Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume III - South Asia - K doc

PAUL HOCKINGS Kanbi ETHNONYMS: Patel, Patidar OrientationTheKanbi are alargeendogamous caste living in the KhedaDistrictof Gujarat State, India.. Weddings and other festive occasions fol

116 latav

theChanging Status ofa Depressed Caste." Ph.D

disserta-tion, Cornell University

Lynch,Owen M (1969).The PoliticsofUntouchability:Social

Mobility and SocialChangeinaCityofIndia NewYork:

Co-lumbia University Press

Kalasha

ETHNONYM: Kalash Kafir

TheKalasha are a tribe of about 4,000, found in the

Chi-tral District inNorth-West Frontier Province, on the western

edgeofPakistan Theyare unique among the tribes of the

Hindu Kush in one respect: to this day theyhaveresisted

con-version to Islam (Pakistan is 98 percent Muslim.) Instead

theypractice a form of Hinduism

The Kalasha economy is based onagriculture, which is

mainlywomen's work, and transhumant animal husbandry,

which takes the men andtheir flocks to the lower pastures for

winter and then to highmountain pastures in summer The

people grow maize, wheat, and millets on small irrigated

fields Goats are not only the main animal herded, they are

also sacred: they are considered the gift of the gods, which

men must protect against the pollution of females and

de-monic possession Women have relative social freedom, as

compared with the Muslim women ofPakistan, and there is

certainly no purdah There are many cases of marriage by

elopement, involving already-married women Much feuding

andnegotiation have to take place to resolve disputes over

women

During the 1950sseveral Kalasha villages were forcibly

converted to Islamongrounds of the supposed"immorality"

of the women Since then other forms of antagonism have

grown upbetween Kalasha and the surrounding Muslims

Re-cently the situation has somewhat improved through the

Lynch,Owen M (1981).'RiotingasRational Action: An terpretation oftheApril 1978 RiotsinAgra."EconomicandPolitical Weekly 16:1951-1956

In-OWEN M LYNCH

building of schools in somevalleys, which Kalasha childrencanattend.Inthelate 1970ssomeroadswerealso builtintothe area.As aresult there has beenan increase in tourismandtimber exploitation, which have not really benefited theKalasha thus far

BibliographyParkes, Peter (1987) "Livestock Symbolism and PastoralIdeology among the Kafirs of the Hindu Kush." Man22:637-60

Parkes, Peter (1990) KalashaSociety: Practice and Ceremony

in the Hindu Kush London: Oxford University Press

PAUL HOCKINGS

Kanarese

ETHNONYMS: Canarese, KannadigaThese are some 66 percent of the inhabitants ofKarnataka, insouth-central India, who speak the Kannadalanguage In 1991 they numbered about31 millionspeakers(four percentofthe nationalpopulation).The Kannadalan-

Kanbi 117

guage belongs to the Dravidian family. It has an ancient,

mainly devotional, literature, stretching back to the ninth

century A.D The Kannadascript, thoughsimilar to that of

Telugu, isonlyused for writing Kannada and theclosely

re-latedlanguagesTulu andKodagu,both of whicharespoken

inthewesternpartsof Karnataka

The great majority ofKanarese (85.9percent) are

Hin-dus,but11.1 percent of the state'spopulationisMuslim and

2.1 percent Christian There are also two important sects

present: Jains and Lingayats TheJains are a monastic sect

often considered beyond the pale of Hinduism The

Lin-gayatsare aShaivite reformistsectofHinduism,foundedin

the twelfth century AD., and having a strong monotheistic

tendency

Mostof the Karnatakastate wasfrom 1578to 1947 the

kingdom of Mysore, ruled by a maharaja based in Mysore

City Evenbefore thiskingdomthere had beenculturally

bril-liant Hindukingdomsinthesamearea,asthetempleartof

the Hoysalas (1007-1336 A.D.) and the city polity of the

Vijayanagar Empire (1336-1565) clearly attest During the

eighteenth century the Muslim adventurer Haidar Ali and his

sonTipu Sultanfoughtfourwars againsttheBritish,which

culminatedinTipu'sdeathin1799;but after that the British

neverruled Mysoredirectly,preferringtopropup theHindu

house of Mysore.Ithadarelativelyefficient state

administra-tionandwas oneof thelargestprincelystates inSouthAsia

As aresult, inthe twentieth century Karnataka has become

oneof the mostprosperousand modernized Indian states

Although its economy is still largely rural, thestate

in-cludes the greatcity ofBangalore, one of the two major

indus-trial centersinSouth India Universities, technical colleges,

andhigh-technology industries all abound in the Bangalore

area Aircraft, silk, and motorcycles are three of the

best-knownproducts.The important cultivated crops of the state

are millet, rice, sorghum, tobacco, sugarcane, cotton,

pota-toes, onions, turmeric, cardamom, and chilies The major

plantation cropsarecoffee and coconuts, but thereissome

tea and rubber; and there are still extensive forests inthe

west Gold is the major mineral product

Seealso Coorg;Jain; Lingayat; Okkaliga

BibliographyBeals, Alan R (1974) Village Life in South India: Cultural

Design and EnvironmentalVariation Chicago: Aldine

Dubois,Jean-Antoine (1906) Hindu Manners, Customs, and

Ceremonies 3rded., editedby Henry K Beauchamp Oxford:

Clarendon Press

Epstein, T.Scarlett(1962).EconomicDevelopment and Social

Change in SouthIndia Bombay: Oxford University Press

Epstein, T Scarlett (1973) South India, Yesterday, Today,

and Tomorrow:Mysore VillagesRevisited.London andBasing

stoke: Macmillan

Nanjundayya, H V., andL K Ananthakrishna Iyer

(1928-1936) The Mysore Tribes and Castes 4 vols andappendix

Mysore: Mysore University

Ross,Aileen D (1961) The HinduFamily in Its Urban

Set-ting Toronto: Universityof Toronto Press;Bombay: OxfordUniversity Press

Srinivas, Mysore Narasimhachar (1976) The RememberedVillage Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress

PAUL HOCKINGS

Kanbi

ETHNONYMS: Patel, Patidar

OrientationTheKanbi are alargeendogamous caste living in the KhedaDistrictof Gujarat State, India They are the most numerous

of thehighcastes(e.g.,Brahman, Bania, andPatidar) inthisdistrict Thename"Kanbi"issaid to be derived from katumbi(householder) In 1931 the caste name waschanged fromKanbi to Patidar in recognition of an elevation in overallcaste status The information in this summary has beendrawn from David F Pocock's 1972 study of the Patidar inGujarat.The Kanbi call their homeland Charotar (the pleas-antland) The area is a flat alluvial plain of some 65 squarekilometers within the Kheda District of Gujarat In 1971 theKhedaDistrict had a total population of slightly under 2 mil-lion The lingua franca of this region is Gujarati, an Indo-Aryan language

History and Cultural Relations

In the nineteenth century, the Leva Kanbi (one of the twolargedivisions of the Kanbi) were appointed by the Mogulsand Marathas as revenue-collection officers Some of theseKanbi hadattained patidari rights (i.e., ownership of cultiva-ble strips of land, known as pati, that could be sublet forprofit) Generallywhen revenue was being collected, an as-sessmentwascharged to a particular village This assessmentwas divided according to the lineal divisions of the village,each ofwhich paid a certain proportion of the fee Seniormembers ofdivisions kept some land that was owned jointly

bymembers of thedivision The remainder was sublet as pati.Two classes ofindividuals rented these lands: tenants at willandhereditarytenants Many of these hereditary tenants alsohad patidari rights By the middle of the nineteenth century,some twenty-seven Kanbi villages had attainedconsiderablewealth; of these, fifteen had an aristocracy of large landown-ers withdeveloping interests in foreign commerce These wereconsidered to be Patidar; the remainder were considered to beKanbi Thesevillages retained their wealth well into the twen-tiethcentury; they benefited extensively from British efforts

to increase productivity in land yield through cultivation Inaddition, twentieth-century foreign trade with east Africabrought an increase in revenue that was invested in land andproperty development in the Kheda District

