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The Ninth CIRCUIT COURT of Appeals upheld a district court decision that a public high school publication is not a public forum and that the school could, therefore, accept or reject adv

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Controversy over the role of government support of the arts arose in the late 1980s with two artists who received NEA funding In 1988 the photographer Andres Serrano received harsh condemnation for his photograph titled Piss Christ, which depicted a plastic crucifix floating in a jar of Serrano’s urine Numerous senators sent letters of protest to the NEA, insisting that the agency cease underwriting vulgar art A second furor arose in 1989 over the work of another photographer, Robert Map-plethorpe, who received NEA support for his work, which depicted flowers, nude children, and homosexuality and sadomasochism

Senator JESSE HELMS (R-N.C.) argued the most vociferously against the NEA choices and introduced legislation to ban funding of “ob-scene or indecent art” (1989 H.R 2788 [codified

at 20 U.S.C.A §§ 953 et seq.) The Helms Amendment, adopted in October 1989, gave the NEA great power and latitude to define obscenity andQUASHalternative artistic visions

To enforce the new amendment, the NEA established an “obscenity pledge,” which re-quired artists to promise they would not use government money to create works of an obscene nature The art world strongly resisted this measure: Many museum directors resigned

in protest, and several well-known artists returned their NEA grants

Two important cases tested the power of the NEA to censor artistic production In Bella Lewitsky Dance Foundation v Frohnmayer, 754

F Supp 774 (C.D Cal 1991), a dance company refused to sign the obscenity pledge and sued on the ground that the pledge was

unconstitution-al A California district court agreed that the pledge violated the First Amendment right to free speech and that its vagueness denied the dance company due process under the FIFTH AMENDMENT

In New School v Frohnmayer, No 90-3510 (S.D.N.Y 1990), the New School for Social Research, in New York City, turned down a grant, claiming that the obscenity pledge acted

asPRIOR RESTRAINT and, therefore, breached the school’s First Amendment rights Before the constitutionality of the prior restraint argument was decided, the NEA released the school from its obligation to sign the pledge

The NEA abolished the obscenity pledge in November 1990, but in its place instituted a

“decency clause” (1990 Amendments, Pub L

No 101-512, § 103(b), 104 Stat 1963[codified

at 20 U.S.C.A § 954(d)]), which required award recipients to ensure that their works met certain standards of decency Failure to comply with this demand could mean suspension of grant payments

Again the art world protested In Finley v NEA, 795 F Supp 1457 (C.D Cal 1992), artists known as the NEA Four—Karen Finley, John Fleck, Holly Hughes, and Tim Miller—sued the NEA over the decency clause A California district court agreed with the artists The Finley court held that the decency clause, like the obscenity pledge, was unconstitutional because its vagueness denied the artists the due process guaranteed by the Fifth Amendment and because its too-general restriction suppressed speech

Books

U.S parents send their children to public schools to receive an education and to learn the fundamental values on which their demo-cratic society is based Conflict ensues when parents believe that certain schoolbooks contain material that is objectionable on political, moral, or religious grounds and should be banned in order to protect their children from exposure to allegedly harmful ideas In some instances school boards have responded by physically removing books from school library shelves In general, advocates of book banning maintain that censorship is warranted to redress social ills, whereas critics believe that freedom of speech is more important and useful to society than imposing values through censorship

Book banning as a way to remedy social problems was first tested by the Supreme Court

in Board of Education v Pico, 457 U.S 853, 102

S Ct 2799, 73 L Ed 2d 435 (1982) In Pico, parents objected to nine books in the high school library, most of which were subsequently removed by the school board The nine books were Slaughterhouse Five, by Kurt Vonnegut Jr.; Naked Ape, by Desmond Morris; Down These Mean Streets, by Piri Thomas; Best Short Stories

of Negro Writers, edited by Langston Hughes; Laughing Boy, by Oliver LaFarge; Black Boy, by Richard Wright; A Hero Ain’t Nothin’ But a Sandwich, by Alice Childress; Soul on Ice, by

