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A member of the electoral college—an associ-ation of voters elected by the populace of each state and the District of Columbia—which convenes every four years to select the president and

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Robbin Stewart was stopped for speeding as he

returned from voting in a primary election

Stewart argued that the case against him should

have been dismissed because Article VIII,

Section 4, of the Missouri Constitution

provid-ed that voters“should be privileged from arrest

while going to, attending and returning from

elections, except in case of treason, felony or

breach of the peace.”

The Missouri Court of Appeals for the

Western District rejected Stewart’s argument

The appeals court noted that in the past, the

Missouri Committee on Suffrage and Elections

had entertained the idea that the clause cited by

Stewart should apply to primary elections as

well as general elections, and that the committee

had refused to adopt the expansion In a

footnote, the court advised that the U.S

Supreme Court had construed the phrase

“treason, felony or breach of the peace” as

including all criminal offenses (Williamson v

United States, 207 U.S 425, 28 S Ct 163, 52 L

Ed 278[1908]) Such a reading would seem to

nullify the objective of Missouri’s constitutional

clause Nevertheless, the existence of such an

election-day privilege is a testament to the

importance of free elections in the United

States

The 2000 presidential election was one of

the most controversial in U.S history, where

GEORGE W BUSH won the election by defeating

former Vice President ALBERT GORE Jr in the

Electoral College despite the fact that Gore had

won the popular vote Much of the attention of

the country focused upon contested election

returns in the state of Florida, but the election

also involved other controversies In 2000, a

resident of Illinois, James Baumgartner, opened

a web site called Voteauction.com, which

purported to allow voters to sell their absentee

ballots over the Internet to the highest bidders

Although a court in Illinois quickly closed it

down, the site reopened in several other states

State and federal law enforcement officials

hounded Baumgartner, who finally sold the site

to an Austrian, Hans Bernhard

Baumgartner claimed that he had opened

the site as a publicity stunt to raise awareness of

FRAUD in government Bernhard, on the other

hand, maintained that he operated the site for

the purpose of making a profit Several state and

local agencies brought actions against him

immediately, seeking to have the site shut down

before the November 7, 2000, election More-over, Bernhard faced a contempt charge for violating a court order in Illinois requiring him

to shut the site down Bernhard’s Internet service provider eventually shut down the site before the election

FURTHER READINGS Amy, Douglas J 2000 Behind the Ballot Box: a Citizen’s Guide to Voting Systems Westport, Conn.: Praeger.

Lowenstein, Daniel Hays, and Richard L Hasen 2008.

Election Law: Cases And Materials 4th ed Durham, NC:

Carolina Academic Press.

Norris Pippa, ed 1998 Elections and Voting Behavior: New Challenges, New Perspectives Brookfield, Vt.: Ashgate, Dartmouth.

van Schagen, J.A 2000 Electoral Systems and Repres-entative Government Nijmegen, Belgium: Stichting Ars Aequi.

CROSS REFERENCES Election Campaign Financing; Gerrymander; Voting Rights Act of 1965.

ELECTIVE SHARE Statutory provision that a surviving spouse may choose between taking that which is provided in the will of the deceased spouse or taking a statutorily prescribed share of the estate Such election may be presented if the will leaves the spouse less than he or she would otherwise receive

by statute This election may also be taken if the spouse seeks to set aside a will that contains a provision to the effect that an attempt to contest the will defeats the rights of one to take under the will

ELECTOR

A voter who has fulfilled the qualifications imposed by law; a constituent; a selector of a public officer; a person who has the right to cast a ballot for the approval or rejection of a political proposal or question, such as the issuance of bonds

by a state or municipality to finance public works projects

A member of the electoral college—an associ-ation of voters elected by the populace of each state and the District of Columbia—which convenes every four years to select the president and vice president of the United States

ELECTORAL COLLEGE The Electoral College consists of nominated persons, known as electors, from the states and

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the District of Columbia, who meet every four years in their home state or district and cast ballots

to choose the president and vice president of the United States

In the popular election, Americans actually vote for electors, not for the candidates themselves The candidate who receives the majority of votes from electors takes office

Although the Constitution allows the electors to vote for any candidate, they usually vote for the candidate of the political party that nominated them In a limited number of instances, the structure of the Electoral College has led to unusual election results

