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With some frequency, lower federal courts and the National Labor Relations Board have upheld lockouts by employers.. Unfair Labor Practices An unfair labor practice is any action or stat

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their differences and negotiate an employment contract, the parties may use different types of pressure to produce an agreement, including boycotts, strikes, the carrying of signs and banners, picketing, and lockouts

A labor boycott is any type of union action that seeks to reduce or stop public patronage of

a business It is a refusal to purchase from or to handle the products of a particular employer

Employees may legally exert economic pressure

on their employer through a boycott, so long as they act peacefully But a union is forbidden to engage in a secondary boycott For example, if

a union’s primary dispute is with a hardware manufacturer, it may not picket or use other methods to get the employees of a hardware store, who are neutral or secondary parties, to stage a strike at the store in order to force it to cease handling the manufacturer’s products

A strike is a concerted refusal of employees

to perform work that they have been assigned,

in order to force the employer to grant concessions that the employees have demanded

The right of employees to strike is protected by the courts A lawful strike must be conducted in

an orderly manner and may not be used as a shield for violence or crime Intimidation and coercion in the course of a strike are unlawful

The peaceful carrying of signs and banners advertising a labor dispute is ordinarily a lawful means to publicize employees’ grievances against an employer

Picketing consists of posting one or more union members at the site of a strike or boycott,

in order to interfere with a particular employ-er’s business or to influence the public against patronizing that employer It can be reasonably regulated Lawful picketing is peaceful and honest The use of force, intimidation, or coercion on a picket line is not constitutionally protected activity In addition, employees are not acting within their rights when they seize any part of the employer’s property

A lockout is an employer’s refusal to admit employees to the workplace, in order to gain a concession from them In American Ship Building Co v NLRB, 380 U.S 300, 85 S Ct

955, 13 L Ed 2d 855 (1965), the U.S Supreme Court upheld the right of an employer to lock out employees if the intent is to promote the company’s bargaining position and not to destroy the collective bargaining process or the union

With some frequency, lower federal courts and the National Labor Relations Board have upheld lockouts by employers In Local 702, International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers v NLRB, 215 F.3d 11 (D.C Cir 2000), the U.S Court of Appeals upheld aRULINGby the NLRB finding that an employer’s lockout did not violate the NLRA Employees of the union in the case resorted to“inside game” tactics, where the employees refused to work voluntary overtime and adhered strictly to company rules

to such an extent that it slowed the company’s productivity The union began using this strategy during labor negotiations with the company The company imposed a lockout of the employees in order to facilitate the negotia-tions and to counter the effects of the union’s strategy The appellate court, in upholding a decision by the NLRB, found that the employer had legitimate and substantial business justifi-cations for the lockout and that the union had not proven that the employer had acted with an improper motive in initiating the lockout

Unfair Labor Practices

An unfair labor practice is any action or statement by an employer that interferes with, restrains, or coerces employees in their exercise

of the right to organize and conduct collective bargaining Such interference, restraint, or coer-cion can arise through threats, promises, or offers to employees

An unfair labor practice can occur during collective bargaining In Auciello Iron Works v NLRB, 517 U.S 781, 116 S Ct 1754, 135 L Ed 2d 64 (1996), the U.S Supreme Court upheld

an NLRB ruling that the employer had com-mitted an unfair labor practice After the union accepted one of the employer’s collective bar-gaining proposals, the employer disavowed the agreement because of good faith doubts about whether the union still commanded a majority

of the employees The Court reasoned that the employer’s doubts arose from facts that the employer had known about before the union had accepted its contract offer

Labor laws are not intended to interfere with an employer’s normal exercise of discre-tion in hiring and firing employees In general,

an employer may hire employees based on their individual merit, with no regard to union affiliation Refusal to hire an applicant owing

to affiliation with a LABOR UNION is an unfair labor practice

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The motive of an employer in discharging