ELDRIDGE CLEAVER; and Go Ask Alice, by an anonymous author

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Pico debated the authority of local school

boards to censor material in the interest of

protecting students The case reached the

Su-preme Court because lower courts were unable to

devise standards for testing the constitutionality

of book removal The Supreme Court ruled that

it is unconstitutional for public school boards to

abridge students’ First Amendment rights by

banning books Although school boards have

the power to determine which books should

sit on library shelves, they do not have the

authority to censor

Books published by commercial presses for

sale to the general public sometimes meet with

harsh condemnation and subsequent action

that could be tantamount to censorship In

November 1990, Simon and Schuster canceled

its contract with author Bret E Ellis to publish

his novel American Psycho, citing the work’s

graphic violence and sexual brutality The

National Writers Union decried the cancellation

as censorship because it was contrary to free

speech and artistic expression The publishing

house defended its editorial judgment by

claiming it did not want to put its imprint

on a book of questionable taste and value

Vintage Books, a division of Random House,

soon acquired the novel, and published it in

March 1991

Students’ Speech

Students’ free speech rights sometimes clash

with schools’ interest in maintaining control of

public education Students’ First Amendment

rights were affirmed by the landmark Tinker v

Des Moines Independent Community School

District, 393 U.S 503, 89 S Ct 733, 21 L Ed

2d 731 (1969), which ruled that public school

students could not be penalized for wearing

symbols, such as black armbands, to protest the

VIETNAM WAR

Two subsequent cases dealing with issues of

censorship in school newspapers pointed to a

more restrictive judicial view of students’ right

to free expression In Hazelwood School District

v Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S 260, 108 S Ct 562, 98 L

Ed 2d 592 (1988), the Supreme Court ruled

in favor of a Hazelwood, Missouri, school

principal who removed several articles from a

student newspaper The articles dealt with teen

pregnancy and a student’s feelings about her

parents’DIVORCE The Court in Hazelwood held

that a school newspaper is not a public forum

and thus granted school officials the right to determine what type of student speech is appropriate and to regulate such speech

Three years later, the ruling in Planned Parenthood v Clark County School District, 941 F.2d 817 (9th Cir 1991), was based on Hazel-wood In Planned Parenthood, a public high school newspaper solicited advertisements from local businesses, including Planned Par-enthood The principal refused to allow Planned Parenthood to place an advertisement in school publications, and Planned Parenthood sued the school district The Ninth CIRCUIT COURT of Appeals upheld a district court decision that a public high school publication is not a public forum and that the school could, therefore, accept or reject advertisements Both Hazelwood and Planned Parenthood concluded that because public high schools are nonpublic forums, school districts can apply a limited degree of censorship

Hundreds of public universities in the United States have speech codes to regulate students’

choice of words Speech can be constitutionally curtailed in some circumstances For example, public COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES can forbid threats of violence, prohibit obscene language

A student displays two books that were banned from a local high school’s English classes when parents voiced disapproval

of the content.

AP IMAGES CENSORSHIP 299

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and conduct (although it is extremely difficult

to define or prove obscenity), and punish students for using defamatory speech against each other, all without violating the First Amendment Numerous cases have successfully contested free speech limitations on campus, suggesting that a majority of these codes are unconstitutional

In Doe v University of Michigan, 721 F

Supp 852 (E.D Mich 1989), a biopsychology student maintained that the university’s speech code prevented him from freely discussing controversial ideas about biologically based differences between the sexes and races A district court ruled that the university’s code proscribed too great a range of speech and, therefore, was an unconstitutional infringement

on the plaintiff’s First Amendment rights The court also held that the overbroad nature of the code denied his due process rights

A University of Wisconsin student was accused of violating the university’s speech codes by yelling rude comments at a woman

In U.W.M Post, Inc v Board of Regents, 774 F

Supp 1163 (E.D Wis 1991), the university’s speech code was also struck down as overbroad

Two years later, school officials punished fraternity brothers at GEORGE MASON University for dressing in drag and staging an“ugly woman contest.” In Iota X Chapter v George Mason University, 993 F.2d 386 (1993), the Fourth Circuit found that the university had violated the First Amendment because it did not sanction the fraternity merely for its conduct, but rather for the message conveyed by the

“ugly woman contest,” which ran counter to the views the university sought to foster

The Internet and Computer-Related Technologies

Computer-mediated communication grows sharply every year and in some ways outpaces and obviates current legal principles The prevailing concept of law applies to real-world events and transactions, and, as those in the legal field are realizing, may unravel when exercised in cyberspace As more and more people transmit widely divergent messages on the electronic highway, issues of free speech and censorship become increasingly complicated and regulations difficult to enforce