The republican basis of the Electoral College stems from the Constitution When the foun-ders of the United States set out to secure a system of political representation, many among them feared mob rule Elections based on representative blocks of votes would implement

checks within the system The Framers took into consideration that large numbers of regional candidates could appeal to the interests

of various select groups, and thus the populace could be divided widely, and disturbances in the succession of power could ensue They sur-mised that Congress should have the power to settle issues that are not resolved in a popular election, and thus they created the Electoral College As a contributor to this system,

ALEXANDER HAMILTONsaid that it made sure“the office of President will seldom fall to the lot of any man who is not in eminent degree endowed with the requisite qualifications.” Rogue politi-cians, riding any waves of popular sentiments, would need to meet a higher approval before their election The Electoral College thus ensured an orderly transfer of power, especially

in the two-party system that the United States developed

Number of Electoral Votes by State

Fewer than 5 5–9 10–19

Number of electoral votes

Hawaii 4

Alaska

3

Montana 3

Washington

11

Oregon

7

California

55

Nevada

5

Idaho 4

Wyoming 3

Utah

5 Colorado

9

New Mexico 5

Arizona 10

North Dakota 3 Minnesota 10 South Dakota 3

Nebraska 5

Kansas 6

Oklahoma 7

Texas 34

Wisconsin 10 Iowa 7

Missouri 11

Arkansas 6

La.

9

Illinois 21

Michigan 17

Indiana 11

Ohio 20

Pennsylvania 21

New York 31

W.Va.

5 Virginia13 N.Carolina 15

Kentucky 8 Tennessee 11

Miss.

6

Alabama 9 Georgia 15

S.Carolina 8

Florida 27

Maine 4 Vt.

3

N.H.

4

Mass 12 R.I 4 Conn 7 N.J 15 Del 3

Md 10 D.C 3

20–29

30 and over

SOURCE: U.S Census Bureau.

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110 ELECTORAL COLLEGE

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Electors receive their appointments from a

wide and various informal circuit of possible

electoral candidates during election times and

are nominated in many states according to the

guidelines of individual state legislatures The

procedures for nominating electors, whether at

party conventions, primary elections, or party

organizational meetings, differ throughout the

United States The terms of electors are

generally not set by statute, and in some states

parties adopt their own criteria for selecting the

college’s members However, the Constitution

provides that“no Senator or Representative, or

Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit

under the United States, shall be appointed an

Elector” (U.S Const art II, § 1, cl 2)

In most states, only the names of the

presidential and vice presidential candidates—

not the names of the electors—appear on

election ballots The party that gains the most

popular votes in a state receives one electoral

vote for each of its electors In each state, each

party nominates the same number of electors as

there are representatives and senators for that

state in Congress

On the first Monday after the second

Wednesday in December following the popular

election, the electors from each state’s victorious

party cast their ballots The structure of the

Electoral College was established in Article II,

Section 1, of the U.S Constitution Under the

original provision, each elector of the college

cast two votes for president, and the candidate

who received the second-highest number of

votes assumed the vice presidency In 1804 the

TWELFTH AMENDMENTmodified the original plan

to separate the votes cast for the president and

the vice president The electors may choose to

vote for another candidate—as West Virginia’s

electors did in the 1916 race between CHARLES

EVANS HUGHESand Woodrow Wilson However,

this occurs only rarely, and even less often does

it sway the results of an election As the electoral

system is designed, generally, all of the electoral

votes from each state go to the winner of the

state’s popular vote Only Maine and Nebraska

do not use the winner-takes-all system; they use

the district plan (discussed below)

The electors sign, seal, and certify lists of

their ballots These lists go to Washington, D.C.,

where the president of the Senate, in the

presence of the Senate and the House of

Representatives, opens them The votes are

counted If the electors fail to cast a majority vote, the House of Representatives chooses the U.S president and vice president by ballot In

1824JOHN QUINCY ADAMSwas chosen as president

by the House Although the recipient of the majority of the electoral votes is determined by the college, Congress retains the power of verifying the results and makes official the election of president and vice president

Although the workings of the Electoral College have not gone unchallenged, significant challenges are infrequent However, the 2000 presidential election between GEORGE W BUSH

and ALBERT GORE Jr inspired calls to reform or eliminate the national Electoral College The election on November 7, 2000, was one of the closest in U.S history, and several media organizations erroneously announced Gore as the predicted winner before the election booths had closed Bush gained significant ground, and

by the end of the evening on November 7, it appeared he had won the vote through the Electoral College, even though Gore likely had won the national popular vote