an employee may be a controlling factor in

determining whether the discharge is an unfair

labor practice An employer’s history of

anti-union bias is an extremely important factor in

ascertaining the motive for discharge of an

employee An employer may discharge an

employee on various grounds without being

guilty of an unfair labor practice Such grounds

include misconduct, unlawful activity, disloyalty,

and termination of the business operation In

addition, inefficiency, disobedience, or

insub-ordination is proper grounds for dismissal,

provided the discharge is not motivated by the

employer’s reaction to union activity Firing an

employee based on union activity or

member-ship is an unfair labor practice Furthermore,

the filing of unfair labor practice charges or the

giving of testimony in a case based on such

charges does not warrant dismissal

In general, an unfair labor practice exists

when an employer contributes financial or any

other support to a labor organization An

employer must, therefore, remain neutral

be-tween competing unions It is also an unfair

labor practice for an employer to dominate or

interfere with the formation or administration

of any labor organization

A union commits an unfair labor practice

when it causes, or attempts to cause, an

employer to hire, discharge, or discriminate

against an employee for the purpose of

encouraging or discouraging union activity

The same is true when a union restrains or

coerces employees in the exercise of their rights

to self-organize; to form, join, or assist labor

unions; to bargain collectively; or to refrain

from any of these activities The refusal of a

labor organization to bargain collectively or to

execute a formal document embodying

agree-ment with an employer is another unfair labor

practice

Contract Enforcement and Contract

Disputes

Almost every collective bargaining agreement in

the United States contains a GRIEVANCE

PROCE-DURE In the grievance procedure, the union and

the employer try to settle any disputes over the

meaning or application of the contract by

themselves If the parties fail, they may invoke

arbitration, a procedure that typically calls for

referring the issue to an impartial third party for

a final and binding determination

Grievance provisions of a collective bargain-ing agreement govern the procedure to be followed to settle on-the-job disputes Typical grievance procedures generally consist of at least three steps: (1) an employee and his or her union steward present their complaint orally to the supervisor, who has the power to settle it;

(2) in the event that the matter is not settled at that stage, it is reduced to writing, and the union steward and union officers confer with management; (3) if no agreement is reached, the aggrieved employee may submit the matter

to arbitration, which will be binding on all parties

The arbitration of disputes under a collec-tive bargaining agreement is a matter of contract, and the parties to it may delineate the scope of their arbitration clause Common grievances settled under arbitration clauses include disputes over seniority rights, employee discipline, pension orWELFARE benefits, rates of pay, and hours of work Ordinarily, the issue

of whether a strike or lockout is a breach of an agreement is a proper subject for arbitration

The vast majority of union-employer con-tract disputes are resolved in a grievance procedure, and most of the rest are disposed of routinely through arbitration Occasionally, a party will resist arbitration or will refuse to comply with an arbitrator’s award In such a case, section 301 of the Taft-Hartley Act authorizes a suit in federal court to enforce the agreement to arbitrate or the arbitrator’s award

The federal courts have enforced a pro-arbitration policy in labor contracts If a union strikes over a grievance it could have arbitrated, the employer may secure an injunction against the strike under section 301 of the Taft-Hartley Act, even though ordinarily the Norris-LaGuardia Act prevents the federal courts from enjoining strikes by labor unions

Regulation of Unions

The Landrum-Griffin Act contains provisions that regulate how labor unions conduct their internal affairs These provisions seek to prevent union corruption and to guarantee to union members that unions will be run democratically

The act provides a BILL OF RIGHTS for union

LABOR LAW 199

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members, requires certain financial disclosures

by unions, prescribes procedures for the election of union officers, and provides civil and criminal remedies for financial abuses by union officers

Employees who are not union members can

be required to paid a portion of the union dues

as a condition of their employment These contributions are called “service fees.” Since

1956 the Supreme Court has issued rulings on what service fees may be charged to nonmem-bers without violating the FIRST AMENDMENT rights of nonmembers The general approach

to analyzing the components of a service fee has been to exempt from the fee political or ideological activities with which the nonmem-bers might disagree The Court determined that the payment of the service fee furthered the

government’s interest in preventing free-riding

by nonmembers who benefit from the union’s collective bargaining actions and in preserv-ing peaceful labor relations In Locke v Karass, U.S. , 129 S.Ct 798, L.Ed.2d (2009), the Court ruled that a union could charge nonmembers for “national litigation” expenses as long as the litigation was of the type that would be chargeable if the litigation were local and the charge were reciprocal in nature National litigation expenses are those that do not directly benefit the local union The Court concluded that the fee could be collected if the subject-matter of the litigation were related to collective bargaining and the arrangement were reciprocal In this context, reciprocal would mean that the local’s payment to the national organization was for services “that may

Reinventing the Workplace:

Improving Quality, or Creating Company (Sham) Unions?