The first case of criminal prosecution

of electronic communication involved the

distribution of pornography over an electronic bulletin board system (BBS) In United States

v Thomas, No CR-94-20019-G (W.D Tenn 1994), Robert Thomas and Carleen Thomas were found guilty of disseminating obscene materials by interstate telephone lines and computer From their home in California, the Thomases ran an adults-only private BBS from which subscribers could download computer graphics files and order sexually explicit photo-graphs and videotapes while online To gather evidence against the couple, a Memphis postal inspector, under an assumed name, down-loaded to his computer many of the porno-graphic electronic files and ordered tapes The Thomases were charged with, among other actions, transporting obscene materials across state lines The couple attempted to transfer their case to the Northern District of California, so that their materials would be measured against that community’s standards

of obscenity, rather than the obscenity stan-dards of the Western District of Tennessee The district judge denied their request, noting that

in obscenity prosecutions the trial can be held either in the district from which the material was sent or the one in which it was received Similar INTERNET and censorship issues regarding CHILD PORNOGRAPHY were raised in the April 2009 case involving a 38-year-old employee of the Seattle Children’s Theatre (SCT) William Edgar Hoke was accused of obtaining child pornography from an interna-tional Internet bulletin board on which mem-bers exchanged pornographic images Tipped off by European Union authorities, the U.S Postal Inspection Office began investigating the site in 2007, and it determined some 545 members were registered with the Internet business This investigation led U.S authorities

to Hoke, who had used his home computer and the one at the theater to access the bulletin board The SCT cooperated with the investiga-tion, explaining that its employees undergo a background check and must sign a contract regarding the theater’s policy concerning con-duct with minors

The “virtual” nature of cyberspace poses a number of problems for courts and legislatures

on the issue of obscenity Among the most difficult of these is the issue of community standards Because the Internet brings together people from all over the United States and all

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over the world, it defies identification with any

particular community Other difficulties are

connected to the criminal element of knowledge

and the issue of dissemination Persons may

post and receive information on Internet

bulletin boards without the knowledge of those

who maintain the BBS, making it difficult

to determine whether the BBS operators

“knowingly disseminated” obscene materials

Congress has attempted to restrict the

dissemination of indecent material found on

the Internet, but several of these efforts have

been struck down by the Supreme Court In

1996 Congress passed the Communications

Decency Act (CDA) in an effort to regulate

content found on the Internet to protect

children from harmful content However, in

Reno v ACLU, 521 U.S 844, 117 S Ct 2329,

138 L Ed 2d 874 (1997), the Court struck the

statute down, holding that law was overbroad

and constituted a content-based blanket

restric-tion on speech

In 1998 Congress enacted the Child Online

Protection Act (COPA), which was a direct

response to the Court’s 1996 decision COPA

made it illegal to use the World Wide Web to

communicate “for commercial purposes” any

material considered to be“harmful to minors.”

The law also incorporated the three-part

obscenity test that the Supreme Court

formu-lated in Miller v California Several parties

challenged the statute, leading to the Court’s

opinion in Ashcroft v American Civil Liberties

Union, 535 U.S 564, 122 S Ct 1700, 152 L Ed

2d 771 (2002) The confusing decision, which

produced five separate opinions, offered little

solid guidance about the appropriate standard

to judge whether a statute overly restricts

Internet content The Court remanded the case

for a full examination of the law on all issues

A month later, the Court in Ashcroft v Free

Speech Coalition, 535 U.S 234, 122 S Ct 1389,

152 L Ed 2d 403 (2002) ruled that the definition

of “child pornography” in the Child

Pornogra-phy Prevention Act (CPPA), 18 U.S.C.A § 2256

was overbroad The CPPA defined child

por-nography to include not only real children but

also virtual representations of children The

Court concluded that allowing such a broad

definition could lead to regulation of protected

works, such as William Shakespeare’s Romeo

and Juliet and the Academy Award winning film

American Beauty, both of which contain story

lines of minors having sex

The U.S government has long been con-cerned about the impact of emerging tech-nologies on its ability to regulate undesirable communications Given the invention of radio and telephonic communications during the late nineteenth century and the nascent develop-ment of television during the late 1920s and early 1930s, Congress passed the Communica-tions Act of 1934 (47 U.S.C §§ 151 et seq.), which created the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to help oversee this area

of the law The successor to the Federal Radio Commission, the FCC is charged with regulat-ing interstate radio, television, wire, wireless, satellite, and cable communications, as well as all international communications that originate

or terminate in the United States The FCC’s jurisdiction extends to all 50 states, the District

of Columbia, and United States possessions

The FCC is independent of theEXECUTIVE BRANCH

and is directly responsible to Congress

At a high level, the FCC is responsible for the orderly development and operation of broadcast services, provision of rapid and efficient communication services at reasonable rates, promotion of competition among com-munication providers, and strengthening of national defense The commission’s primary tools include the power to issue and revoke broadcast licenses, make rules, investigate and adjudicate disputes, issue orders, and publish findings The FCC’s Office of Strategic Planning and Policy Analysis is charged with the duty of staying abreast of technological developments in the marketplace and devising strategies to make sure the law adapts to those developments

FURTHER READINGS Bussian, James R 1995 “Anatomy of the Campus Speech Code: An Examination of Prevailing Regulations ” South Texas Law Review 36 (February).