The Electoral College consisted of 538 electors in 2000, one for each of the 435 members of the House of Representatives and

100 Senators, and three for the District of Columbia According to the U.S Office of the

FEDERAL REGISTER, for the 2000 election, 26 states and the District of Columbia had laws in effect that bound their electors to vote for the same candidate as the majority of the general populace

in that elector’s state, and 24 did not In most states, the presidential candidate who won the most popular votes then received all electoral votes from that state, referred to as the “winner-takes-all” feature Only two states, Maine and Nebraska, allocated their electoral votes propor-tionally according to the popular vote

On December 18, 2000 (the second Wednesday in December), the electors met in their respective states and went through the formality of casting their votes for the candi-dates from the party that elected them Each state then reported its totals to Congress, utilizing“Certificates of Ascertainment,” which list names of the electors and the number of votes received by each, and “Certificates of Votes,” which list all persons voted for as president and vice president and the number of electors voting for each person

The battle over the 2000 election focused on Florida’s 25 electoral votes Questions arose in

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several Florida counties about the accuracy of the election results from polls in those counties

Soon after the election, officials from the Florida counties began to call for a recount of the ballots After about a month of litigation and tense national debate, the U.S Supreme Court, in Bush v Gore (531 U.S 98, 121 S Ct

525, 148 L Ed 2d 388[2000]), ordered a halt to the manual recounting Florida is a “winner-takes-all” state, and the election potentially hinged upon the popular vote in a single county

in that state If a recount were to show that Gore had received more popular votes than Bush in Florida, Gore would have received the 25 votes and would have won the election

In the months following the 2000 election, many states reconsidered their methods for appointing electors and also looked at institut-ing changes directed toward more control over electors’ votes One of the areas for potential reform has focused on the differences in the requirements that electors cast their ballots for the same candidate who garnered a majority of the vote in the general populace in that state A second area is the“winner-takes-all” feature in the majority of states Although a few states have introduced bills to modify their systems, calls for reform have died down significantly

At the federal level, no electoral reform has progressed through Congress since 1804, when adoption of the Twelfth Amendment required electors to specify separate candidates for president and vice-president Any reform would likely occur at the state level rather than the federal level

The 2000 election was certainly not the first

to cause controversy The presidential election

of 1876 pitted RepublicanRUTHERFORD B.HAYES, a former governor of Ohio, against Democrat

SAMUEL J TILDEN, a former governor of New York Reacting against the RECONSTRUCTION

measures of Republicans in the South, Tilden received strong support from Southern Demo-crats When the election returns came in on November 7, 1876, Tilden had clearly received the majority of the popular votes However, Republicans determined that if they challenged the outcome of the voting in key areas of Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina, Hayes could win The Republicans sought victory at all costs and went all-out to claim the electoral votes from those states as their own

The Republicans waged a publicity campaign through the national press, suppressing the tallies

of the popular vote Republican election com-mittees managed to demonstrate that several key counties contained discrepancies in population figures, voter registration, and ballots cast Democrats, for obvious reasons, contested the Republicans’ tactics The parties agreed to let an electoral commission, appointed by Congress, determine the winner of the disputed electoral votes The commission consisted of 15 members from the Supreme Court, the House, and the Senate In the end, a Republican justice,JOSEPH P

BRADLEY, swayed the outcome of the commission’s findings With fewer than 48 hours before Tilden’s scheduled inauguration, the commission announced that Hayes had won the necessary electoral votes On March 3, 1877, Hayes was inaugurated

The results of the election posed issues for proponents and critics alike Defenders of the electoral system claimed that the problems surrounding the 1876 election had less to do with the college than with political corruption They maintained that the election could have resulted in a greater debacle if the constitutional structure of the college had not finally settled the contested issues Critics countered that direct elections would fit the wishes of the people better than did what looked like oligarchic manipulations of the college

In following years, critics added more ammunition to their attack with the election race between BENJAMIN HARRISON and Grover Cleveland in 1888 With an unusual demo-graphic breakdown of ballots, Harrison became president with the majority of electoral votes but with fewer popular votes than Cleveland Throughout the next century, many wondered how such confused elections could take place Proposed alternatives to the current Elec-toral College system generally fall into three categories In the first, the candidate with the most popular votes in a state would automati-cally receive those electoral votes This system would eliminate independent voting among electors In the second proposed alternative, a proportionality scheme, the breakdown of popular votes would correlate directly with the breakdown of electoral votes This plan would abandon the winner-takes-all structure of the college In the third alternative, the district plan used in Maine and Nebraska, individual con-gressional districts would be treated as repre-sentative of a single electoral vote, and the two