1 8 Kanbi

SettlementsCastes are assigned respective living areaswithin a typical

Kanbivillage,each of which has individualaccess to

agricul-tural fields Villages do notadhere to anestablished urban

plan Avillage square (containingtemples, shrines, and

of-fices for governmentofficials) islocatednearthevillageen

trance.Atalav (tank) containing thewatersupplyislocated

nearthesquare.Atypicalhouseisconstructed ofmud, wood,

and thatch The home ofa moreaffluent landowneris

simi-larlyconstructed, butasuperiorgrade of woodisused Brick

and iron are also used in the construction of homes for

wealthy Kanbi

Economy

Some Kanbi ownland as shareholders while others workas

tenant farmers.Agricultureisthe major subsistence activity

Crops grown include several varieties of millet (including

spiked millet), pigeon peas, rice, cluster beans, sesame,

cas-tor,chilies, and spices Other vegetablesarepurchasedfrom

vendors locally and beyond the village confines Cottonand

tobaccoarealso cultivated ThemorewealthyKanbi

supple-menttheirincomethrough investment, trade,industry, and

commercial activities The Kanbi haveacash economy and

producefewimplements.Wealthy Kanbi families engageina

varietyofprofessional,industrial, and trade-related activities

(foreign and domestic).Inexchange for services rendered by

several servant and specialized castes, the Kanbi settle their

accountsincash or by means ofbarter (e.g., with grain)

Oc-cupational specialization obtains inKanbi villages

Special-ized castes(e.g., Brahmans, barbers, washers, potters,

carpen-ters, tailors, and shopkeepers) provide important services

Menwork agriculturalfields andwomenprepare meals,

han-dlehousehold chores, and care for domestic animals

Kinship

The village, village division, and natal group are the most

basic socialunitsinKanbi society.InleadingKanbi villages,

theKanbiaredescendants ofoneman(a foundingancestor);

insomevillages, a minoritylineage thatpredates the

found-ingancestor may also exist In large villages, the descendants

of a common ancestor build a compound (chok or khadaki)

together Inwealthy villages, all members of thecompound

are agnatically related At one time, thesecompounds may

have served as home to severalgenerations By 1972, they

housed little more than joint families of two generations'

depth Secession (andlineal segmentation) may take place;

however,thisis arareoccurrence.Compounds of this sort are

notusuallyfound in smaller Kanbi villages The bhayat (small

division consisting of four orfive generations) also figures

prominentlyinKanbi socialstructure Itistheclosest group

ofmutual cooperation outside the family Patrilineal descent

is the Kanbi norm

able social standing Postmarital residence ispatrilocal.Thejointfamily, consisting of eitheracouple togetherwith theirchildrenor alarge groupextending fiveormoregenerations,

is the basicdomestic unit Male children inheritthe parentalestate.During hislifetime, afather is themanager of the an-cestral estate, butnopart of thisestatemay beencumberedwithout theconsentof hissons.By birththey areentitledto

be coparcenerswith their father If the ancestral estate mainsundivided after the death of thefather, the eldestsonbecomesitsmanagerand all family members have arighttomaintenance from its proceeds The responsibility for theraisingof childrenisassumed largely by the mother, butit isshared to someextentbyall members of the joint family

re-Sociopolitical OrganizationGujarati societyisrigidly stratified TheKanbi are the mostinfluential caste (below the Brahmans) inthe Kheda District.Within the caste, social inequities obtain These are basedchiefly on wealth In addition, the marital obligations en-forced by the ekudaserveasthe foundation for yetanotherlevel ofsocial distinction within Kanbi culture Regulationsgoverning the nature and extent of social relations internallyand betweencastesprovidethe basis upon which social con-trolismaintained

Religion and Expressive CultureTheKanbi are adherents of Hinduism Brahmansfunction in

asacerdotal capacity for the Kanbi family They function asmarriage priests and also officiate atceremonies marking thebeginning of thenewyear, etc Thenature of Kanbi religiousceremonies remains a mystery It has been suggested by somethat the originofthese rites isVedic Others believe them to

be ofsyncretic origin The confusion is due in part to the factthat the Kanbi are not served by a single Brahman caste.Whatever the case may be, it is likely that theseceremonies

do contain a Brahmanic core to which additional elementshave been added

BibliographyPocock, David F (1972) Kanbi and Patidar: AStudy of thePatidar Community of Gujarat Oxford: Clarendon Press

HUGH R PAGE, JR

Kanjar

Marriage and FamilyMonogamous unionsarenormative Extramaritalliaisonsof

male andfemale spouses arenotunusual.Hypergamyis

prac-ticed and ekuda(marriagecircles) existwhosemembersmust

intermarry The father of the bride is ceremoniallyand

finan-cially theinferior partyinmarital negotiations andisrequired

to payanexorbitant feeinordertosecureason-in-law of

suit-ETHNONYMS: Guguwala, Jallad, Kanjari, Khanabad6sh

OrientationIdentification Kanjar are an ancient, widely dispersed,andendogamous population of nomadic artisans and enter-tainers spread throughout Southwest Asia They are widelyknownassingers, dancers, musicians, operators ofcarnival-

Kanjar 119

typerides,andprostitutes;theyarebest knownfor the small

terra-cotta toys they manufacture and hawk door-to-door

through sedentaryrural and urban communities.

Location Small nomadic groups of Kanjar are found

throughoutPakistan and northIndia;theyare most

concen-tratedinthe fertile andmoredensely populatedareas of the

Indus Rivervalleyand thePunjab.In 1947the international

boundaryseparatingPakistanfrom India divided thePunjab

region between the two nations. Disputes between the two

nations about irrigation resources and religious conflicts

among Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhskeep tensions high on