Butler, Deborah A 1992 “Planned Parenthood of Southern Nevada v Clark County School District: The Evolution

of the Public Forum Doctrine ” Wayne Law Review 38 (summer).

Byassee, William S 1995 “Jurisdiction of Cyberspace:

Applying Real World Precedent to the Virtual Com-munity ” Wake Forest Law Review 30 (spring).

“The Call to Campus Conduct Policies: Censorship or Constitutionally Permissible Limitations on Speech ”

1990 Minnesota Law Review 75 (October).

Couvares, Francis G., and Charles Musser 1996 Movie Censorship and American Culture Washington, D.C.:

Smithsonian Institution Press.

Foerstel, Herbert N 2002 Banned in the U.S.A.: A Reference Guide to Book Censorship in Schools and Public Libraries.

Rev ed Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

CENSORSHIP 301

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Kolbert, Kathryn, and Zak Mettger 2002 Justice Talking:

Censoring the Web: Leading Advocates Debate Today’s Most Controversial Issues New York: New Press.

Lambe, Jennifer L 2008 “The Structure of Censorship Attitudes.” Communication Law and Policy Autumn.

Madved, Lory 1992 “Protecting the Freedom of Speech Rights of Students: The Special Status of the High School Library ” Capital Univ Law Review 21 (fall).

Orbach, Barak Y 2009 “Prizefighting and the Birth of Movie Censorship ” Yale Journal of Law and the Humanities.

Summer.

Schlegel, Julia W 1993 “The Television Violence Act of 1990: A New Program for Government Censorship? ” Federal Communications Law Journal 46 (December).

Strossen, Nadine 1996 Defending Pornography: Free Speech, Sex, and the Fight for Women’s Rights New York:

Anchor Books.

Walker, Michael W 1993 “Artistic Freedom v Censorship:

The Aftermath of the NEA ’s New Funding Restrictions.”

Washington Univ Law Quarterly 71 (fall).

CROSS REFERENCES Art Law; Child Pornography; Entertainment Law; First Amendment; Freedom of Speech; Freedom of Press; Movie Rating; Prior Restraint; Schools and School Districts.

CENSURE

A formal, public reprimand for an infraction or violation

From time to time deliberative bodies are forced to take action against members whose actions or behavior runs counter to the group’s acceptable standards for individual behavior In the U.S Congress, that action can come in the form of censure Censure is a formal and public condemnation of an individual’s transgressions

It is stronger than a simple rebuke, but not as strong as expulsion Members of Congress who have been censured are required to give up any committee chairs they hold, but they are not removed from their elected position Not surprisingly, however, few censured politicians are re-elected

While censure is not specifically mentioned

in the U.S Constitution, Congress has the right

to adopt resolutions, and a resolution to invoke censure falls into this category The first use of censure was actually directed not at a member

of Congress but at a member of George Washington’s cabinet ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Washington’s treasury secretary, was accused

of mishandling two congressionally authorized loans Congress voted a censure resolution against Hamilton The vote fell short, but it established censure as a precedent In general, each house of Congress is responsible for invoking censure against its own members;

censure against other government officials is not common, and censure against the president is rarer still

Because censure is not specifically men-tioned as the accepted form of reprimand, many censure actions against members of Congress may be listed officially as rebuke, condemna-tion, or denouncement The end result,

howev-er, is the same, and to all intents and purposes these are censure measures At the same time, each censure case is different, and those delivering censure like to have enough leeway

to tailor the level of severity Still, the prospect of

an open, public rebuke by one’s peers is painful even for the most thick-skinned politician

Noteworthy Censure Cases

Among the best known censure cases in Congress were the 1811 censure of Massachu-setts senator Timothy Pickering for reading confidential documents in Senate sessions and the 1844 censure of Ohio senator Benjamin Tappan for releasing a confidential document to

a major newspaper Perhaps one of the more colorful censure motions was the 1902 censure

of South Carolina’s two senators, Benjamin R Tillman and John L McLaurin On February 22,