112 ELECTORAL COLLEGE

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electoral votes that each state receives for its two

senators would go to the winner of the majority

of the districts To some advocates, there also

exists a fourth option: abolishing the Electoral

College altogether and letting a direct vote of

the people determine who wins the offices of

president and vice president However, no

changes were made to the electoral college in

either the 2004 or 2008 elections

Despite two controversial elections and

occasional calls for change, the electoral system

has more or less secured an extended series of

peaceable transfers of power in the United

States Absent drastic changes in the political

landscape, its role in selecting the U.S president

and vice president seems secure

FURTHER READINGS

Abbott, David W., and James P Levine 1991 Wrong

Winner New York: Praeger.

Glennon, Michael J 1992 When No Majority Rules: The

Electoral College and Presidential Succession Washington

D.C.: Congressional Quarterly.

Gregg, Gary L., II, ed 2001 Securing Democracy: Why We

Have An Electoral College Wilmington, Del.: ISI Books.

Hardaway, Robert M 1994 The Electoral College and the

Constitution New York: Praeger.

Kuroda, Tadahisa 1994 The Origins of the Twelfth

Amendment Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.

Rose, Gary L 1994 Controversial Issues in Presidential

Selection Albany, N.Y.: State Univ of New York Press.

Wayne, Stephen J 1988 The Road to the White House New

York: St Martin ’s Press.

ELECTRICITY

Electricity was discovered byBENJAMIN FRANKLIN

in 1752 The electric generator was invented

by Michael Faraday in 1831 Thomas Edison’s

invention of the electric lightbulb in 1879

sparked the demand for electric power that

continues into the early 2000s, ultimately

resulting in the need for legislative and

regulatory controls on the

electric-power-generating industry

History

By the end of the nineteenth century, the

United States had completed its transition from

using wood as a major energy source to using

coal, and the next transition from coal to oil and

natural gas was just beginning By the early

twentieth century, both homes and businesses

increased their demand for electric power, and

electric utilities obtained long-term franchises

from municipalities

In 1920 the Federal Power Act (FPA), 16 U

S.C.A §§ 791a–828c, was passed in response to increased competition between electric utilities and a lack of consistent service to rural areas

The Federal Power Act gave the Federal Power Commission the authority to license hydroelec-tric plants Later, President FRANKLIN D ROOSE-VELT encouraged Congress to create part II of the act, which gave the Federal Power Commis-sion the power to regulate the transmisCommis-sion of electric energy (16 U.S.C.A §§ 824–824m) This legislation was necessary to guard against potential abuses of the utility companies’

monopolistic structure and to ensure adequate and consistent service nationwide

As more and larger electric generating plants were constructed and as more electric power lines were strung, legislators believed that through economies of scale, electric utility monopolies could actually offer lower costs to consumers than could competition between

SOURCE: Energy Information Administration, Electric

Power Monthly, April 2009.

U.S ELECTRIC UTILITIES REVENUE, 2008

Average Price

Sales Electricity

Industrial

982 billion kWh 1,379 billion Residential

kWh

Commercial 1,352 billion kWh

Industrial 7.01 cents per kWh

Residential 11.36 cents per kWh

Commercial 10.28 cents per kWh

ILLUSTRATION BY GGS CREATIVE RESOURCES REPRODUCED BY PER-MISSION OF GALE, A PART OF CENGAGE LEARNING.

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smaller utilities Because of the capital-inten-sive nature of providing electric power, and the costs of building plants and stringing lines, it is more cost-effective to spread these costs over the large and consistent customer base

provid-ed by a monopoly

Structure of the Industry Modern electric utilities have three major organizational components: generation (power plants), transmission (high-voltage bulk power between utilities), and distribution (low-voltage power to ultimate consumers) Modern electric utilities not only produce the power they need for their consumers but also pool and coordi-nate excess electricity with other utilities

In 2007 the United States had the ability to produce more than 950,000 million megawatts

of electrical energy, of which only 2.5 percent was from renewable energy sources (although this represented a steady annual increase)

Pooling and coordination of electrical energy take place through high-voltage wires that are maintained and referred to as the national grid;

high-voltage wires are used because they allow transmission at a lower current, which generates less heat and results in less energy loss