Foreign competition, technological

change, and concerns about

declin-ing productivity have led to significant

modifications in the way many U.S

businesses manage their affairs These

changes, which have been championed

by a long list of management consultants,

have appeared under numerous labels,

including quality circles and total quality

management (TQM) All of these

approaches emphasize that the goal of a

business is to achieve a high standard of

quality in goods manufactured or

ser-vices provided To meet this quality goal,

businesses have moved away from

top-down management, substituting a team

approach Traditional management

per-sonnel and line-level workers meet in

committees to discuss and resolve issues

within the company concerning product,

service, and the way work is organized

The advocates of teamwork and

quality circles have hit a legal brick wall

in the National Labor Relations Act of

1935 (NLRA) (29 U.S.C.A § 151 et

seq.) Under the NLRA, sections 2(5) and

8(A)(2), employers are forbidden to

create employer-dominated company unions In Electromation, 309 N.L.R.B

990 (1992), theNATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD(NLRB) ruled that Electromation,

a nonunion company, could not sponsor

an “action committee” because that committee was, under the NLRA provi-sions, a labor organization Additional cases have confirmed the NLRB’s posi-tion on this issue

Proponents of quality circles and teamwork argue that the NLRA is an antiquated set of laws, based on a period

of U.S history when businesses used every tool at their disposal to subvert unions and union organization The adversarial posture of labor and manage-ment may have made sense in the past, this argument goes, but it is counterpro-ductive in an economy that must adapt quickly to world market forces The most radical proposal by critics of the NLRB’s position on this issue is to abolish the NLRA altogether

More moderate proponents argue instead for changes in the NLRA to permit committees, teams, and more of

what they call workplace democracy They point out that with the steady decline of union membership and blue-collar jobs, traditional labor-management relations have become irrelevant They note that white-collar workers, who now dominate the U.S economy, are less likely to join a

LABOR UNION Therefore, worker morale and job satisfaction are better when employees are included in the decision-making process of a business

Proponents of quality circles also believe that a better educated workforce

is capable of making informed decisions about its relations with employers They assert that the days of the employer’s being an absolute sovereign are over It is more productive to allow nonunion employees to organize within the com-pany based on committees and circles These workers are entitled to the same type of participatory democracy found in labor unions

Most proponents would give employees the chance to make up their own mind about their work environ-ment If a union successfully wins over

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ultimately inure to the benefit of the members

of the local union.”

Unions have also had to confront unfriendly

state governments In 2003 the Idaho

Legisla-ture passed a law prohibiting state and local

governments from making union payroll

deductions for political activities These

activi-ties included “electoral activities, independent

expenditures, or expenditures made to any

candidate, political party, political action

com-mittee or in support or against any ballot

measure.” Unions in Idaho objected to this

change, as it would make the collection of these

types of dues very difficult and costly In Ysursa

v Pocatello Education Association, U.S. , 129

S.Ct 1093, L.Ed.2d (2009), the U.S

Supreme Court upheld the state law The Court

ruled that Idaho was under no obligation to aid

the unions in their political activities and the state’s decision not to do so was not “an abridgment of the union’s speech.”

Changing Labor-Management Relations

For most of the history of U.S labor-manage-ment relations, employers and labor unions have seen each other as adversaries Federal labor law has been shaped by this adversarial relationship, yet shifts in the structure of the U.S economy have led to more cooperation In the 1980s unions agreed to givebacks, in which employees agree to reduced wages and benefits

in return for job security, particularly in the manufacturing industries In response, employ-ers have given unions a larger voice in the allocation of jobs and in the work environment itself

enough employees to be certified as the

legalBARGAINING AGENT, that would

indi-cate dissatisfaction with the employer

and would be an acceptable outcome

These proponents would object to

unions filing complaints with the NLRB

over company committees where the

employees have rejected union

represen-tation in the past As long as employees

want to participate in a company

com-mittee or circle, they should be permitted

to do so

Proponents argue that the bar on

these types of workplace organizational

innovations hurts workers These

inno-vations give employees more autonomy

to plan work schedules, meet deadlines,

operate equipment, make repairs, and

handle health and safety issues In the

past an employee could suggest a change

to management but then had to stand

back and observe whether the change

took place In today’s workplace an

employee wants to implement as well as

suggest improvements

Finally, proponents note that in

union-organized companies unions are

free to negotiate the participation of

employees in teams and quality circles

They suggest that it is unfair to restrict

nonunion employees from electing to

participate in similar business

manage-ment ventures

The U.S labor movement has resisted vigorously the introduction of employee involvement programs by management in both union and nonunion environments

Labor union leadership views the intro-duction of employer-sponsored commit-tees as a return to the past and as a way of undercutting the ability of unions to organize white-collar workers

Opponents point out the sordid history of U.S labor relations prior to the passage of the NLRA in 1935

Company-sponsored unions were put forward as a way to resolve disputes over wages, hours, and other conditions of employment Employees believed that these unions acted in GOOD FAITH to negotiate a contract with management