the frontier andprohibitfreemovementof nomadicpeoples

alongtraditional travelroutes. Traditionally, Kanjarusedto

travel a circuit from Rawalpindiand Lahore inPakistan to

Amritsarand DelhiinIndia Thisregionliesin a warm

tem-perate zone,generally arid,with hotsummersand cooltocold

winters.Onthe whole, rainfallislow Thefive riversfeeding

the Punjab and extensive systemsofirrigationcanals have

sustained the development of relatively dense networks of

agriculture-based villages and thegrowthofsmalltownsand

metropolitancenters. The humanpopulationof these

com-munities forms the economic nicheexploited by Kanjar

Demography There are about 5,000 Kanjar inPakistan

andconsiderablymore innorth India.Unfortunatelythereis

no accurate demographic or other census information on

Kanjar ineithernation.Smallgroupsofone tothree families

travelextensively throughruralareasfollowingthe wheat and

rice harvests Weddings and other festive occasions follow

harvest activities in village areas and Kanjar capitalize on

thesepatternsof seasonal wealth During fallow andgrowing

seasonstheymove intourbanareas. Bycombining

entertain-ment and handicraft skills with much spatial mobility the

Kanjarexploitaperipatetics' niche-aconstantdemand for

goods and/or servicesthat local communities cannot

inter-nallygenerate or support on a full-time basis

linguistic Affiliation Kanjar are fluent in several

lan-guagesandmany regionaldialects ofHindi, Urdu, Punjabi,

and Sindhi Theirownlanguage, Kanjari, has affinities with

Indo-AryanPrakritsandRomani.Linguistically, andintheir

cultural habits, contemporary Kanjar mayshare a common

ancestrywith Ram (Gypsies) and otherpopulationsof

Ro-manispeakers throughout the world

History and Cultural Relations

Ancienthistorical accounts indicate thatnomadicgroupslike

the Kanjarwerefirmlyembeddedthroughoutthe fabric of

sed-entary social systems in South Asiabythe late Vedic period

(circa 1000-700 B.C.) Ongoing ethnoarchaeological research

suggeststhatgroupssimilarto oridentical withcontemporary

Kanjarmayhave beenresponsible for the manufactureand

dis-tributionofterra-cottafigurines found throughout theruinsof

theHarappan Civilizationinthe IndusValley (circa3000-1500

B.C.).Kanjarfigureinlocal traditionsandfolkloreand practically

allvillages and urbancenters arevisitedbythematleasttwice

eachyear.Thenatureof theirperipateticsubsistenceactivities

and ethnicpridegovernKanjarrelations with client

communi-ties.Femalesperegrinatethroughnarrowvillagelanes and urban

streets calling out Gugughoray lay lao, "Come and take the

toys." Responding to thisbeckoning refrain, children rush to

parents for a few annas (coins), measures ofrice or wheat,

and/or itemsof cast-offclothingtoexchangeforsomeof theterra-cottatoysbeing offered for sale.Somewillhold back cash

orbarteritemsknowingthe Kanjar may also havecarnival-typeridesorjhula(smallmerry-go-roundsandFerriswheels)intheir

tentcampspitchedinnearbyfieldsor vacantlots Adultsanticspatealate afternoonorevening ofmusicanddancing Kanjarmen surreptitiously smile while wives look scornfully at theirhusbands, knowing that Kanjarwomenalso have sexual favorsfor sale Seniorfemalesfrom clienthouseholds withdaughtersabouttomarry will seekoutolder Kanjarwomen to comeandquietly sing and joke before the bride-to-be about theweddingnight, sexual intercourse, and relations withmales,aspart ofthegirl's enculturation into adulthood Beyond these formalizedroles and transactions, Kanjar relations with themembership ofhostcommunities arethose ofprofessional strangers They have

nobonds ofkinship, theyhavenotbelongedtothe communityfrom thebeginning, and they desire no contracts that mightbind theminthe future.They simply import goods and servicesthat do not, and cannot,stemfrom the client community itself.Becauserelations with clients areconfinedtoformalized trans-actions in structured settings, clients know very little aboutKanjar life andcultural habits Conversely, Kanjar constantlylearn and understandagreat deal about theroles and patterns

ofsocialstructureand organization governingeveryday activities

inthe communities and regions of their peregrinations Thisknowledgeisusedand constantly updated in order to maintaintimely and sensitive entertainment routines and to determineeconomic orpoliticalconditionsaffectingtheir travelroutesandtenure in anarea.Also by restricting their interactions with cli-ents topublic settings, Kanjar protect the sanctity of the privatedomains oftheir family and group activities This strategy inhib-its collection of accurate information about themselves thatgovernment,police, social service agencies, and others might beableto use inordertocurtail their economic activities, groupflexibility, and/or freedom of movement In the largerseden-taryworld,Kanjarareoften classified underthe culturally nebu.lous term 'Khinabid6sh." An ancient Persian term adoptedinto Hindi/Urdu, Khanibid6sh literally means "house-on-shoulder."It carries a negative semantic connotation and issim-ilarinuse to the English construct"Gypsy"or nomad They arealso inappropriately labeled as acaste (tat) ofterra-cotta toymakers (Guguwali)

SettlementsKanjarown noland orpermanent shelters They survive bytraveling from community to community through diverse re-gions, transporting theirphysical possessions on mule-drawncarts(rehra) or donkeys The woven reed or munj grass (sirki)walls of their tents are ideal for their peripatetic activities andcontrastsharply with the mud and/or brick shelters of clientsettlements andthe barrel-vaulted, patchwork cloth tents ofother populationsof nomadicartisans and entertainers Tentwallsaremadeby weaving and binding strands of sirki or splitbamboo into long, flexible mats about 2 meters wide and up

to 9 meters inlength Thismat iswound around a rectangularframeof verticalpolesorsticks toforma continuous wall that

is rolledopentoprovide an entrance Cloth or smaller matceilings are supported by one or two ridgepoles secured tocomerposts Theliving area may be varied by adjusting thedistance betweencomer posts Each family maintains a sepa-rate tentand oneseldomfindsmore than three tentstravel-

grass-120 Kanjar

ingorcamped together.Inruralareas tentcampsarepitched

alongcanal banks and railway lines and infallow ornewly

harvestedfields aroundvillages Inurban settings campsare

located invacantlots orundevelopedcommercial sites

Be-causethey are almost identical, Kanjartents arefrequently

confusedwithtentsbelongingtotheChangar Changarare a

totally differentcommunity of nomadicartisanswhoweave

bamboo, reeds, and grass into mats,baskets, brooms, toys,

and the like While Kanjararecapableofmanufacturingtheir

owntents, it is common tocontractwithChangartobuildor

repairtheir tents

EconomySubsistence and Commercial Activities Income-pro-

ducing activities fall into three basic domains: (1) sale of

gugu(terra-cotta toys); (2) entertainmentroutinesincluding

saleofjhula (carnival rides), singing, dancing, music-making

activities, and prostitution; and (3)somebegging strategies

Somefamilieskeep andtrainfighting dogsand roosters;

how-ever,incomefrom wagersonanimalfightingis notreliable.In

rural areas Kanjar bargain for measures of wheat, rice, and

other cereals as payment for their goods and services In

urban settingsthey are more inclinedtoacceptcash, though

eventhere many will negotiate for sugar, flour, and cast-off

clothing as remuneration Prostitutes demand cash

Occa-sionally, females will offer sexual favorsinordertoavoid

ha-rassmentfrom local police or other authorities Earningsin

soft commodities are accumulated andtransported until

suf-ficient quantities justify visits to regional markets where the

goods are sold for cash Income notneeded for immediate

subsistence requirements is converted into silver and gold

Rice, chappatis (flat bread made from unleavened dough),

dried lentils (dal), produce such as onions, potatoes, and

chilies, occasional fresh meat, tea with milk and sugar, and

yogurt comprisetheir basic diet Enough of these items are

usually earned daily; cash outlays for food generally are

re-stricted to purchases of cooking oil, spices, tea, and luxury

itemssuch asfreshfruit and sweets Family pack animals and

goats are grazed in rural areas; however, in more crowded

urban areas fodderisoftenpurchased with cash Seasonal

in-come isinfluenced by local conditions in the diverse

commu-nities Kanjar service Resourceful families may accumulate

considerable wealth

IndustrialArts Whilethe sale of terra-cotta toys accounts

for only 24 percent of family income, the manufacture and

hawking of gugu-ghoray give Kanjar their primary identity

Clay deposits are common throughout the Indus Valley and

Punjab, and Kanjar are adept at finding local deposits of this

raw material wherever they camp Males generally dig up the

clay;however, theentiregroup traveling together participate

in making the clay figurines Stylized yet consistent across the

entire Kanjarpopulation, the clay figurines represent dogs,

sheep, goats, camels, cows, buffalo, birds, and elephants as

well as miniature household items such as fireplaces, pots,

plates, spoons, and bells Hand-molded from damp clay,

fig-urines are sun-dried before surface firing under grass, dried

manure, and straw Depending on local demand, families

usually make gugu twice weekly Surface firing ensures

fragil-ityand a relativelyconstantdemand for thesepopular toys

Trade Kanjaravoid local markets and craft centers, ferringtohawk theirwares andservicesdoor-to-door Inre-centyearsthegrowthof inexpensive anddurableplastictoys

pre-in the market has begun toaffect sales of gugu-ghoray sponsetothis competitionhas increased the number of toysaclient may select for the same price