At regional distribution centers closer to the ultimate consumers, the electrical energy is transformed into the low-voltage, higher-current electricity delivered to homes and businesses

Major electric utilities produce electric power by burning fossil fuels or natural gas, harnessing the hydroelectric energy produced

by dams, and initiating and maintaining nuclear fission Smaller, independent power producers use hydroelectric energy in addition to wind energy, wood energy, geothermal energy, and biomass, which are all forms of renewable energy Nuclear electric generating plants were constructed in 1957, after the passage of the

1946 Atomic Energy Act (42 U.S.C.A § 2011), which removed the government’s monopoly over NUCLEAR POWER, and the Price-Anderson Act (42 U.S.C.A 2210), which allowed for private ownership of uranium

Commercial nuclear energy expanded in the 1960s and the early 1970s, and most consumers welcomed what was thought to be a safe and inexpensive source of energy From the late 1970s to the 1990s, the dangers of nuclear energy and the expense of environmental contamina-tion and lack of safe waste storage contributed to

the end of nuclear power plant construction No U.S nuclear power plants have been ordered since 1978 Coal and hydroelectric energy continue to be the principal sources of commer-cial electric power

Regulation The generation, transmission, and distribution

of electric power are heavily regulated At the federal level, the transmission of electric power between utilities is governed by thePUBLIC UTILITIES

Regulatory Policies Act (PURPA) (Pub L No 95-617[codified in various sections of U.S.C.A tits 15, 16]) In PURPA, Congress gave the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) jurisdiction over energy transmission PURPA requires that independent power producers (IPPs) be allowed to interconnect with the distribution and transmission grids of major electric utilities In addition, PURPA protects IPPs from paying burdensome rates for purchas-ing backup power from major utilities and sets the rate at which the utilities can purchase power from IPPs at the major utilities’s “avoided cost” (market cost minus the production costs

“avoided” by purchasing from another utility)

of producing the power

The primary regulation of the generation, distribution, and transmission of electric power occurs at the state level through various state public utility commissions Because the produc-tion of electric energy is connected with aPUBLIC INTEREST, states have a vested interest in overseeing it and working to guarantee that electricity will be produced in a safe, efficient, and expedient manner In exchange for a monopoly in a particular geographic region,

an electric utility must agree to supply electricity continuously and has a duty to avert unreason-able risks to its consumers Electric utility companies must provide electricity at applicable lawful rates and must file rate schedules with the public service commissions Sometimes these rates are challenged, and administrative hearings are held to allow the utilities to petition for rate increases Electricity rates must be high enough to cover the cost of production and must allow a fair return on the current value of capital investment Rates that would allow significantly more than a fair return may be struck down as unreasonably high

The regulatory landscape began to change

in the late 1990s, as FERC endorsed the concept of greater competition in the sale of

114 ELECTRICITY

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electricity Advocates of competition

con-tended that the production and delivery of

electricity were two distinct activities that

should not be bundled into one charge for the

energy consumer Instead, they argued for a

free market system where electricity could be

bought and sold at the wholesale level for the

lowest price and then delivered anywhere in

the country National energy producers and

wholesalers sought to end the dominance of

state and regional utility companies, which

controlled the power lines through which

these new competitors wanted to transmit

electricity

FERC issued an order in 1996 that opened

up the electrical transmission lines owned by

state power utilities to other wholesalers of

electricity The order required that utility

companies break out their wholesale electricity

rates to show how much was being charged for

the generation of power, the transmission of

electricity, and other ancillary services In

addition, whatever these companies charged

to transmit their own electricity was the

maximum amount they could charge other

companies that wanted to use their

transmis-sion lines

These regulations were also extended to

the retail transmission of electricity in

inter-state commerce However, FERC rejected the

calls of energy resellers (such as the

Texas-based Enron Corporation) to permit this same

type of open access to retail power sales This

would have meant that consumers and

businesses could obtain their power from an

out-of-state provider, much like they can

choose their long-distance telephone provider

FERC rejected this approach because it feared

that it would be costly and difficult to

administer

The order led some states to deregulate

their utilities to permit competition in this

new legal environment However, New York

and eight other states objected to the order,

believing it usurped state authority They filed

suit in federal court challenging the legality of

the order Enron also filed suit, challenging

FERC’s denial of access to the retail

transmis-sion of electricity The two lawsuits were

consolidated and heard by the CIRCUIT COURT

of Appeals for the District of Columbia The

appellate court rejected the arguments of the

states and Enron, concluding that FERC had

authority under the FPA to issue such an order

The Supreme Court, in New York v Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (535 U.S 1, 122