1902, they began fighting in the Senate chamber Both men were censured and sus-pended for six days (retroactively)

Probably the most infamous censure case was the condemnation of Senator JOSEPH R

MCCARTHY(R-Wisc.) in 1954 McCarthy took the national stage at the height of the anti-Communist movement followingWORLD WAR II McCarthy spent several years making claims that known Communists had infiltrated the U.S government, and although he never offered proof of even one claim, his crusade was popular and powerful Many Americans from all walks of life saw their lives destroyed in the early 1950s by groundless accusations of com-munist sympathies His power unchecked, McCarthy became even more relentless, and in

1954 when he openly attacked members of the Eisenhower administration in televised hearings His colleagues realized they had no choice but to act A censure committee was formed, and McCarthy as much as accused its members of being Communists The vote to condemn McCarthy passed 65 to 22 on December 2, 1954 Robert Torricelli (D-N.J.) was found guilty

in 2002 of taking illegal gifts and cash payments

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from a businessman and not reporting them.

The businessman got help from the senator in

LOBBYING the government Although Torricelli

denied the charges, his colleagues found the

evidence compelling enough to “severely

ad-monish” him While not called a “censure,” this

reprimand clearly had the same effect

Torri-celli, who was up for reelection, saw his

popularity plunge in a matter of weeks, and

on September 30, 2002, he withdrew from the

race

Presidential Censure

Congress rarely acts against the president with a

formal reprimand.ANDREW JACKSONwas the first

president to be thus reprimanded, by the Senate

in 1834, after he removed the secretary of the

treasury (a responsibility that Congress believed

rested with the legislature) Jackson was a

Democrat, but the Senate was controlled by

the rivalWHIG PARTY Three years later, when the

Democrats took control of the Senate, Jackson’s

censure was expunged from the records

President JOHN TYLER was reprimanded in

1842 by the House of Representatives, which

accused him of abusing his powers Apparently

Tyler had promised representatives on several

occasions that he would support certain bills,

only toVETOthem when they arrived at his desk

In 1848, President JAMES K POLK was

repri-manded by the House for starting the Mexican

War without first obtaining Congressional

approval In 1864, President ABRAHAM LINCOLN

and his secretary of war, EDWIN STANTON, were

condemned by the Senate for allowing an

elected member of the House to hold

commis-sions in the Army The Senate voted for the

reprimand 24 to 12, but it was referred to a

special committee and no further action was

taken

In 1998, during the IMPEACHMENT trial of

PresidentBILL CLINTON, several members of

Con-gress attempted to have him censured instead,

believing that while his behavior warranted

rebuke it did not merit a full impeachment

The move for censure failed, and Clinton was

impeached

FURTHER READINGS

Congressional Quarterly “Congressional Ethics: History,

Fact, and Controversy ” 1992 Washington, D.C.:

Congressional Quarterly.

Thompson, Dennis F 1995 Ethics in Congress: From

Individual to Institutional Corruption Washington,

D.C.: Brookings Institution.

U.S House of Representatives Committee on Standards of Official Conduct Available online at http://ethics.house.

gov (accessed August 29, 2009).

CROSS REFERENCES Congress of the United States; Impeachment.

CENSUS

A census is an official count of the population of a particular area, such as a district, state, or nation

The U.S Constitution requires that a census

of the entire population, citizens and nonciti-zens alike, be made every ten years (Article I, Section 2, Clause 3) The FOURTEENTH AMEND-MENTto the Constitution directs that the census will be used to determine the number of members of the U.S House of Representatives from each state The census is conducted by the U.S Census Bureau, an agency established in

1899 within the U.S.COMMERCE DEPARTMENT The data gathered by the U.S Census Bureau are used by the states to draw boundaries for congressional and state legislative districts, and

by local governments to establish districts for other representative bodies such as county legislatures, city councils, and boards of super-visors

Census data are also used to allocate federal and state funding and services By the mid-1990s more than $50 billion in federal aid for education, housing, and health programs to states and cities was distributed annually based

on census numbers In addition, census infor-mation is used in academic research and is sought by product manufacturers and market-ers who want to know the demographics of potential consumers

The first U.S census took place in 1790 when some 600 U.S marshals went door-to-door counting approximately 3.9 million people The 1790 census consisted of fewer than ten questions, which for each household included the name of the head of the family, the number of free white males over and under 16 years of age, the number of free white females, the number of all other free persons, and the number of slaves

The 1890 census counted 63 million U.S

citizens and reflected a dramatic increase in

IMMIGRATION, urbanization, and industrializa-tion That census showed that for the first time fewer than half of all U.S workers were employed on farms The 1890 census included