Re-Division ofLabor Kanjarfemales enjoy dominanceovermales inpractically every sphere of dailyactivities.With theexceptionof income fromjhula (carnivalrides) operatedex-clusively by males, females generate the majorityof incomeinboth rural and urban settings Door-to-doorhawking, sing-ing, dancing, and prostitution are exclusively female activi-ties.Both sexes and all childrenbeg Daily provisioning of thefamily is provided by females and children Males and elderlyfemales prepare meals and tend infants.Dealings with outsid-ers arehandledby females, and internally they tend to carrymore weight when decisions are made about distributionand/or investment offamily resources Talented males aretrained and skillful musicians; they accompany the singinganddancing routines of theirmothers, sisters, and spouseswith drums, flutes, harmoniums, cymbals, and a range ofstringed instruments Boys share tent-maintenance, live-stock, and child-care responsibilities with fathers Girls ac-companymothersintheir activities outside camps and con-centrate on learning dancing and singing skills within thefamily domain

Land Tenure Most Kanjar avoid ownership of land orpermanent property;however, some families may invest cash

inprofessional entertainment establishments servicing urbancenters

Kinship, Marriage, and FamilyKin Groups and Descent Contrary to popular belief andcursory historical records, Kanjar do not consider themselves

to be a caste (zat) They refer to themselves as a qam and usethis term to mean an endogamous'people"or society Struc-turally they are divided into biradari Kanjar use this term todefine loosely organized, bilateral descent groups, the mem-bers of which can trace affiliation back to a common ances-tor(s), usually a group of siblings In turn, the apical siblings

of each biradari are believed to be descendants of a commonbut unknown ancestor The term biradari is also, and mostcommonly, used to indicate a group of families living andtraveling together, regardless of actualkin ties among them.Biradari, as a descent group, is not an organizing principleandisonly called upon when a specifickinlink is disputed orperceived to be politically or economically profitable for agiven Ego Kanjar are related to each other in many involutedways and each relationship has a distinct term The closestkin ties are among siblings and their mother, Ego's fatherbeing the husbandof his or her mother at Ego's birth.Marriage Allfemales are highly valued, both as daughtersand spouses, and the bride-price (bovar) is very dear, oftenamounting to more than three years' total earnings from theprospective husband's family Kanjar prefer wadi de shadi (ex-change marriages) between the children of siblings Wadi deshadi enables a family to solidify alliances and accumulatecash for bride-price where exchange is impossible orundesir-able Marriages are arranged by members of the child's nataltent with an eye toward enhancing their own position, either

Kanjar 121

throughreceiptofbride-priceand/orthroughachievementof

a moredesirable alliance with other families Divorcemaybe

instigated by eitherspouse;however, reconciliationisalways

soughtbecause otherwisebride-pricemustbe returned

Dis-putes about marital tensions and bride-price are common

sources ofconflict

DomesticUnit Thesame term (puki)isused fortentand

for the basicsocialunitofKanjarsociety.Pukiconnotesthe

commensalgroupofafemale,herspouse, and their

unmar-ried children.Marriagecreates a new tentand residenceis

ei-ther neolocalorwithsiblingsorparental siblings travelingin

othergroups. Eachtent iseconomically independent

Inheritance All material andanimalresources areowned

corporately by thetent orfamilyunit.Whenamemberdies,

his orher portionof the tent's resources isequally divided

among survivingmembers Individual debts also become the

responsibility of the bereavedtentifnotsettled beforedeath

Socialization Thereis no separateworld forchildren and

adults and Kanjarbelieve thatchildren learn bestthrougha

combinationofexampleandspecifictraining.Broadly

speak-ing,malesareenculturatedtobecooperativeandsupportive,

whereas femalesare encouraged tobemore aggressive,

self-reliant, and independent Exceptionally attractive and

tal-ented girlsareraised withexpectationthattheywill besold

into professional entertainment establishments Musically

talented boys may be encouraged to leave their tents and

workindependently asprofessionalmusicians.

Sociopolitical Organization

Social Organization Where eachtent is an independent

economic unit,familiesusuallyformtemporaryallianceswith

othertentsforming ad&ra DEra typically consistoftwo to

fourtentswithabalanceamongskilled performers and jhula

(carnival rides).Whileeconomicconsiderationsarealwaysa

mediating factor,mostd&raincludetentsinvolvedin

engage-ment or marriage negotiations.

Political Organization While females tendtodominate,

both tentsand dEra are acephalous Decisionsaffecting the

group arereached throughconsensus,deferencewiselybeing

paidto olderand/or moreexperiencedindividuals

Social Control Kanjarrecognizethat theindependence of

tents andfreedom (azadi) to move are the most important

forms ofsocial control Tents unwilling toabidewith d&ra

consensus areencouragedto orsimplymove away inorderto

avoidseriousconflictorviolence.Among Kanjar, lossof

mo-bility isloss of social control

Conflict Tension and disputes arise from bickering

be-tween spouses or entertainersworking togetherabout share

and distributionofearnings,adulteryor excessivesexual

jok-ing,disagreements about travelroutesandtenure in an area,

and bride-price negotiations, aswellasindividual

transgres-sionssuchasdrunkenness,excessiveabuse, theft,physical

at-tacks, serious injury,and murder Whengroup pressure and

negotiatedcompromisesfail,Kanjarhave aformallegal

sys-tem for hearing and resolving serious disputes Since they

lack institutions or formal roles for enforcing group

sanc-tions,settlementofdisputes ultimately devolvesonthe

con-flictingparties, their families,and their allies

Religion and Expressive Culture

Religious Beliefs Asnomads Kanjar are familiar with abroad spectrumofreligiousbeliefsand practices among thecommunities they service, and they don any sacred mantlethatmomentarily meets their practical needs While theyareessentially agnostic, they do protect themselves from spirits(jinn) by wearing amulets (tabiz) purchased from holymen(fakirs)