S Ct 1012, 152 L Ed 2d 47[2002]), upheld the circuit court decision The Court concluded that although the states had regulated electricity for 60 years, this did not mean they had the underlying authority to make such decisions

The federal government had merely allowed these practices to continue FERC had the authority to issue the order and had exercised this power lawfully Though FERC had the authority to allow Enron and other companies

to enter the retail sales market, the Court held that FERC had acted within its administrative powers in declining to exercise its jurisdiction at this time FERC’s decision not to claim jurisdiction over the retail market could be changed in the future

In 2000 and 2001, the state of California was in the midst of an electricity crisis A shortage of electricity led to skyrocketing prices, blackouts and brownouts, and expen-sive long-term contracts by the state to secure a supply of electricity into the future The price

of electricity jumped from $30 per megawatt hour to $361 per megawatt hour Several buyers negotiated power purchase contracts that enabled them to buy in at below-market rates but commit them for a longer period of time However, within months, allegations surfaced that wholesalers such as Enron had manipulated the market to create artificial shortages, which led to the sale of electricity at inflated prices The buyers then sought action from FERC to void or renegotiate these contracts, arguing that they had been executed during a time when the market was “dysfunc-tional” and further seeking refunds of excess amounts paid under the contracts

Years of appeals and remands followed

FERC refused to modify the contracts, but finally, in 2007, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals SET ASIDE FERC’s decision as arbitrary and contrary to the FPA It established its own test for a “zone of reasonableness” standard to determine whether a rate imposed undue burden on customers, a public interest consid-eration that would give FERC the authority to intervene However, the Ninth Circuit decision was vacated by the U.S Supreme Court in 2008, and the case was remanded back to FERC In

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the long-awaited decision of Morgan Stanley Capital Group Inc v Public Utility Group No 1

of Snohomish County (554 U.S _, 128 S Ct

2733 [2008]), the high court reaffirmed that freely negotiated contracts for the sale of electricity under the FPA were presumed to be reasonable and just, in the absence of a showing that the rates impaired the public interest The remand instructed FERC to reexamine whether the buyers’ claims of market manipulation would qualify as grounds for FERC intervention (modification of the contracts) in the public interest

Dangers and Liabilities Electricity, especially at high voltages or high currents, is a dangerous commodity Faulty wiring, power lines that are close to trees and buildings, and inadequate warning signs and fences around transformer stations and over buried electrical cables can subject an individual

to electric shock or even electrocution Because

of the ultra-hazardous nature of providing electric power, states have many statutes and regulations in place to protect the public from electric shock

Other dangers from electricity include stray voltage and electromagnetic field radiation

Stray voltage affects farm animals, especially dairy cattle On dairy farms, it occurs when cattle drink from electric feeding troughs or are attached to electric milking machines, and small electric shocks pass through the cattle, through their hooves, and into the ground Re-peated shocks can inhibit or destroy the milk-producing capability of dairy cattle Liability for stray voltage on farms can be attributed

to public utilities when wiring is faulty or negligently connected to a farmer’s equipment

Some juries have awarded thousands of dollars

to farmers whose cattle have been damaged by this phenomenon

Electromagnetic fields are created whenever current moves through power lines The strength of these fields drops off exponentially

as the distance from the power lines increases

Individuals whose homes or businesses are close

to power wires must live and work in these fields Some individuals who live or work near high-voltage power lines have developed brain cancer and leukemia and blame their condition

on the constant exposure to electromagnetic field radiation Studies have shown a correlation between electromagnetic fields and cancer, but many of the studies have been challenged as

methodologically flawed By the mid-1990s, no conclusiveSCIENTIFIC EVIDENCEproved an epide-miological relationship between cancer and the electromagnetic fields produced by high-voltage power lines

FURTHER READINGS Atterbury, Mark S 1995 “The Strict Liability of Power Companies for Cancer Caused by Electromagnetic Fields ” Southern Illinois University Law Journal 19 Energy Information Administration 2009 “Electric Power Industry 2007: Year in Review ” January 21, 2009 Available online at http://www.eia.doe.gov/cneaf/elec-tricity/epa/epa_sum.html.; website home page: http:// www.eia.doe.gov/ (accessed September 10, 2009) Federal Energy Regulatory Commission Available online at www.ferc.gov (accessed December 16, 2009) Handmaker, Robert S 1989 “Deregulating the Transmission

of Electricity: Wheeling under PURPA sections 203, 204, and 205 ” Washington University Law Journal 67 Hunt, Sally 2002 Making Competition Work in Electricity New York: John Wiley.

