New
York bar in 1841 Although Tilden suffered
frequent illnesses during his life, he soon
became a successful corporate attorney,
repre-senting powerful railroad and business entities
In the 1840s Tilden became active in New YorkDEMOCRATIC PARTYpolitics He served in the New York Assembly in 1846 and was a member
of the state constitutional conventions in 1846 and 1847 Opposed to SLAVERY, he actively sup-ported the Union during the U.S.CIVIL WAR
In 1848, primarily due to his firendship with MARTIN VAN BUREN, he joined the Free-Soil faction of the New York Democratic Party, also known as the “Barnburners.” In 1855, Tilden was chosen as the anti-slavery faction’s candi-date for Attorney General of New York
In 1868 Tilden began his rise to political prominence He presided over the New York
Samuel Jones Tilden 1814–1886
❖
1814 Born, New Lebanon, N.Y.
1812–14 War of 1812
◆
1841 Admitted to New York bar
1846 Served in New York Assembly
1846–47 Member of N.Y constitutional conventions
◆
1861–65 U.S Civil War
◆
1868 Served
as chair, New York State Democratic Committee
◆
1874 Elected governor of New York
◆◆
1876 Democratic nominee for president 1877
Republican Rutherford Hayes won presidency
in disputed election
❖
1886 Died, Yonkers, N.Y.
Trang 9State Democratic Committee and led a reform movement that collected evidence and prose-cuted the notorious Tweed Ring, the corrupt Democratic political machine that controlled and defrauded New York City Tilden’s reforms led to his election as governor of New York in
1874 He continued to enhance his reputation
as reformer when he exposed the Canal Ring, a CONSPIRACY of politicians and contractors who had defrauded the state of money intended to pay for the construction of canals
In 1876, as a result of his accomplishments
in New York, Tilden won the Democratic nomination for president and ran against the Republican candidateRUTHERFORD B.HAYES The campaign was close and heated Tilden won a majority of the popular votes, and preliminary returns showed that he had 184 of the 185 electoral votes needed to win Hayes had 165 electoral votes The electoral votes for Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina, however, were
in dispute, and the status of one of Oregon’s three electors also was in question Republicans quickly calculated that if Hayes received every one of the disputed votes, he would win the presidency by a vote of 185 to 184
Congress was charged under the Constitution with resolving the electoral claims It created an electoral commission, composed of five members from theHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, four from the SENATE, and five justices from theSUPREME COURT The legislative membership was evenly divided between Democratic and Republican members
The commission voted to award all the disputed votes to Hayes Tilden, who had shown no leadership during this crisis and had made no effort to marshal support, acquiesced, fearing that any further efforts to fight the result would lead to violence Southern Democrats also went along with the commission’s result in exchange for the withdrawal of federal troops from the South and the end of RECONSTRUCTION Hayes removed the troops by the end of April 1877
After his defeat, Tilden retained influence in the Democratic party He was considered for the party’s presidential nomination in 1880 and
1884, but he declined the opportunity on both occasions
Tilden died on August 4, 1886, in Yonkers, New York A wealthy man, Tilden left the bulk
of his estate in trust for the establishment of a free public library for New York City This bequest eventually was used to help build the New York City Library in Manhattan
FURTHER READINGS Morris, Roy, Jr 2003 Fraud of the Century: Rutherford B Hayes, Samuel Tilden, and the Stolen Election of 1876 New York: Simon & Schuster.
Rehnquist, William H 2004 The Disputed Election of 1876 New York: Alfred A Knopf.