CENSUS 303

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questions regarding military service during the Civil War, number of years in the United States,

NATURALIZATION status, reading and writing ability, and mental and physical disabilities

By 1980 the Census Bureau conceded that the decennial censuses were undercounting portions of the population, usually low-income and minority groups in the inner cities In follow-up surveys after the 1980 census, the bureau determined that it had missed some 3.2 million persons, or 1.4 percent of the popula-tion For example, a 1986 post-census survey of East Los Angeles estimated that the 1980 census missed about 10 percent of the Latino commu-nity, 7 percent of the Asian commucommu-nity, and

9 percent of the African American community

Census officials determined that overall, nearly

6 percent of the African American and Hispanic populations were uncounted and less than

1 percent of the white population

By May 1987 the Census Bureau had determined that the 1990 census could be adjusted for undercounting by using a tech-nique called a post-enumeration survey (PES)

The PES would allow the census to be checked for accuracy by sending census takers back to a given number of households that would be representative of the entire U.S population and comparing the information gathered with the initial head count If discrepancies arose, the bureau could make corrections and project them to neighborhoods with similar demo-graphic characteristics

But in October 1987 officials from the Commerce Department, which oversees the

Census Bureau, decided against making any statistical adjustment to the 1990 census As a result, in 1988 New York, Los Angeles, and several other cities, as well as a number of states and organizations, brought suit in federal district court They claimed that the secretary’s decision not to adjust the 1990 census violated their right

toEQUAL PROTECTIONunder theFIFTH AMENDMENT

to the Constitution and asked the court to enjoin the census They also argued that the Commerce Department’s actions were politically motivated by a Republican administration that realized that the undercounted population is historically Democratic The defendants moved

to dismiss the complaint, contending that the secretary’s decision was not subject to JUDICIAL REVIEW In City of New York v United States Department of Commerce (713 F Supp 48 [E.D.N.Y 1989]), the district court denied the motion to dismiss, holding that the plaintiffs had standing (the LEGAL RIGHT) to challenge the census on constitutional grounds and that the court could review the secretary’s decision Following the district court’s decision, the parties entered into a stipulation in July 1989 by which plaintiffs would withdraw their motion

to enjoin the census and the Commerce Department would reconsider its 1987 decision not to adjust the 1990 census The agreement required the Commerce Department to conduct

a PES of not fewer than 150,000 households as part of the 1990 census in order to produce corrected counts usable for congressional and legislative reapportionment and redistricting The agreement also required the department to develop guidelines under which the secretary would assess any proposed adjustment In March 1990, the Commerce Department issued final guidelines The plaintiffs challenged them

in court on the grounds that they were impermissibly vague and were biased against any adjustment to the 1990 census In City of New York (739 F Supp 761 [E.D.N.Y 1990]), the district court held that the guidelines satisfied the defendants’ obligations under the

1989 stipulation The Census Bureau then began the 1990 census

The 1990 census employed more than 425,000 workers who gathered information on

an estimated 250 million people in 106 million households For the first time, the Census Bureau combined technology with traditional door knocking, using coast-to-coast computer-ized maps of all 7.5 million census tracts in the

Census workers in a

Phoenix, Arizona,

data capture center.

For the 2000 Census,

the bureau planned to

hire 850,000

temporary employees

to assist its

6,000 permanent

employees.

U.S CENSUS BUREAU

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United States The bureau predicted that these

maps would reduce the number of errors

caused by census workers’ reliance on outdated

state and local maps The census cost some

$2.6 billion—65 percent more than the 1980

census—making it the most expensive count

ever conducted

In March 1990 the bureau mailed or hand

delivered more than 106 million questionnaires,

one to every household in the United States

Most households received a short form

consisting of 14 questions covering personal

characteristics and housing One in six U.S

households received a long form with 45

addi-tional questions on topics such as utilities, tax,

MORTGAGE, and rent payments; place of birth;