In reality, these organizations were sham unions, dominated by the employer The employers would put company spies in them to monitor what was discussed

Employees were either bought off or fired if they proved too effective in their union duties

Opponents argue that the NRLA is preserving the independence of labor unions Without its decisions employers

of nonunion employees would use TQM, quality circles, and other buzzwords to promote a nonunion status that would place employees at a disadvantage

Employees will quite likely be intimidated

in employer-organized groups, and un-able to raise or meaningfully discuss certain issues that management does not want to hear Without a COLLECTIVE BARGAINING AGREEMENT negotiated by a union, opponents maintain, employees will not have job security or promotion protection

Opponents also question who makes the decisions in these groups Though the rhetoric suggests empowerment of employees, employee committees are purely advisory, and the employer retains the authority to decide all issues In addition, because management creates these committees, management can dis-solve them at any time The inequality

of power within a nonunion business dictates that the employer can do whatever management wants, regardless

of a recommendation by an employee committee

The NLRA has placed a barrier to new models of business organization The distrust of labor unions and their difficulty in making inroads with white-collar workers reconfirms to the unions the need for an adversarial posture with management Those who seek funda-mental change in the way U.S business operates believe that the NLRA must be amended to accommodate a major shift

in economic organization

LABOR LAW 201

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When economic hardships fall on employ-ers, these employers must often negotiate concessions with employees and the unions representing employees in order to save their businesses After theSEPTEMBER 11TH ATTACKSin

2001, for instance, many airlines in the United States suffered devastating economic down-turns Many of these airlines were forced to negotiate concessions from unions representing airline employees in order to avoidBANKRUPTCY When the U.S economy went into a steep decline in the fall of 2008, the three major U.S

automakers, General Motors, Ford, and Chrys-ler, suffered a precipitous drop in sales General Motors and Chrysler secured multibillion-dollar loans from the federal government, and as a condition, the unions had to agree

to givebacks for current and retired union members

Since the 1980s, innovations in corporate management that advocate teamwork, quality circles, and total quality management (TQM) have led to legal disputes and questions about the continued vitality of the adversarial model

of labor-management relations Under the NLRA, sections 2(5) and 8(A)(2), employers are prohibited from creating employer-dominated company unions This prohibition was included in the original NLRA because employers had created sham unions that promised representation for workers but in fact toed the company line

With the beginning of TQM and quality circles in the late 1980s, some employers have attempted to reinvent the workplace by empow-ering all levels of workers to help make decisions, instead of delegating this task to a set of managers The creation of quality circles and employee committees has run afoul of the NLRA provision against employer-created unions In Electromation, 309 N.L.R.B 990 (1992), the board held that the company’s

“action committee” was a labor organization involved with and dominated by the company,

in violation of sections 2(5) and 8(A)(2)

Electromation was a nonunion company In

E I du Pont de Nemours & Co., 311 N.L.R.B

893 (1993), the board considered identical issues in a union-organized company The board ruled that a series of safety and fitness committees created by du Pont were illegal under the NLRA These cases illustrate the skepticism of some unions about the true intentions of management and the difficulty

in adjusting to change in some areas of labor law

FURTHER READINGS Covington, Robert and Decker, Kurt 2002.Employment Law

in a Nutshell 2d ed Saint Paul, Minn.: West Group Gould, William 2004.A Primer on American Labor Law 4th

ed Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

Jasper, Margaret C 2002 Labor Law Dobbs Ferry, N.Y.: Oceana.

Lareau, N Peter, et al 2003 Labor and Employment Law Conklin, N.Y.: Matthew Bender.

Leslie, Douglas 2000 Labor Law in a Nutshell.4th ed Saint Paul, Minn.: West Group.

CROSS REFERENCES Administrative Agency; Bargaining Agent; Boycott; Em-ployment Law; Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service; Landrum-Griffin Act; Norris-Laguardia Act; Taft-Hartley Act; Unfair Labor Practice.

