The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics Part 78 pdf

theorists where looking for an explanation of what drives this process, where abstract grammatical concepts emerge out of concrete lexical concepts, and why it happens, and metaphor theo

involves an increase in the range of a morpheme advancing from a lexical to a grammatical or from less grammatical to more grammatical status’’—the renewed interest in grammaticalization focused not only on the description of the morpho-syntactic changes that morphemes underwent but also on the semantic and pragmatic changes, which, according to several scholars, precede and drive grammaticaliza-tion A number of important publications on various grammaticalization pheno-mena in different languages converged in further advancing our knowledge of the process Studies by Bybee and Pagliuca (1985), Lehmann (1985), Traugott (1982, 1988), among others, provided the theoretical and empirical foundations for a theory of grammaticalization with the following characteristics:

a Grammaticalization is a diachronic process, although it can be interpreted synchronically

b Grammaticalization affects the morphosyntactic status of a lexical or gram-matical form; forms/grams become phonologically eroded, their position within the sentence becomes gradually more fixed, and they lose in cate-goriality

c Grammaticalization involves semantic generalization; forms tend to as-sume more general meanings, losing some of their semantic specificities while retaining the basic semantic schema Such semantic generalization is seen as a precursor to morphosyntactic changes

d Grammaticalization is a unidirectional process in that it leads from a ‘‘less grammatical’’ to a ‘‘more grammatical’’ unit but not vice versa

The development of adpositions from lexical sources features prominently in most

of these studies Initially, however, the focus was on the changes that affect their morphosyntactic character It was not until the cross-fertilization of grammati-calization theory with metaphor theory that the semantic aspect of grammatica-lization started to become interesting

The study of metaphor as a literary device is as old as literary tradition it-self The publication of Lakoff and Johnson (1980) and Lakoff (1987) provided the scholarly community with a new insight into metaphor and its ubiquity According

to them, metaphor is not simply a literary device, but a kind of conceptual ma-nipulation that humans do, which enables the linguistic structures we call ‘‘met-aphorical’’ (see also Grady, this volume, chapter 8) Metaphor is seen as the process responsible for creating the polysemy found in language (Brugman 1981) on the synchronic level New uses emerge out of extensions of aspects of the meaning of

a lexical item to a new context, which is unfamiliar, abstract, or difficult to comprehend Such extensions are unidirectional going from concrete, familiar, comprehensible domains to abstract and unfamiliar domains The process of metaphorical extension involves imposition of an image schema, which is the basis

of our understanding of the meaning of a lexical item, to a new situation for the purpose of understanding the new situation The classic example here involves the use of spatial expressions such as before and after for our understanding of time From the historical vantage point, the combination of grammaticalization theory and metaphor theory seemed only natural at that point: grammaticalization

theorists where looking for an explanation of what drives this process, where abstract grammatical concepts emerge out of concrete lexical concepts, and why it happens, and metaphor theory involved expressing an abstract domain by making use of lexical means from a more concrete domain Studies by Claudi and Heine (1986), Heine and Claudi (1986), Svorou (1986, 1988), Heine (1989), and Heine, Claudi, and Hu¨nnemeyer (1991a, 1991b) employ metaphorical extension as the mechanism that operates in early stages of grammaticalization The most straightforward ar-gument in support of metaphorical extension taking place in grammaticalization that was offered involved the development of spatial and temporal adpositions Data from a wide range of languages—Claudi and Heine (1986) and Heine (1989) on data from 125 African languages, Bowden (1992) on data from 125 Oceanic languages, and Svorou (1986) on data from 26 genetically unrelated languages— provided evidence for a grammaticalization model of adpositions touching upon their semantic as well as their morphosyntactic character Spatial adpositions in-volving locative orientational notions such as ‘in’, ‘on’, ‘above’, ‘under’, ‘in front’,

‘behind’, and ‘between’ evolve from lexical sources that involve body-part nouns (human or animal) and landmark nouns.4Along similar lines, Haspelmath (1997) provides evidence of the evolution of temporal grams from spatial grams

In looking at the sources of grams with the same meaning/function, one is struck by the fact that cross-linguistically there is a relatively small set of nominal

or verbal forms out of which specific grams arise For example, ‘in’ grams develop from body-part terms expressing notions such as belly, abdomen, heart, mouth, liver, bowels, kidneys, tooth, torso, female sexual organs, umbilicus, tongue, stom-ach, throat, intestines, or landmark nouns such as meaning ‘house’, and in a few cases, even relational nouns such as ones meaning ‘middle’ (Stolz 1992; Svorou 1994) One can only speculate at this point as to what seems to be the determining factor for ‘‘selecting’’ one of these sources to express the locative notion of ‘in’ The prevailing view is that language change is nondeterministic; therefore, predicting which language will ‘‘choose’’ which source to develop a gram of a certain type is deemed to be the wrong question to ask In a nondeterministic view of language change, we would need to consider not only which source concept is similar to the type of target location, but all sorts of other factors such as cultural facts about specific body parts or landmarks as well as associated frequency of activation effects