Laitos, Jan G., and Joseph P Tomain 1992 Energy and Natural Resources Law St Paul, Minn.: West Sweeny, James L 2002 The California Electricity Crisis Palo Alto, Calif.: Hoover Institution.

Yelkovac, Peter G 1994 “Homogenizing the Law of Stray Voltage: An Electrifying Attempt to Corral the Controversy ” Valparaiso University Law Review 28 CROSS REFERENCES

Energy; Federal Preemption.

ELECTRONIC FRONTIER FOUNDATION

The Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) is a nonprofit organization that seeks to increase the understanding of civil liberties and other legal issues in cyberspace, or what it calls the electronic frontier Concerned with preserving the principles embodied in the U.S Constitu-tion andBILL OF RIGHTS, EFF defends the rights of computer users, network users, and members of the online community

Widely recognized for its expertise in legal matters related to computer networks and electronic media, EFF has become a leading resource for those seeking to better understand the complex issues associated with new commu-nications technology As part of its civil liberties mission, EFF seeks to ensure that the creators of electronic communications have the same politi-cal freedoms as the creators of newspapers, books, journals, and other traditional media EFF was founded on July 10, 1990, by Mitchell D Kapor, the founder of Lotus

116 ELECTRONIC FRONTIER FOUNDATION

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Development Corporation and ON Technology,

and John Perry Barlow, a writer and lyricist

Kapor and Barlow formed the organization after

becoming alarmed by what they saw as

misguided and unconstitutional actions by state

and federal law enforcement officials against

individual computer users Initial funding

for EFF came from Kapor, Steve Wozniak,

co-founder of Apple Computer, and other

computer and technology entrepreneurs

Among EFF’s first efforts were the defense

of several hackers, or computer enthusiasts, in

cases brought by the government EFF has

continued to sponsor lawsuits when it has felt

that individuals’ online civil liberties have been

violated EFF also submits advisory reports,

called AMICUS CURIAE briefs, to courts and

arranges for the charitable donation of

attor-neys’ services for individuals who cannot afford

their own legal counsel

As part of its effort to promote laws that

better accommodate new technology, EFF

monitors legislation and lobbies for changes in

the law It also creates and distributes legal

analyses to companies, utilities, governments,

and other organizations, and it maintains a free

telephone hotline for use by those in the online

community who have questions regarding their

legal rights EFF runs a speakers’ bureau, which

disseminates the organization’s views to law

enforcement organizations, attorneys’

associa-tions, universities, and other groups

EFF promotes improved INTELLECTUAL

PROP-ERTYlaws, including patent and copyright laws,

for electronic media It also encourages the

creation of policies that will promote the

distribution of electronic information by public

and private providers EFF sponsors summits

and working groups that bring together people

from business, government, education, and

nonprofit organizations

Specific proposals advanced by EFF include

a “common carriage” approach to free speech

on electronic networks Under a

common-carrier scheme, network providers must carry

all speech, regardless of its content, but are not

liable for the actions of users EFF has called for

an electronic freedom-of-information act to

allow broader public access to information, and

it has set forth specific proposals that promote

wider access to computer networks such as the

INTERNET

EFF publishes the EFFector Online, an

electronic bulletin; the EFFector, a hard-copy

newsletter; and various pamphlets and books It maintains several communications forums on the Internet, including a web site and news group forums on Usenet and on private online systems

CROSS REFERENCES Computer Crime; E-Mail; Freedom of Speech.

ELECTRONIC SURVEILLANCE Electronic surveillance is observing or listening to persons, places, or activities—usually in a secretive

or unobtrusive manner—with the aid of electronic devices such as cameras, microphones, tape recor-ders, or wire taps The objective of electronic surveillance when used in law enforcement is to gather evidence of a crime or to accumulate intelligence about suspected criminal activity Cor-porations use electronic surveillance to maintain the security of their buildings and grounds or to gather information about competitors

Electronic surveillance permeates almost every aspect of life in the United States In the public sector, the president, Congress, judiciary, military, and law enforcement all use some form of this technology In the private sector, business competitors, convenience stores, shop-ping centers, apartment buildings, parking facilities, hospitals, banks, employers, and spouses have employed various methods of electronic eavesdropping Litigation has even arisen from covert surveillance of restrooms