LABOR UNION

An association, combination, or organization of employees who band together to secure favorable wages, improved working conditions, and better work hours, and to resolve grievances against employers

The history of labor unions in the United States has much to do with changes in technology and the development of capitalism Although labor unions can be compared to European merchant and craft guilds of the Middle Ages, they arose with the factory system and the Industrial Revolution of the nineteenth century

The first efforts to organize employees were met with fierce resistance by employers The U.S legal system played a part in this resistance In Commonwealth v Pullis (Phila Mayor’s Ct 1806), generally known as the Philadelphia Cordwainers’ case, bootmakers and shoemakers

of Philadelphia were indicted as a combination for conspiring to raise their wages The prosecu-tion argued that the common-law doctrine of criminal conspiracy applied The jury agreed that the union was illegal, and the defendants were fined From that case came the labor conspiracy doctrine, which held that collective (as distin-guished from individual) bargaining would interfere with the natural operation of the marketplace, raise wages to artificially high levels, and destroy competition This early resistance to unions led to an adversarial relationship between unions and employers

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Between 1806 and 1842 the labor conspiracy

doctrine was applied in a handful of cases

Then, during the 1840s, U.S courts began to

question the doctrine The most important case

in this regard was Commonwealth v Hunt, 45

Mass (4 Met.) 11, 38 A.M Dec 346 (Mass

1842), in which Chief Justice LEMUEL SHAW set

aside an indictment of members of the

boot-makers’ union for conspiracy Shaw agreed with

employers that competition was vital to the

economy but concluded that unions were one

way of stimulating competition As long as the

methods they used were legal, unions were free

to seek concessions from employers By the end

of the nineteenth century, courts generally held

that strikes for higher wages or shorter

work-days were legal

Despite the decline of the labor conspiracy

theory, unions faced other legal challenges to

their existence The labor injunction and

prosecution under antitrust laws became

pow-erful weapons for employers who were involved

in labor disputes In an 1896 case, Vegelahn v

Guntner, 167 Mass 92, 44 N.E 1077, the

highest court in Massachusetts upheld an

injunction that forbade peaceful picketing

outside the employer’s premises

The first national labor federation to remain

active for more than a few years was the Noble

Order of the Knights of Labor It was

estab-lished in 1869 and had set as goals the

eight-hour workday, equal pay for equal work, and

the abolition of child labor The Knights of

Labor grew to 700,000 members by 1886 but

went into decline that year with a series of failed

strikes By 1900 it had disappeared

Labor unions nevertheless gained strength

in 1886 with the formation of the American

Federation of Labor (AFL) Composed of

25 national trade unions and numbering over

316,000 members, the AFL was a loose

CONFEDERATION of autonomous unions, each

with exclusive rights to deal with the workers

and employers in its own field The AFL

concentrated on pursuing achievable goals such

as higher wages and shorter hours, and it

renounced identification with any political party

or movement Members were encouraged to

support politicians who were friendly to labor,

whatever their party affiliation

Following the passage of theSHERMAN ANTI

-TRUST ACT in 1890 (15 U.S.C.A §§ 1 et seq.),

which prohibited combinations in restraint of

trade, courts punished and enjoined labor practices that were considered wrongful In the Danbury Hatters case (Loewe v Lawlor, 208 U.S 274, 28 S Ct 301, 52 L Ed 488 [1908]), the U.S Supreme Court upheld the application

of the act to an appeal that involved a labor publication for a general boycott of named nonunion employers In 1911, in Gompers v

Buck’s Stove & Range Co., 221 U.S 418, 31 S Ct

492, 55 L Ed 797, the Court upheld an injunction against a union that had placed the name of the employer on the AFL “We Don’t Patronize” list, which was a call for a boycott of the employer

Opposition to labor unions was particularly intense during the late nineteenth century

Several unsuccessful strikes in the 1890s dem-onstrated the power of companies to crush unions In 1892, steelworkers struck against the Carnegie Steel Company’s Homestead, Penn-sylvania, plant The company hired private guards to protect the plant, but violence broke out The strike failed, and most of the workers quit the union and returned to work In 1894 members of the American Railway Union struck the Pullman Palace Car Company, which made railroad cars The federal government sent in troops to end the strike

Despite these setbacks, labor unions grad-ually increased their political power at the

Median Usual Weekly Earnings, by Union Affiliation, in 2008

Earnings (in dollars)

$722

$886

$880

$691

Union membersa

Represented

by unions b

Not represented

by unions

a Members of a labor union or an employee association similar to a labor union.

b Members of a labor union or an employee association similar to a union as well as workers who report no union affiliation but whose jobs are covered by a union or an employee association contract

SOURCE: U.S Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Total

ILLUSTRATION BY GGS CREATIVE RESOURCES REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION OF GALE,

A PART OF CENGAGE LEARNING.