Arts Asprofessional artisansandhighlyskilleders, theireveryday subsistence activities areaform of expres-siveand creative art

entertain-Medicine Kanjarseektreatmentfromhomeopathictitioners, druggists or pharmacists, and fakirs (holy men) forserious illness Chronic malaria isendemic and most sufferfrom seasonal bouts withtyphoid and cholera Greater energyand resources are spent on sick females than on sick males,especially as infants and young children Males are constantlyreminded that 'roti (bread) for your stomach" comes largelyfrom the females in their lives

prac-Deathand Afterlife Kanjar are stoic aboutdeath and ceptitasfate andanormal aspect of life Individualsprefertodie in the company offamily and siblings; however, they real-ize that their peripatetic life-style often prohibits dispersedkin from being present.Ideally, parents and/or siblings washthe body, wrap it in a newwhite cloth, sprinkle it with scentedwater, and bury it on itsside facing east toward warmth andthe rising sun Burial takes place as soon as possible-thenextday during the hotseason, and after two or three days inwinter, thus in cooler weather allowing any siblings whomight be in the same area time to travel and be involved inthe burial process The body is considered polluting to fe-males and therefore males prepare it for burial Kanjargener-ally fear incapacitating diseases or long final illnesses morethan the actual death itself While a family willcarry a sick in-dividual on their carts and/or stop traveling when an individ-ualbecomes extremely ill or crippled, Kanjar fear loss of mo-bility more than death Among Kanjar, freedom and mobilityrepresent life

ac-See alsoPeripatetics; Qalandar

BibliographyBerland, Joseph C (1982) No Five Fingers Are Alike: Cogni-tiveAmplifiers in Social Context Cambridge, Mass.: HarvardUniversity Press

Berland, Joseph C (1987)."Kanjar SocialOrganization." InThe Other Nomads: Peripatetic Minorities in Cross CulturalPerspective, edited by Aparna Rao, 247-265 Cologne:BohlauVerlag

Berland, Joseph C., and Matt T Salo, eds (1986)

'Peripa-tetic Peoples." Nomadic Peoples (Toronto) 21/22 (specialissue)

Hayden, Robert (1979) "The Cultural Ecology of ServiceNomads." Eastern Anthropologist 32:297-309

Misra, P K,and Rajalakshmi Misra (1982) "Nomadism intheLand of the Tamils between 1 A.D.and 600 A.D." In No-

122 Kanjar

mads inIndia, edited byP K Misraand K C.Malhotra,1-6

Anthropological Survey of India Calcutta

JOSEPH C BERLAND

Kashmiri

ofitstempleruinstestify Later,under theMoguls, music, etry, architecture, and garden design flourished there TheHindus, thoughnotvery numerous,have beenquiteinfluen-tial in thestate, especially as landowners The term "Kash-miri" isapplied particularlytothose who inhabit the Vale ofKashmir, which is the most populous area, and includes overtwo dozen Muslim and Hindu castes

po-See also Pandit of Kashmir

PAUL HOCKINGS

ETHNONYMS: none

TheKashmirisarethe Hindu and Muslim inhabitants of

India's mostnortherly state,JammuandKashmir, and of that

fragment of land that is controlled by Pakistan and called

Azad Kashmir (Gilgit, Baltistan, and four other districts, all

thinly populated).The entire area is one of beautiful

moun-tainranges, high grazing valleys, andalarge, central

agricul-turalvalley called the Vale ofKashmir, where Srinigar, the

Indian state capital, islocated Inpoint of fact some

three-quartersofKashmir, includingmostof Azad Kashmir and all

of theAksai Chin sector held by China,ispermanently under

snowandglaciers because of the extremeelevation

The whole state has a major tourist potential, but for

someyears this has not been realized because of the

continu-ing political and religious strife This seemingly intractable

situation arosefrom the fact that the majority of the Kashmiri

population (77.1 percent in 1941) was Muslim, while the

for-mermaharaja of Kashmir and20.1percent (in 1941) of the

population were Hindus After Indian independence, India

laid claim tothe state (Pandit Nehru's homeland) and soon

developedbetter communications with this region than

Paki-stan wasable todevelopwith its own sector, Azad Kashmir

TheIndo-Pakistan wars of 1948, 1965, and 1971 were largely

fought overthe issue of who should control Kashmir

(al-though in 1971 Bangladesh was also a central issue), and

today (1991) the political turmoil and"states of emergency"

continue, prompted both by Pakistani shipments of arms

across the border to sympathizers and by the agitation of

Kashmiri Muslims who would prefer to live under the Islamic

rule of Pakistan rather than the secular but sometimes

repres-siverule of India Although involvedintheissuefrom the

be-ginning,the United Nations has been powerless to resolve it

Until thisproblem is resolved, the economic growth of the

area willremainalmost at astandstill

The area is very large Excluding that sizable part that is

controlledeither byPakistanorby China at the present time,

the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir covers 222,236

square kilometers, most of it mountainous It has a

popula-tion estimated (in 1991) at 7.5 million Although divided by

religion and politics, the Kashmiris are united in one sense by

their common language, Kashmiri This is an Indo-Aryan

tongue,writtenwitha form of the Perso-Arabic script It is

the major languageof theDardic Subgroup, andithasa

liter-ature reaching back to the fourteenth-century poetess Lal

Ded Although the culture ispredominantly Muslimtoday,

prior to theTurkicincursionsof the eleventh and twelfth

cen-turiesKashmirwas animportantBuddhist territory, assome

Khasi

ETHNONYMS: Cassia, Cossyah, Kasia, Kassia, Kassya, Kasya,Khasia, Khasiah, Khassia, Khassu, Khosia, Ki Khisi

OrientationIdentification andLocation The Khasi (who call them-selves Ki Khisi) live in two districts of Meghalaya State,India (21°10' to 26°05' N, 90°47' to 92°52' E), an area ofsome 16,000 square kilometers This region is home tosev-eral Mon-Khmer-speaking groups The Khasi themselveslive in the upland center of this large area The Khasi desig-nation for the Khasi Hills section is Ka RiKhisi and that ofthe Jaintia Hills section is Ka Ri Synten Other matrilinealand Mon-Khmer-speaking groups found in this regionin-clude the Lyngngams (Lynngam) who occupy the westernpart of the area, the Bhois who inhabit the north-centralre-gion, the Wars who occupy the district's southern expanse,and the Jaintia (also called Pnar or Synteng) in the south-east of the region

Demography According to P R T Gurdon, who firststudied the Khasi in 1901, the total population then num-bered 176,614 Their number had risen to 463,869 by 1971.linguistic Affiliation The Khasi speak a Mon-Khmer lan-guage (belonging to the Austroasiatic Family) Khasi isbe-lieved to form a link between related languages in centralIndia and the Mon-Khmer languages of Southeast Asia.While dialectal variation may be noted within different vil-lages,the major Khasi dialects are Khasi, Jaintia, Lyngngam,and War

History and Cultural Relations

In the mid-sixteenth century there were twenty-five separateKhasi chiefdomsalong with the separate kingdom of Jaintia.Before the arrival of the British, the Jaintia were vassals to a se-ries ofdominant kingdoms from the thirteenth to the eight-eenth centuries (e.g., the Kachari, Koch, and Ahom) At thebeginning of the sixteenth century Jaintia rule was extended toSylhet and this marked the beginning of Brahman influence

on the Jaintia The annexation of Sylhet in 1835 (instigated bythe seizing of British subjects for human sacrifice) precededthe subjugation of the Khasi states by some twenty or more