Three types of electronic surveillance are most prevalent: wire tapping, bugging, and videotaping Wire tapping intercepts telephone calls and telegraph messages by physically penetrating the wire circuitry Someone must actually “tap” into telephone or telegraph wires to accomplish this type of surveillance

Bugging is accomplished without the aid of telephone wires, usually by placing a small microphone or other listening device in one location to transmit conversations to a nearby receiver and recorder Video surveillance is performed by conspicuous or hidden cameras that transmit and record visual images that may be watched simultaneously or reviewed later on tape

Electronic eavesdropping serves several pur-poses: (1) enhancement of security for persons and property; (2) detection and prevention of criminal, wrongful, or impermissible activity; and (3) interception, protection, or appropriation

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of valuable, useful, scandalous, embarrassing, and discrediting information The law attempts to strike a balance between the need for electronic surveillance and the privacy interests of those affected

Constitutional Law TheFOURTH AMENDMENTto the U.S Constitution protects the“right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures.” It further provides that “no Warrants shall issue, but uponPROBABLE CAUSE, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things

to be seized.”

Electronic surveillance did not exist in 1789, when this amendment was written, and was probably not contemplated by the Founding Fathers But the colonists were familiar with unbridled methods of law enforcement British officials conducted warrantless searches and seizures and made arrests based on mere sus-picion Even when a search was made pursuant to

a warrant, the warrant was often general in nature, vesting British officials with absolute discretion to determine the scope and duration

of the search

The Fourth Amendment was carefully drafted in response to this colonial experience

It provides two basic protections First, it prohibits government officials, or persons acting under COLOR OF LAW, from performing unreasonable searches and seizures Second, it forbids magistrates from issuing warrants that are not supported by probable cause or that fail

to specify the persons, places, and things subject

to SEARCH AND SEIZURE The Supreme Court has held that searches performed without a warrant are presumptively unreasonable When a search

is presumptively unreasonable, evidence seized

by the police during the search will not be admissible against the DEFENDANT at trial unless the prosecution demonstrates that the evidence seized falls within an exception to the warrant requirement such as the good faith exception

The Supreme Court first considered the Fourth Amendment implications of electronic surveillance in Olmstead v United States, 277 U.S 438, 48 S Ct 564, 72 L Ed 944 (1928) In Olmstead, federal agents intercepted incriminat-ing conversations by tappincriminat-ing the telephone wires outside the defendant’s home without a

warrant or his consent In a 5–4 decision, the Court ruled that electronic eavesdropping involves neither a search nor a seizure, within the meaning of the Fourth Amendment The Court reasoned that no search took place in Olmstead because the government intercepted the conversations without entering the defen-dant’s home or office and thus without examining any “place.” No seizure occurred because the intercepted conversations were not the sort of tangible“things” the Court believed were protected by the Fourth Amendment In a prescient dissent, Justice LOUIS D BRANDEIS

argued that nonconsensual, warrantless eaves-dropping offends Fourth Amendment privacy interests without regard to manner or place of surveillance

The Supreme Court whittled away at the Olmstead holding for the next 40 years, finally overruling it in Katz v United States, 389 U.S

347, 88 S Ct 507, 19 L Ed 2d 576 (1967) In Katz, the police attached a listening device to the outside of a public telephone booth where the defendant was later recorded making inculpatory statements The Court declared this type of warrantless surveillance unconstitu-tional The Court emphasized that the Fourth Amendment protects persons, not places, and held that the amendment’s protections extend

to any place where an individual maintains a reasonable expectation of privacy The Court determined that in Katz, the defendant main-tained a reasonable expectation of privacy in both the particular conversation he had and the public telephone booth where it took place Katz made government electronic surveillance, and legislation authorizing it, subject to the strictures of the Fourth Amendment

As technology continues to develop, the Court has had to consider new methods of investigation by law enforcement officials In Kyllo v United States, 533 U.S 27, 121 S Ct

2035, 150 L Ed 2d 94 (2001), the Court considered the constitutionality of the use of a thermal imaging device during surveillance of a home An agent of the U.S.DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR suspected that the defendant, Danny Kyllo, was growing marijuana in his home The officer knew that indoor marijuana growth requires use of high-intensity lamps, and the officer sought to discover the presence of these lamps through the use of the thermal imaging device The device demonstrated that the

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