LABOR UNION 203

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federal level In 1914 Congress enacted the CLAYTON ACT, sections 6 (15 U.S.C.A § 7) and

20 (29 U.S.C.A § 52), declaring that human labor was not to be considered an article of commerce and that the existence of unions was not to be considered a violation of antitrust laws In addition, the act prohibited federal courts from issuing injunctions in labor disputes except to prevent IRREPARABLE INJURY to property This prohibition was absolute when peaceful picketing and boycotts were involved

Employers had better success fighting unions by using the so-called yellow-dog contract This agreement required a prospective employee to state that he or she was not a member of a union and would not become one

Although some states enacted laws that pro-hibited employers from requiring employees to sign this type of contract, the U.S Supreme Court declared such statutes unconstitutional as

an infringement of freedom of contract (Cop-page v Kansas, 236 U.S 1, 35 S Ct 240, 59 L

Ed 441[1915])

By 1920 trade unions had more than five million members During the 1920s, however, the trade union movement suffered a decline, precipitated in part by a severe economic depression in 1921-22 Unemployment rose, and competition for jobs became intense By

1929 union membership had dropped to 3.5 million

The Great Depression of the 1930s caused more unemployment and a further decline in union membership Unions responded with numerous strikes, but few were successful

Despite these reverses, the legal position of unions was enhanced during the 1930s In

1932 Congress passed theNORRIS-LAGUARDIA ACT (29 U.S.C.A §§ 101 et seq.), which declared yellow-dog contracts to be contrary to public policy and stringently limited the power of federal courts to issue injunctions in labor disputes In cases in which an injunction still might be issued, the act imposed strict procedural limitations and safeguards in order to prevent more instances of abuses by the courts The Norris-LaGuardia Act effec-tively ended “government by injunction” and has remained a FUNDAMENTAL LAW in labor disputes

During the 1930s the AFL itself was in turmoil over the aspirations of the labor

movement The trade unions that dominated the AFL were composed of skilled workers who opposed organizing the unskilled or semiskilled workers on the manufacturing production line Several unions rebelled at this refusal to organize and formed the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) The CIO aggressively organized millions of workers who labored in automobile, steel, and rubber plants In 1938, unhappy with this effort, the AFL expelled the unions that formed the CIO The CIO then formed its own organization, changed its name to Congress of Industrial Organizations, and elected John L Lewis, of the United Mine Workers, as its first president

U.S labor relations were dramatically altered in 1935 with the passage of the National Labor Relations Act, also known as the WAGNER ACT (29 U.S.C.A §§ 151 et seq.) For the first time, labor unions were given legal rights and powers under federal law The act guaranteed the right of COLLECTIVE BARGAIN-ING, free from employer domination or influ-ence It made it an unfair labor practice for an employer to interfere with employees in the exercise of their right to bargain collectively; to interfere with or to influence unions; to discriminate in hiring or firing because of an employee’s union membership; to discrimi-nate against an employee who avails himself or herself of legal rights; or to refuse to bargain collectively

The Wagner Act also established theNATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD, which has the power to investigate employees’ complaints and to issue cease and desist orders If an employer were to defy such an order, the board may ask a federal court of appeals for an enforcement order, or it could ask the court to review the cease-and-desist order The board could conduct elections

to determine which union should represent the employees in a bargaining unit and certify the union as their agent, and it could designate the bargaining unit

The heart of the Wagner Act was section 7 (29 U.S.C.A § 157), which stated the public policy that workers have the right to engage in self-organization, in collective bargaining, and

in concerted activities in support of self-organization and collective bargaining Armed with these rights, unions grew in membership and strength during the late 1930s and through WORLD WAR II

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A number of states reacted negatively to

these legal changes by enacting laws that sought

to restrict and lessen the power of unions An

antiunion backlash developed afterWORLD WAR II,

when strikes against the automobile industry

and other large corporations reached record

numbers This reaction culminated in the

passage of theLABOR-MANAGEMENT RELATIONS ACT

of 1947, also known as theTAFT-HARTLEY ACT(29

U.S.C.A §§ 141 et seq.) The Taft-Hartley Act

amended section 7 of the Wagner Act, affirming

the rights that had been formulated in 1935 but

providing that workers shall have the right to

refrain from any of the listed activities Whereas

the Wagner Act listed only employers’ unfair

labor practices, Taft-Hartley added unions’