TIME Time is legally recognized as being divided into years, months, weeks, days, hours, minutes, and seconds The time kept by a municipality is known as“civic time.” A local government may not use a system of time different from that adopted by its state legislature During daylight saving time, the customary time system is advanced one hour to take advantage of the longer periods of daylight during the summer months In 2007 daylight time was changed to begin in the United States on the second Sunday
in March and to end on the first Sunday in November These dates were established by Congress in the Energy Policy Act of 2005, Pub
L no 109-58, 119 Stat 594 (2005)
Time Zones
In the past, the states followed various standards
of time until the railroads of the nation cooperated in establishing a standard time zone system, which was then adopted by federal statutes Under the standard time zone system, the continental United States is divided into four different zones The time in each zone is based upon the mean solar time at a specified degree of longitude west from Greenwich, England The Royal Observatory in Greenwich began transmitting time telegraphically in
1852, and by 1855 most of Britain used Green-wich time GreenGreen-wich Mean Time (GMT) subsequently evolved as an important and well-recognized time reference for the world Eastern Standard Time is based on the mean solar time at 75longitude west; Central Standard Time, on 90 longitude west; Mountain Stan-dard Time, on 105 longitude west; and Pacific Standard Time on 120 longitude west
Calculations
A year is the period during which the earth revolves around the sun A calendar year is 365 days, except for every fourth year, which is 366 days The year is divided into twelve months A week ordinarily means seven consecutive days, either beginning with no particular day, or from
a Sunday through the following Saturday A day
NEWYORK[CANNOT]
REMAIN THE CENTER
OF COMMERCE AND
CAPITAL FOR THIS
CONTINENT,UNLESS
IT HAS AN
INDEPENDENT BAR
AND AN HONEST
JUDICIARY
—S AMUEL J T ILDEN
Trang 10however, a day refers to the period from sunrise
to sunset
In calculating a specified number of days, it
is customary to exclude the first and include the
last As a consequence, when a lease provides
that it shall continue for a specified period
from a particular day, that day is excluded in
computing the term This rule is applied in
calculating the time for matters of practice and
procedure The rule governs, for example, the
period in which a lawsuit may be commenced,
so that the day the CAUSE OF ACTION accrues is
excluded for statute-of-limitations purposes
Other
The general rule is that when the last day of a
period within which an act is to be performed
falls on a Sunday or a holiday, that day is excluded
from the computation The act may rightfully be
done on the following business day This rule has
been applied in figuring the deadline for
conducting a meeting of corporate shareholders;
ordinance for a MUNICIPAL CORPORATION; for recording a mortgage; and for redeeming prop-erty from a sale foreclosing a mortgage Time is also often used informally in legal terms related to imprisonment or jail (“to do time”)
TIME DRAFT
A written order to pay a certain sum in money that is payable at a particular future date
Time drafts, sometimes called time bills or time loans, are frequently used by merchants to finance the transportation of goods Time drafts can also be used as a means of legally ensuring that conditions needed to trigger a payment are met Hence, in order to receive payment, the payee is motivated into completing other elements of the draft that are mandated to initiate the payment
CROSS REFERENCES Commercial Paper.
WESTERN HEMISPHERE TRADING COMPANY
Troy/Deckerville, Michigan USA
Draft No.:
Date: / / Reference:
Advising Bank:
For Value Received,
At _ ( _) Days after the Sight of this Bill of Exchange
Pay against this Bill of Exchange to the Order of Ourselves
the Sum of XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX and 00/100 U.S Dollars (US$ xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx.xx)
effective payment to be made in U.S Dollars only without deduction for and free of any tax, import levy or duty, present or future, of any
nature under the laws of the United States or any political subdivision thereof or therein.
Drawn under Issuing Bank, Xxxxx, Xxxxx, Documentary Credit LC No.:
Dated : / / TO: ISSUING BANK WESTERN HEMISPHERE TRADING COMPANY
Street Address
City
Country by:
(Authorized Signature)
Time Draft
South Pacific Ocean
Ocean
North A
Arctic Ocean
United States of America
U.S.A
Canada
Mexico
Brazil
Argentina
Chile
Bolivia
Peru
Ecuador
Colombia Guyana Suriname French Guiana (Fr.)
The Bahamas
Cuba Dominican Republic
Panama
Costa Rica Trinidad and Tobago
Jam Haiti Puerto Rico (US)
Greenl
Belize
Barbados
Dominica
Banks Island
Victoria Island Baffin Island
Ellesmere Island
Island of Newfoundlan
Falkland Islands (Islas Malvinas) (ad
Galapagos Islands (Ecuador)
120˚ 60˚
60˚
A sample time draft ILLUSTRATION BY GGS CREATIVE RESOURCES REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION OF GALE,
A PART OF CENGAGE LEARNING.