ethnic origin; and work habits From March to

June 1990, census workers continued the data

collection The bureau set aside March 20, 1990,

as homeless night On that night, census takers,

many hired from among the homeless

popula-tion or those who worked with them, visited

shelters and low-cost motels from 6:00 p.m to

midnight; counted homeless people on the

streets from 2:00 a.m to 4:00 a.m.; and from

4:00 a.m to 6:30 a.m stood outside abandoned

buildings, counting those who emerged

The homeless count caused a great deal of

controversy The 1990 census reported 228,600

homeless persons in the United States,

com-pared with earlier estimates of 500,000 to

3 million Advocates for homeless persons argued

that the Census Bureau had surveyed only

one-third of the country’s cities and counties and

had visited only a limited number of locations

The bureau acknowledged that its workers had

avoided actually going into hideaways such as

abandoned buildings and dumpsters because of

safety concerns and admitted that many winter

shelters had closed by the time the census was

taken in late March The bureau maintained

that its homeless survey was not intended to

produce a definitive count of the homeless

population

In October 1990 the Census Bureau issued

estimated U.S population figures of

approxi-mately 254 million, based on a tracking of birth,

death, and immigration records In December

the bureau released a final U.S population tally

of some 249 million, based on the actual mailed

census questionnaires and house-to-house

interviews The discrepancy between the two

sets of numbers indicated that the 1990 census missed some five million U.S residents

By December 31, 1990, the bureau reported

to the president population figures for each state as well as the number of seats in the U.S

House of Representatives that each state would receive Between January and March 1991, states with early deadlines for redrawing legislative districts received totals of all persons

of voting age, broken down by race By April 1,

1991, most other states received the voting age and race data Between April 1991 and 1993, the Census Bureau released statistics compiled from the long forms, including information on income, marital status, disabilities, types of housing, and education

In April 1991 the bureau announced the results of its PES Estimates drawn from the PES revealed that the census had resulted in a national undercount of 2.1 percent, or approxi-mately 5.3 million persons out of a total population of approximately 255 million, the largest undercounting in the history of the census For example, in one south central Los Angeles neighborhood, officials determined that census takers had underreported the number of occupants in 38 percent of 5,800 households As expected, the undercount was greater for mem-bers of racial and ethnic minorities Hispanics were undercounted by 5.2 percent, Native Americans by 5.0 percent, African Americans

by 4.8 percent, and Asian Pacific Islanders by 3.1 percent The PES-calculated undercount for non-African Americans was 1.7 percent and for non-Hispanic whites, 1.2 percent Among major cities with high undercounts were Los Angeles (5.1 percent), Houston (5 percent), Washington, D.C (5 percent), Dallas (4.8 percent), Miami (4.6 percent), Detroit (3.5 percent), and New York (3 percent)

Among the reasons given for the low counts were that certain segments of the population did not believe the Census Bureau’s promise that information is confidential and will not be shared with other government agencies such as the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), the local housing authority, or the police;

did not have addresses and thus were missed because the 1990 census was conducted pri-marily by mail; lived in urban high-crime areas where census takers were afraid to go door-to-door; were illegal immigrants; feared the

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government in general; or lacked proficiency in English

According to the bureau, if the adjusted count were adopted, Arizona and California would each gain a seat in the House of Representatives and Wisconsin and Pennsylva-nia would each lose one seat These discrepan-cies led state officials to renew theirPLEAfor an adjustment of the census using the PES

In July 1991 Secretary of Commerce Robert

A Mosbacher announced his decision not to adjust the 1990 census to account for the estimated five million people undercounted by the census Mosbacher said that although he was troubled by the undercount of minorities, his decision supported the integrity of the census and that the resulting disadvantage to minorities should not be remedied in the official census He also expressed concern that adjustment might not improve distribution of representatives among the states and that uncertainty as to the methods of adjustment

and assumptions behind them might cause even more dispute about the accuracy of the census The plaintiffs in Wisconsin v City of New York (517 U.S 1, 116 S Ct 1091, 134 L Ed 2d

167 [1996]) attacked the secretary’s decision, contending that it was tainted by partisan political influence and violated the Constitu-tion, theADMINISTRATIVE PROCEDURE ACT OF1946, and the 1989 stipulation agreed to by both parties in the case After a 13-day bench (non-jury) trial, the district court concluded that it could not overturn the secretary’s decision (City of New York, 822 F Supp 906 [E.D.N.Y 1993]) On appeal, the court of appeals

conclud-ed that, given the admittconclud-edly greater accuracy of the adjusted count, the secretary’s decision was not entitled to be upheld without a showing by the secretary that the refusal to adjust the census was essential to the achievement of a legitimate government objective (City of New York, 34 F.3d

1114 [2d Cir 1994]) On appeal, the Supreme Court reversed the decision of the Second Circuit, holding that the secretary’s decision not to adjust the census was within the

ILLUSTRATION BY GGS

CREATIVE RESOURCES.

REPRODUCED BY

PERMISSION OF GALE,

A PART OF CENGAGE

LEARNING.