unfair labor practices The act created the

FEDERAL MEDIATION AND CONCILIATION SERVICE,

which provides a method for addressing strikes

that create a national emergency It also banned

theCLOSED SHOP, which requires an employer to

hire only union members and to discharge any

employee who drops union membership

Taft-Hartley effectively replaced the Wagner Act

as the basic federal statute regulating labor

relations

In 1955 the AFL and CIO merged into a

single organization, the AFL-CIO The staunchly

anti-communist AFL agreed to the merger only

after the CIO had purged its organization of

communists and supporters of communist

ideals George Meany was appointed the first

president of the new organization

In 1959 Congress enacted the Labor

Man-agement Reporting and Disclosure Act, also

known as theLANDRUM-GRIFFIN ACT(29 U.S.C.A

§§ 401 et seq.) Title VII of the act contains

many amendments to the Taft-Hartley Act, of

which two are especially important First,

Landrum-Griffin made peaceful picketing of

organizational or recognitional objectives illegal

under certain circumstances Second, it closed

loopholes in the provisions of Taft-Hartley that

forbadesecondary boycotts

Other sections of Landrum-Griffin

provid-ed for a BILL OF RIGHTS for union members,

financial disclosure requirements for unions

and their officers, and safeguards in union

elections All of these matters concerned

internal union practices, strongly suggesting

that union corruption had become a problem

In fact, a 1957 congressional investigation of

the Teamsters union had uncovered

widespread corruption and had much to do with the introduction of these new statutory provisions

Labor unions continued to thrive in the 1960s, as a robust economy relied on a large manufacturing industry to maintain growth

Although no comprehensive union legislation was enacted during that decade, theCIVIL RIGHTS Act of 1964, as amended by the Equal Employ-ment Opportunity Act of 1972 (42 U.S.C.A §§

2000a et seq.), made an important contribution

to national labor policy The act declared it an unfair labor practice for an employer or union

to discriminate against a person by reason of race, RELIGION, color, sex, or national origin

Administration of this provision is vested in the EQUAL EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITY COMMISSION (EEOC) Under the Civil Rights Act, if the EEOC is unable to achieve voluntary compli-ance, the person allegingdiscrimination is au-thorized to bring aCIVIL ACTIONin federal district court The 1972 amendment gave the EEOC the right to bring such an action The effect of the law has been to desegregate many trade unions that maintained an all-white member-ship policy

The union movement considerably im-proved working conditions for migrant workers

in the late 1960s and the 1970s The United Farm Workers, under the leadership of CESAR CHAVEZ, led successful boycotts and strikes against California growers, most notably against the wine-grape growers

Many unions suffered, however, with an economic downturn in the 1970s and 1980s, and with the decline of well-paying manufacturing jobs Automation of industrial processes re-duced the number of workers who were required on assembly lines In addition, many U.S companies moved either to states that did not have a strong union background or to developing countries where labor costs were significantly lower Union members became more concerned about job security than about higher wages, particularly in the manufacturing industry, and they agreed to concede salary and benefit givebacks In return, unions sought greater labor-management cooperation and a larger voice in the allocation of jobs and in the work environment

Union membership has also declined in response to a shift from blue-collar manufactur-ing jobs to white-collar service and technology

LABOR UNION 205

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jobs By the end of 2002 just 13.2 percent of the U.S workforce claimed union member-ship, compared with a high of 34.7 percent in 1954

FURTHER READINGS Bagchi, Aditi 2003 “Unions and the Duty of Good Faith

In Employment Contracts ” Yale Law Journal 112 (May).

Labor Department, Bureau of Labor Statistics Web site.

Available online at http://www.bls.gov (accessed August

5, 2009).

Lichtenstein, Nelson 2003 State of the Union: A Century

of American Labor Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ.

Press.

CROSS REFERENCES Child Labor Laws; Craft Union; Employment Law; Hoffa, James Riddle; Labor Law; Right-To-Work Laws.

LACHES

A defense to an equitable action, that bars recovery by the plaintiff because of the plaintiff’s undue delay in seeking relief

Laches is a defense to a proceeding in which

aPLAINTIFFseeks equitable relief Cases in equity are distinguished from cases at law by the type

of remedy, or judicial relief, sought by the plaintiff Generally, law cases involve a problem that can be solved by the payment of monetary damages Equity cases involve remedies directed

by the court against a party

Types of equitable relief include injunction, where the court orders a party to do or not to

do something; declaratory relief, where the court declares the rights of the two parties to

a controversy; and accounting, where the court orders a detailed written statement of money owed, paid, and held Courts have complete discretion in equity, and weigh equitable principles against the facts of the case to determine whether relief is warranted

The rules of equity are built on a series of legal maxims, which serve as broad statements

of principle, the truth and reasonableness of which are self-evident The basis of equity is contained in the maxim“Equity will not suffer

an injustice.” Other maxims present reasons for not granting equitable relief Laches is one such defense