of such facts, other existing grams in the language of the same type, and possible language contact effects This is a complex area of future inquiry in the field, which grammaticalization researchers have started to tackle by looking at language change

in the making What can be said about the relation between source and target concepts in the development of relational grams is that the same image schema configuration exists (Sweetser 1988; Heine, Claudi, and Hu¨nnemeyer 1991b; Rubba 1994) So, for example, body-part terms such as belly, abdomen, heart, liver, bowels, stomach, intestines, umbilicus, tongue, throat, and female sexual organs are all characterized by their position relative to the human body as being in its interior

In the development of such terms into relational grams expressing containment, the relational aspect of their semantics of being contained has been retained The container is no longer the human body but rather a generalized landmark notion

which can accommodate a host of concrete as well as abstract entities construed as containers, as, for example, in in the building, in the water, in my thoughts The role of metaphor in language change, and specifically the development of relational grams, would not be as compelling if it were not for ample evidence for the synchronic deployment of this process In many languages, nominal sources and their relational gram targets exist at the same synchronic period Brugman (1983) and Brugman and Macaulay (1986), for example, among several other studies, provide such evidence for spatial grams of Chalcatongo Mixtec The synchronic existence of such forms create the preconditions for potential grammaticalization and license the assumption that similar synchronic stages have existed even in cases where no such direct evidence can be documented

While a number of scholars have attributed the historical development of ad-positions to metaphor and metaphorical processes (Heine, Claudi, and Hu¨nnemeyer 1991a, 1991b, and others), others argue that metaphor as a process is too static and stiff

to account for small meaning adjustments that take place when a particular con-struction gets fine-tuned to the current context Schwenter and Traugott (1995: 264), for example, in discussing the development of English instead of/in place of/in lieu of, building on discussion presented in Traugott and Ko¨nig (1991), Heine, Claudi, and Hu¨nnemeyer (1991b), and Hopper and Traugott (1993), propose ‘‘that a metaphor is predominantly a product where meaning change as opposed to individual, often creative innovations, is concerned By contrast, metonymy, being associative and pragmatically involving context-induced inferencing, is an ongoing process which results in a new product (Heine’s ‘context-induced reinterpretation’) but is poten-tially present in all language use.’’ The product of historical change may look like metaphor but has resulted from the process of context-induced reinterpretation The small meaning adjustments induced by context that take place constantly

in language use result in observable changes which are the result of high frequency use of a set of meaning adjustments Such changes have been represented by evo-lutionary chains or continua with identifiable stages linking sets of sources and targets Heine (1997: 44), summarizing analyses of cross-linguistic data presented

in Heine, Claudi, and Hu¨nnemeyer (1991b) and Svorou (1994), presents a four-stage scenario of conceptual shift from body-part to spatial concept as follows:

a Stage 1: a region of the human body

b Stage 2: a region of an (inanimate object)

c Stage 3: a region in contact with an object

d Stage 4: a region detached from the object

These conceptual shifts involve the development of one type of relational grams that have their source in body-part terms This type of grams constitutes a large part of spatial grams, but they are not the only sources of relational grams Others develop from landmark nouns, such as earth, ground, sky, trace, and footprint, and relational nouns, such as front, middle, back, interior, and so on Sources other than nominal include adverbs, such as up and down, and verbs, such as ascend, descend, fall, enter, exit, and so on The above studies, as well as Heine and Kuteva (2002), provide detailed discussions and data in support of these developments

Conceptual shifts are accompanied by, or even trigger, changes in the mor-phosyntactic status of the forms undergoing grammaticalization The above stages of conceptual shift are paralleled by the following morphosyntactic changes:

a Stage 1: head noun in genitive inalienable construction (the front ‘forehead’

of my father) (< Latin frons ‘forehead’)

b Stage 2: head noun in genitive construction (the front of the house)

c Stage 3: head noun embedded in relational construction (in the front of the house)

d Stage 4: relational gram with genitive NP complement (in front of

the house)

The grammaticalization does not stop with stage 4 Once a form becomes gram-matical, semantic generalization may lead to other changes in the morphosyntactic form One such change expands the possibilities of the case of the complement that the relational gram may take to include an accusative NP (before him) As many studies have shown, relational grams of adpositional nature may become bound in the form of affixes, as case markers (Reh 1986) Alternatively, adpositions may become subordinators of various adverbial clauses (Genetti 1986, 1991) This is what

is expected by the broadening of the types of contexts that a relational gram is used in: phrasal relations and clausal relations are conceived of as being analogous to nominal relations