Khasi 123

years.By 1860, the Britishhad annexed all of theJaintiaHills

regionandimposedtaxes on it as apart of British India The

Khasistateshad limited cultural relations before the arrival of

the British, characterizedinlargepartbyinternal warfare

be-tweenvillagesandstatesandraidingandtradingintheSylhet

andBrahmaputra valleys.The incorporation of the marketsat

Sylhetintothe British colonial economyin 1765 marked the

beginningof Khasisubjugation.Khasiraidsinthe 1790s ledto

theriseof British fortificationsinthefoothills andaneventual

embargoonKhasi-produced goodsinSylhetmarkets.In1837

the construction ofa roadthrough NongkhawState linking

CalcuttatotheBrahmaputraValleyledtothe eventual

cessa-tion ofKhasi-Britishhostilities, andby1862 treatiesbetween

the British and all of the Khasistates (allowingKhasi

auton-omyandfreedom from Britishtaxation) weresigned.Asignify

cant amountof culturalchange (e.g.,an increase inwealth,

de-cline of traditionalculture, riseineducationalstandards,and

frequent intermarriage) occurred after the British made

Shillong thecapitalofAssam In 1947 therewasconstituted

an autonomoustribalarearesponsibletoAssam'sgovernoras

anagent ofthe presidentof India However, the native state

system with its various functionaries remains intact, and

Khasis nowhave their own state, Meghalaya,in which they

predominate

SettlementsKhasivillagesarebuiltalittle below the tops of hillsinsmall

depressions to protect against storms and high winds, with

houses builtinclose proximityto oneanother.Inadditionto

individualhouses, familytombs andmemorialstones

(maw-bynna) are located within confines ornearby Internal

divi-sionofthevillagebasedonwealth doesnotobtain;rich and

poor live sideby side Sacred grovesarelocatednearthe

vil-lage betweenthe brow of the hill and the leewardside,where

the village's tutelary deity is worshiped Pigs wander freely

throughavillage, andsomevillages (e.g., those of the high

plateau) also feature potatogardens protected by dry dikes

andhedges Narrow streets connecthouses andstone steps

lead uptoindividual houses The upper portion ofaKhasi

vil-lagemay beas muchas 100 metershigherinelevation than

the lower portion.Avillagesite israrely changed The typical

Khasi houseis ashell-shaped buildingwith threerooms: the

shynghup (porch for storage); the nengpei (centerroom for

cooking andsitting); and the rumpei (innerroomfor

sleep-ing) The homes of wealthy Khasiare moremodem, having

iron roofs, chimneys, glass windows, anddoors Somehave

European-style homes and furniture A marketplace is lo

cated outsideaKhasivillage (closetomemorial stones,bya

river or under a group of trees, depending on the region)

Within Khasivillagesonemay findanumber ofpublic

build-ings, Christian churches, and schools

EconomySubsistence and Commercial Activities Cultivation is

the major Khasi subsistence activity and the family farm

(managed byasingle familywith or without theassistance of

outsidelabor) isthe basic operatingunit incropproduction

The Khasi are multioccupational and their economy is

market-based.Marketingsocieties exist tofacilitate trade and

toprovideaidin timesofpersonalneed.Cropsareproduced

for consumption and trade There arefour types of land

uti-lized for cultivation: forest;wetpaddyland(haliorpynthor);homestead land (ka 'dew kyper); andhighgrass land (karilum or ka riphlang) Forestland isclearedbycutting trees,burning them, and planting seeds with hoes inthe groundthusfertilized (ihumagriculture) Paddylandinvalleysisdi-vided intocompartmentsbybanks andfloodedbyirrigationchannels Proper soil consistencyisobtainedbyusing cattleand hoes Cropsproduced bythe Khasi includevegetables,pulses, sugarcane, maize, rice, potatoes, millet, pineapples,Job's tears, bay leaves, yams, tapioca, cotton, oranges, andbetelnuts.Other crops knowninthe region include turmeric,ginger,pumpkins,gourds, eggplants, chilies,andsesame.TheKhasi also engageinother subsistenceactivitiessuchasfish-ing (by poisoningorwith rod andline),bird snaring (quail,partridge, lapwings, coots, and wild geese), hunting (deer,wilddogs, wolves,bears, leopards,andtigers),and the raising

of goats (for sacrifice), cattle (cows and oxen for manure,field cultivation, and dairy products), pigs, dogs, and hens(for sacrifice), chickens and ducks (largely foreggs),and bees(for larvae, wax, and honey)

Industrial Arts Industrialspecialization by village obtains

to some extentamong theKhasi, but generally they practiceagreat diversity of industrialarts Cottage industries andin-dustrialartsinclude caneand bamboowork, blacksmithing,tailoring, handloom weaving and spinning, cocoon rearing,lac production, stonecutting, brick making, jewelry making,pottery making, iron smelting, and beekeeping Manufac-turedgoods include: woven cloth, coarse cotton, randia cloth,quilts (made of beaten and woven tree bark), hoes, plow-shares, billhooks, axes, silver work, miscellaneous implements

ofhusbandry,nettedbags (of pineapplefiber),pottery(madewithout the use of the potter's wheel), mats, baskets, ropeand string,gunpowder, brasscooking utensils, bows, arrows,swords, spears, and shields

Trade Trade takesplace between villages, with the plainsareas, and between highland and lowland areas Barter(thoughto alesserextentnow) and currency are the media ofexchange There are local markets (village-based) in addition

to alarge central market in Shillong, and a large portion ofKhasiproduce is exported Within a typical Khasi market onemayfindthe following for sale: bees, rice beer, rice, millet,beans, sugarcane,fish, potatoes, oranges,lemons, mangoes,breadfruit, pepper, bananas, cinnamon, goats, sheep, cattle(live and slaughtered), and housing and cultivation products(roofing grass, cut beams, bamboo poles, latticework, driedcow manure, spades, baskets, bamboo drinking cups, gourdbottles, wooden mortars, water pipes made of coconut, claypipe bowls, iron pots, and earthen dishes) Large markets, likeShillong, contain goods from foreign markets (e.g., fromEurope)

Division of Labor Men clear land, perform jhum ture, handle cattle, and engage in metalworking and wood-working Women weave cloth, act as vendors in the market,and areresponsibleinlarge part for the socialization of chil-dren Women are credited with being the growers of provi-sions sold at market Men also participate in market activities

agricul-by selling articles which they manufacture and produce (e.g.,ironwork), raise (e.g., goats, sheep), or catch (e.g., birds).They also bring provisions to women at market and exercisesome degree of control over the market by acting as account-ants Forexample, a husband may be responsible to his own

124 Khasi

family (byworking the fields for his wife) while at the same

time keeping his sister's mercantile accounts A woman's

uncle, brother, orsonmay function in a similar capacity on

her behalf, though this is more likelyto be the case ifthe

woman's business is on alarge scale

LandTenure There are fourkindsofpublic land:ka riraj

(Crown lands); ka ri lyngdoh (priestlylands);kishong (village

lands for the production of thatching grass, firewood, etc.);

andki 'lawkyntang(sacredgroves) Thereare twotypes of

pri-vate land: ri-kur (land owned by a clan) and ri-kynti (land

owned by families or acquired; it is inherited bya womanfrom

her mother or is acquired by a man or a woman) Ancestral

land must always be owned by a woman Men may cultivate

the land, but the produce must be carried to the house of the

mother who divides it among the members of her family

Usu-ally, ifa manobtains land, upon his death it is inherited by

hismother (i.e., if he isunmarried) There is, however, a

pro-visionmade for a man to will land acquired after marriage to

hischildren

KinshipKinGroups andDescent The Khasi are awell-known in-

stance ofmatriliny The maximalmatrilineage among them is

the clan (calledkurorjaid) The Khasi speak of a family of

great-grandchildren of one great-grandmother (thus, four

generations) as shi kpoh (one womb) Clans trace descent

from ancestresses orkiaw (grandmothers) who are called ki

lawbei-tynrai (grandmothers of the root, i.e., of the clan tree)

In someinstances the actual name of the ancestress survives

Sheisreveredgreatlyandherdescendants are called shi kur

(oneclan) Below this division are the subclan or kpoh (as

al-ready mentioned, descendants of one great-grandmother)

and the iing (house or family), usually made up of a

grand-mother, her daughters, and her daughters' children Together

these are said to be shi iing (one house)