Laches is based on the legal maxim“Equity aids the vigilant, not those who slumber on their rights.” Laches recognizes that a party to

an action can lose evidence, witnesses, and a fair chance to defend himself or herself after the passage of time from the date the wrong was committed If the defendant can show dis-advantages because for a long time he or she relied on the fact that no lawsuit would be started, then the case should be dismissed in the interests of justice

The law encourages a speedy resolution for every dispute Cases in law are governed by statutes of limitations, which are laws that determine how long a person has to file a lawsuit before the right to sue expires Different types of injuries (e.g., tort and contract) have different time periods in which to file a lawsuit Laches is the equitable equivalent of statutes of limitations However, unlike statutes of limita-tions, laches leaves it up to the court to determine, based on the unique facts of the case, whether a plaintiff has waited too long to seek relief

Real estate boundary disputes are resolved

in equity and may involve laches For instance,

if a person starts to build a garage that extends beyond the boundary line and into a neighbor’s property, and the neighbor immediately files a suit in equity and asks the court to issue an injunction to stop the construction, the neigh-bor will likely prevail However, if the neighneigh-bor observes the construction of the garage on her property and does not file suit until the garage is completed, the defendant may plead laches, arguing that the neighbor had ample time to protect her property rights before the construction was completed, and the court may find it unfair to order that the garage be torn down

The laches defense, like most of equity law,

is a general concept containing many variations

on the maxim Phrases used to describe laches include “delay that works to the disadvantage

of another,” “inexcusable delay coupled with prejudice to the party raising the defense,”

“failure to assert rights,” “lack of diligence,” and

“neglect or omission to assert a right.”

vLAMAR, JOSEPH RUCKER Joseph Rucker Lamar served as an associate justice of the U.S Supreme Court from 1911 to

1916 Unlike many appointees to the Court, Lamar was not selected on the basis of a long political career As an attorney and Georgia

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Supreme Court judge, Lamar was recognized

for his legal abilities

Lamar was born in Ruckersville, Georgia, on

October 14, 1857 His wealthy family provided

generations of leadership in the community,

and included Lucius Q C Lamar, who served as

an associate justice of the U.S Supreme Court

from 1888 to 1893

Lamar attended the University of Georgia

and graduated from Bethany College in West

Virginia in 1877 He then attended Washington

and Lee Law School and was admitted to the

Georgia bar in 1878 From 1880 to 1903, Lamar

practiced law in Augusta, Georgia He often

represented corporations, including railroads,

and argued several cases before the U.S

Supreme Court

He served in the Georgia House of

Repre-sentatives from 1886 to 1889 His legal abilities

were used more directly when he was appointed

to serve on a commission revising the Georgia

code of state laws CODIFICATION is a process of

revising and reorganizing legislative laws into a

coherent whole Lamar mastered the highly

technical process and revised the civil-law

volume himself The code was approved by

the legislature in 1895

In 1903 he was appointed to the Georgia

Supreme Court He resigned in 1905 to return

to his law practice

Lamar was surprised when President

WIL-LIAM HOWARD TAFT, a Republican, appointed him

to the U.S Supreme Court in 1910 Lamar had

met Taft the year before when the president was

visiting Augusta, but was not well acquainted

with him or his circle In fact, Democrat

WOODROW WILSON, who became president in

1912, was a childhood friend of Lamar’s

During Lamar’s brief term on the Court, interstate commerce and the growth of federal regulatory and administrative power were prime topics of legal dispute Lamar adhered to the majority view in most cases He wrote the majority opinion in United States v Grimaud,

220 U.S 506, 31 S Ct 480, 55 L Ed 563 (1911), which expanded the authority of the EXECUTIVE BRANCHto add details deliberately left open by congressional legislation Lamar held that it was not an unconstitutional delegation

of legislative power to allow administrators to exercise their discretion in filling in the details

of laws

Lamar died January 2, 1916, in Washington, D.C

1861–65 U.S Civil War

1914–18 World War I

1857 Born,

Ruckersville,

Ga.

◆◆

1877 Graduated from Bethany College (W Va.)

1878 Admitted to Ga bar

1880–1903 Worked in private practice in Augusta, Ga.

1886–89 Served in Georgia House

1895 Georgia legislature approved new Georgia code of state laws, which Lamar helped revise

1903–05 Served

on Georgia Supreme Court

1911 Wrote majority

opinion in United States v Grimaud 1910–16

Served on U.S.

Supreme Court

1916 Died, Washington, D.C.

Joseph R Lamar PHOTOGRAPH BY JULIAN LAMAR COLLECTION OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES

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