One determinant of the degree of grammaticalization that a construction may reach may be the type of language Bybee (1997) has argued that some languages generalize grammatical meaning to a greater extent than others do, and consequently,

we observe differences in the level of grammaticalization of forms in functionally equivalent constructions Another determinant is the particular semantics of a con-struction As I have argued (Svorou 2002b), across languages, interior region grams are more likely to reach high levels of grammaticalization as compared to top or bottom region grams and the latter more likely than front or back region grams It is conjectured that this asymmetry is due to the semantic and cognitive complexity of front and back region grams as compared to interior region grams

In the process of grammaticalization, which does not stop with a gram reach-ing a point clearly recognizable as an adposition, relational grams change in terms

of their semantics The process of change has been described as semantic bleach-ing (Givo´n 1979), generalization (Bybee, Perkins, and Pagliuca 1994), or seman-tic attenuation (Langacker 1990b), in contrast to earlier accounts which hold that grammatical material may become practically meaningless One of the aspects of semantic change of relational grams involves a shift from describing an objective situation to representing a construal of the situation from the point of view of a conceptualizer, therefore, providing a subjective view of it For example, compare (8) and (9), which illustrate an objective and a subjective point of view of

a scene

(8) The squirrel jumped over the fence

(9) The squirrel is over the fence

In (8), the squirrel occupied a series of positions sequentially leading from one side

of the fence to the other, thus representing an objective sequence of events In (9), however, the squirrel may be in the same position with respect to the fence and the observer but occupying this position did not necessarily involve moving to the other side of the fence; yet, the conceptualizer in (9) construes the relation subjectively, as

if the squirrel had in fact moved This phenomenon has also been observed by Matsumoto (1996), who terms it subjective motion, and has been explored extensively

by Talmy (1996, 2000), who talks about fictive motion Talmy also observes that there

is an asymmetry in that the process of conceptualizing static events in terms of dy-namic is more common than the process of conceptualizing dydy-namic events as static While these aspects of grammaticalization are generally supported by research and accepted, other aspects still remain controversial or unresolved One such aspect involves the claim that grammaticalization is a unidirectional process, which creates grams out of lexical items (Heine, Claudi, and Hu¨nnemeyer 1991a; Traugott and Heine 1991; Hopper and Traugott 1993; Haspelmath 1999) Recent studies, however, point to a reversal of the process, degrammaticalization, where a gram gets to be used

as a lexical item (Ramat 1992; Campbell 2001; Janda 2001; Norde 2001) Given that lexicon and grammar form a continuum, some fluency might be expected, but such a process may also depend on the kind of grammatical element at issue; a spatial gram may give rise to a noun (the ups and downs), but for a verbal perfective affix this would be more difficult Another question involves the distinction of degram-maticalization from conversion or functional shift When the English preposition up

is used as a verb to up, I would argue that this is an example of conversion rather than degrammaticalization, since this shift can happen instantaneously and takes place outside the construction in which up functions as a grammatical element Moreover, using up as a verb immediately creates all the paradigm of to up, making past-tense and participial forms available (upped, upping) In contrast, the process of degram-maticalization would involve the reversal of the process of gramdegram-maticalization of an element within its construction and would be a gradual process (Svorou 2002a) It still remains to be resolved in cases where an adposition is also used as an adverb whether it is an example of degrammaticalization, conversion, or simply a common situation in grammaticalization where forms from consecutive diachronic stages may also exist at the same synchronic stage

f o r t h e N e x t D e c a d e

Despite the progress that was made within Cognitive Linguistics toward a deeper understanding of relational constructions in the last two decades, many issues re-main unresolved, unaddressed, or controversial

One such issue has to do with the definition of a domain of investigation Given what we have learned, is cross-language comparison more fruitful by focusing on structural or on functional equivalence? In other words, do we compare the gram-matical inventory of languages as far as a certain semantic domain is concerned, or

do we compare languages as to how they express a certain domain, regardless of whether they employ lexical or grammatical means? The former view involves developing a grammatical typology of a specific domain The latter view is what Levinson and his colleagues have argued for Both views are indispensable since comparing results from these different perspectives would be most revealing about human language and conceptualization

Another point of future investigation remains the description of relational constructions in the languages of the world Most studies have focused on English

or European languages, resulting in a biased view of the area of inquiry Expan-sion of the inventory of languages under investigation would enrich our under-standing of the domain

N O T E S

1 Abkhaz is a head-marking language Hewitt (1979) uses ‘‘þ’’ to indicate boundaries between morphological elements that bear derivational relations and ‘‘
’’to separate morphemes that bear clausal-level relations.

2 A comprehensive bibliography on prepositions up to the late 1970s is Guimier (1981).

3 For an account of the history of grammaticalization, see Hopper and Traugott (1993).

4 In cases where explicit historical information was not available, given the perva-siveness of the formal similarity of adpositions with body-part nouns in language after language, it was argued that the observed similarity was a result of evolution of such nouns into adpositions.

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