KinshipTerminology Kinship terminology employed for

first cousins follows the Iroquois pattern

Marriage and FamilyMarriage The Khasi are, for the most part,monogamous

Their socialorganization does not favor otherforms of

mar-riage;therefore, deviation from this norm is quite rare

Mar-riage is apurely civilcontract The ceremony consists of a

be-trothal, the pouring of a libation to the clan's firstmaternal

ancestor, thetaking of food from the same plate, and the

tak-ing ofthe bride to the house of the groom's mother where a

ring is placed on the bride's finger by her mother-in-law

Males arebetween the ages of 18 and 35 when they marry,

whilewomen's ages range from 13 to 18 Althoughparentally

arranged marriages do occur, this does not appear to be the

preferred form Young men and women arepermitted

consid-erablefreedomin the choice of mates and in premarital

sex-ual relations Potential marriage partners are likely to have

beenacquainted before betrothal Once a man has selected

hisdesired spouse, he reports his choice to his parents They

then secure the services of a male relative (or other male

un-related to thefamily) to make the arrangements with the

fe-male'sfamily (provided that the man's parent's agree with his

choice).The parents of the woman ascertain her wishes and if

she agrees to thearrangement her parents check to make

cer-tain that the man to be wed is not a member oftheir clan(since Khasi clans are exogamous, marital partners may not

be from the same clan) If this is satisfactory, then omens aretaken If the omens are favorable, then a wedding date is set,but if the omens are negative, the wedding plans are aban-doned Divorce is frequent (with causes ranging from incom-patibility to lack of offspring) and easily obtainable Thiscer-emony consists of the husband handing the wife 5 cowries orpaisa which the wife then hands back to her husband alongwith 5 of her own The husband then throws these away orgives them to a village elder who throws them away Accord-ing to Gurdon, postmarital residence is matrilocal, with thehusband and wife leaving the wife's mother's residence afterthe birth of one or two children C Nakane makes a furtherdistinction between two types of marriages, the first beingmarriage to an heiress, the second marriage to a nonheiress.The type of marriage is, for Nakane, the determining factor inmarital residence This practice is the result of rules andregu-lations governing inheritance and property ownership Theserules arethemselves related to the structure of the Khasi iing

In short, postmarital residence when an heiress is involvedmust be uxorilocal, while postmarital residence when anonheiress is involved is neolocal Khasi men prefer tomarry

anonheiress because it will allow them to form independentfamily units somewhat immune to pressures from the wife'skin A Khasi man returns to his iing upon the death of hisspouse (if she is an heiress) If she is not an heiress, he mayre-main with his children if they are not too young and if heplans to marry his wife's younger sister Marriage to a de-ceased wife's elder sister is prohibited This is the only form ofthe sororate found among the Khasi The levirate does notobtain in Khasi society It has been suggested that the in-creasing monetization of the Khasi economy and availability

of jobs for men beyond village confines may have alteredpostmarital residence patterns

Domestic Unit Around the turn of the century, the basicKhasi domestic unit was a single household made up of agrandmother, her daughters, and her daughters' children (thegrandmother being the head of the household during her life-time) In mid-century, Nakane distinguished between fourtypes of Khasihouseholds: (1) a household comprised of wife,husband, their children, and wife's unmarried sisters andbrothers; (2) a household composed of nearly all the iingmembers (but not including their spouses) or a larger house-hold (including wives and husbands) that contains alldescen-dants of three or more generations from one woman (in whichcase the iing corresponds to the kpoh); (3) an intermediatetype of household, between types 1 and 2, that is popularamong newly married couples before the birth of children, inwhich a husband is supposed to live in the wife's house butoften returns to his sister's house for meals and to sleep, and inwhich the husband is responsible for working his wife's fieldsandmay also work those of his mother and sister; and (4) onenuclearfamily unit (usually when the man marries a nonheir-ess) According to Nakane, most Khasi households are oftypes 1, 3, and 4 All three types are usually found in one vil-lage Type 2 was prominent at one time among the Jaintias.Inheritance With regard to real property, inheritancegoes to the youngest daughter of the deceased mother andupon theyoungest daughter's death in turn to her youngestdaughter Other daughters are entitled to a smaller share of

Khasi 125

the inheritance of their mother, but the largest share goesto

the youngestdaughter When the mother hasno daughters,

the inheritance goestoher sister's youngestdaughter If the

sisterhasnodaughters,then the mother'ssistersand their

fe-malekinreceivethe inheritance.Men areprohibitedfrom

in-heritingreal property All propertyacquiredbya manbefore

marriage belongs to his mother Property acquired by him

after marriagebelongstohis wife and children Of these

chil-dren,the youngest daughterwillreceivethelargestshare of

the inheritance upon the death of the man's wife If theman

hasnodaughters,then hissons receivehis property upon the

death oftheir mother Christianconversionhas hadand may

continuetohaveadeleterious effectonthe Khasi system of

inheritance Khasi heiresses who converted to Christianity

lost their right to inherit at one time in Khasi socialhistory

With the gradual acceptance of Christianity, these rights

wererestored However, thereis atendency for heiresses who

convert toChristianitytodiscontinue their sacerdotal

func-tionswithin the family It has been suggested that this may

threaten the institution ofultimogeniture It has also been

suggested that the availability of nonland-based employment

for males may undermine the economic basis of matrilineal

inheritance

Socialization Naming occurs one day after birth Family

activities center ontheperformance of religious rites,

man-agementoffamily property,andthe maintenance and

protec-tionof kin relations Men, women, and children participate

fullyinthese and otherlabor-relatedactivities.Women,

how-ever, are the chief agents of socialization

Sociopolitical Organization

Social Organization Khasi villages tend to be

endoga-mous units, each one containing a number of matrilineal

clans (kur) Members of these clanstracetheir descent from a

common female ancestor Solidarity is manifest largely on

thislevel of social organization There are three class-defined

lineages-nobles, commoners, and slaves Elderly menand

men of importance wear turbans as a sign of status, and men

who have sponsored a great feast may wear silver armlets

above the elbows Wealth can be demonstrated in a number

ofways, including the size of the mawbynna (monument) one

hasconstructed at the burial site of a deceased person and the

ownership of decorative gongs (wiang) In somesense, the

lyngdohship (priesthood) may also be treated as a sign of

status The matrilineal clan is perhaps the most important

primary institution The position ofwomenis more

promi-nent than that of men As member of a clan, a man will be

lost to his mother's clan when he marries, his statusshifting

from that of u kur(brother) inhisclantothat of u shong ka

(begetter) inhis wife'sclan.He is notallowedtoparticipate

in the religious observances of his wife's clan and when he

dies he is not buriedinhis wife's family tomb Women also

as-sume leadership in secondary institutions (e.g.,religion) as

evidenced by their management of the family cults and the

performance ofitsattendant rituals

PoliticalOrganization The Khasistatesystemarose

orig-inally from the voluntary association ofvillages or groups

thereof.The head of state is the siem (chief) He has limited

monarchical powers.Hemayperformcertain actswithout the

approval of his durbar (anexecutivecounciloverwhich he

presides).Healso possessesjudicial powers Those whosit onthe durbar arecalled mantris.These individualsare chargedwith the actual management of the state Some states haveofficials calledsirdars(village headmen) who collect labor,re-ceive pynsuk (gratification) for the siem, and settle localcases InNongstoin thereis anofficial calledalyngskorwhoacts assupervisor ofanumber of sirdars.In most statesthesiem isthereligious and secular head ofstate Heconductscertainpublic religious ceremonies, consults oracles andacts

asjudge (the durbar being the jury) in legal cases, and intimespastwastheliteral head of the armyinbattle Thesiemwas chosen by popular election in Langrim, Bhoval, andNobosohpoh states The British attempted to impose thissystemonall Khasistatesbut the results of their effortswerequestionable Littlewasaccomplished save the confirmation

ofanelectoralbody that itself elected thesiem Succession tosiemship is always through the female side A new siem iselected from a siem family (ofwhich there is one ineverystate) byanelectoralbodythat may becomposed of represen-tatives from certain priestly and nonpriestly clans, villageheadmen, and basams (market supervisors)