SOURCE: U.S Census Bureau, National Population Projections, based on Census 2000.

0.0 10.0 20.0 30.0 40.0 50.0 60.0 70.0

White Black American Indian, Alaska Native Asian, Native Hawaiian, other Pacific Islander Hispanic Origin

2010 a

Projected totals for each given year may not add to 100 because graph does not account for persons of more than one race.

64.7

12.2

0.8 4.7 15.8

2015

62.4

12.3

0.8 5.1 17.4

2020 5.5

60.1

12.3

0.8 19.1

2025 5.9

57.8

12.2

0.8 20.8

Census

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government’s discretion ( _ U.S _, 134 L.

Ed 2d 167, 116 S Ct 1091 [1996])

By October 1991 at least five state

legisla-tures had filed requests under the FREEDOM OF

INFORMATION ACT (FOIA) (5 U.S.C.A § 552 et

seq.) to see the adjusted census figures in order

to decide which set of numbers should be used

to redraw state political boundaries Secretary

Mosbacher refused to make the adjusted

numbers public, claiming they were flawed

and their release could disrupt the redistricting

process In Assembly of California v United

States Department of Commerce (797 F Supp

1554[E.D Cal 1992]), California state officials

brought an action under the FOIA to enjoin

the Commerce Department from withholding

computer tapes containing statistically adjusted

census data for California The department

claimed that the information was protected

from disclosure under an exemption to the

FOIA But the district court said the exemption

did not apply to the census data and ordered the

Commerce Department to release the tapes The

court of appeals affirmed the district court’s

order to release the tapes (Assembly of California,

968 F.2d 916[9th Cir 1992])

In a similar case, the U.S Court of Appeals

for the Eleventh Circuit reached the opposite

result In Florida House of Representatives v

United States Department of Commerce (961

F.2d 941[11th Cir 1992]), the Florida House of

Representatives brought a FOIA action to

compel the Commerce Department to release

all the adjusted census data for Florida The

district court granted SUMMARY JUDGMENT for

Florida and the Commerce Department

appealed (Florida House of Representatives, No

TCA 91-40387-WS [N.D Fla 1992]) The

Eleventh Circuit reversed, finding that the

census data were exempted from disclosure

under the FOIA The U.S Supreme Court

declined to review the case (Florida House of

Representatives, 506 U.S 969, 113 S Ct 446, 121

L Ed 2d 363 [1992])

In light of the controversy over the 1990

census, government officials and demographers

debated how best to conduct the census in 2000

and later Many demographers argued that the

U.S population had become too mobile and too

uncooperative to allow reliance on

mail-in-surveys and door-to-door interviews An increase

in the number of non-English speakers,

un-documented immigrants, and homeless persons

makes census taking more difficult and resi-dents will become more diverse and less tolerant

of government intrusion in the future The American Statistical Association urged the government to use scientific sampling surveys

to estimate the population that has been the most difficult to count

In preparation for the 2000 census, the bureau conducted a test census in the spring of

1995 at three sites—Paterson, New Jersey;

Oakland, California; and six parishes in north-western Louisiana The sites were selected because of their ethnic diversity and their large number of multi-dwelling housing units In Paterson, the bureau experimented with a multimedia kiosk, which allowed residents to answer census questions by touching a screen In Oakland, all identified households were sent a census form and blank forms were also made available at libraries, post offices, and the state

DEPARTMENT OF MOTOR VEHICLES The bureau also experimented with using statistical samples from random surveys to estimate total population

From these test projects the Census Bureau announced that it would use statistical sampling

to take into account historically undercounted populations These populations included mi-norities, renters, children, poor persons, and illegal ALIENS Although the American Statistical Association supported this approach as a valid methodology, the announcement set off a political firestorm Congressional Republicans, worried that sampling would lead to congres-sional APPORTIONMENT that favored the DEMO-CRATIC PARTY, filed a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the proposed practice

The Supreme Court, in Commerce Dept v

U.S House of Representatives (525 U.S 316, 119 S.Ct.765, 142 L Ed 2d 797[1999]), ruled, in a 5–4 decision, against the use of statistical sampling, holding that the 1976 amendments

to the Census Act (1954) prohibit the use of statistical sampling for purposes of population head counts Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, writing for the majority, stated that there had been over two hundred years of history“during which federal census statutes have uniformly prohibited using statistical sampling for con-gressional apportionment.”

The 2000 census revealed that the U.S

population had grown to approximately

281 million There was little public controversy over the results, a sharp contrast to the 1990

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