SocialControl Interpersonal tensions, domestic ments, andinterclan disputes account for the major part ofconflict within Khasi society Other sources include theswearing of falseoaths, incest, revenge, conversions to otherreligions, failure to maintain the family religious cults,adul-tery, rape, arson,and sorcery Social control is maintained byclan, village, state, and national authorities The traditionalmeansused to maintain orderincluded exile, monetary fines,curses, disinheritance, enforced servitude, imprisonment,capital punishment, confinement (e.g.,inthe stocks), impo-sition offetters, and confinement to a bamboo platformunder which chilies were burnt

disagree-Conflict Conflict between states and regions (e.g., tweenthe Khasi and the peoples of the plains) was prevalentbefore the arrival of theBritish Thetakingofheads (associ-ated with the worship of the war god U Syngkai Bamon) wasalsopracticed by the Khasi In their conflict with British im-perial forces, the Khasi relied heavily on ambush and guerrillatactics Little is known oftraditional Khasi contacts withother groups

be-Religion and Expressive CultureReligious Beliefs Christian missionary work among theKhasibeganinthelate nineteenth century with the efforts ofthe Welsh Calvinistic Methodist mission The effects of theirendeavors and those of other Christian bodies have been con-siderable Today over half ofall Khasis have adopted Chris-tianity.The missionary impact may be noted on almost all lev-els of culture.However, the core of traditional Khasi religiousbeliefs remains intact The Khasi believe in a creator god (UBleiNong-thaw) who is considered feminine in gender (Ka leiSynshar) She is invoked when sacrifices are offered and duringtimesof trouble The propitiation of good and evil spirits isalso part of thissystem,as istheworship of ancestors The fol-lowing majorspirits are worshiped: Ulei Muluk (god of thestate); Ulei Umtang (god of drinking water and cookingwater); Ulei Longspah (god of wealth); and0Ryngkew or UBasaShnong (tutelary deity of the village)

126 Khasi.

ReligiousPractitioners Thepropitiationof the spiritsis

carriedoutbythelyngdoh (priest) orbyoldmen

knowledge-ableintheartofnecromancy.Otherpractitionersinclude the

soh-blei andsoh-blah (male functionaries with limited

sacer-dotalfunctions),the kasoh-blei,also called ka-soh-slaor

ka-lyngdoh(femalepriests whomustbepresentattheofferingof

all sacrifices), and the nongkhan (diviners).The

lyngdoh-who is always appointed from a special priestly clan, who

holds his office forlife,and who may beoneof several within

a state-isthe chieffunctionary of the communalcults He

also hascertaindutiesin conjunction with marital lawsand

householdexorcism. Insome states, thelyngdoh subsumes

theresponsibilities ofsiem (chief) and rules with the

assis-tance ofa council of elders Thedutyofperforming family

ceremonies isthe soleresponsibilityof the head of thefamily

orclan whousuallyfulfillsthemthroughthe agency of thekni

(maternal uncle) Femalepriests must assist atall sacrifices

and, infact, are theonly functionaries inpossession of full

sacerdotal authority.Thelyngdohexercises his dutiesas

ap-pointedagent of the ka soh-blei (female priest).It isbelieved

that this systemis anarchaic survival fromaperiodinKhasi

historywhen the female priest actedasherownagentinthe

offeringof sacrifice.Insome states (e.g., Nongkrem),thereis

a high priestess who functions sacerdotally and as head of

state. She delegates temporal responsibilities to a son or

nephewwho thenexercisesthemas a siem Theadoption of

Christianity byalarge segment ofKhasisociety has resulted

inimportantchanges.The sacerdotal function of the

young-est daughter (responsible, in traditional Khasi culture, for

conductingburial services on behalf ofher parents and for

acting as chief practitioner of the family cult) has been

threatened by Christian teaching and practice (i.e., the

youngestdaughter, ifaChristian, is less likely tofulfill her

priestlyresponsibilities toher family)

Ceremonies Dancing and music are important parts of

Khasiritual,and theNongkremDance(partof thepom-blang

orgoat-killing ceremony) isthe major festival onthe Khasi

calendar It isdedicated toKa leiSynshar, for the ruling of

the Khasi.Itspurposeis to ensuresubstantial cropyield and

good fortune for thestate It isheldinlate spring (usually in

May).Anumber ofstateand communalritualsarealso

per-formed, in additiontomanyceremoniesassociated with the

human lifecycle (birth, marriage, death, etc.)

Arts Examplesofdecorativeartinclude metal gongs (with

animal engravings), implements of warfare (arrows, spears,

bows,andshields),and memorialslabs (with engravings) To

alimitedextentwoodwork, jewelry,and other industrial

man-ufactures may besoclassified Music is animportant part of

Khasi religious ceremonies (both communal and

clan-related), hunting expeditions,and athleticevents(e.g.,

arch-ery contests). Musical forms include extemporaneousverse

that is said toresemble,in formandcontent, magicoreligious

incantations Drums, guitars, wooden pipesandflutes, metal

cymbals, andvariousharpsare among theinstruments used

inKhasi musicalperformance.Aswasmentioned previously,

dancingalso accompaniesmostceremonies inpublicand

pri-vatelife Withregardtoliterature,aconsiderablebodyof oral

and written material exists This includes proverbs, myths,

legends, folktales, songs, andagricultural sayings

Medicine In traditional Khasi medical practice

magico-religiousmeans areusedtoprevent andtreatsickness The

only indigenous drugsused are chiretta (a febrifuge of theGentianaceaeorder-Swertia chirata) and wormwood Na-tive medical specialistsare notpresent Generally illness isbelievedtobe causedbyone or morespiritsas aresult of ahuman actofomission. Health, within this system,canberestoredonly bythe propitiation ofthe spirits or, if the spir-its are notable to beappeased, by callingonother spiritsforassistance.Divination isdoneby breakinganeggand"read-ing" the resultingsigns

Death andAfterlife InKhasieschatology,those whodieand have properfuneral ceremoniesperformedon theirbe-half gotothe house (or garden) ofGod, whichisfilled withbetel-palm groves Here they enjoy a stateof endless bliss.Thosewho do not receiveproper burialarebelievedto roamthe Earthinthe formofanimals, birds,andinsects.This idea

of soultransmigrationisbelievedtohave beenborrowed fromHindu theology Unlike Christian eschatology, that of theKhasiis not characterizedbyabeliefinany form of eternalpunishmentafter death

BibliographyAssam, Department ofEconomicsand Statistics (1955) Re-port on Rural Economic Survey in United Khasi andJaintiaHills Shillong:Government Press

Becker,Cristofero (1924) "Familienbesitz und Mutterrecht

in Assam." In Zeitschrift fur Buddhismus und verwandteGebiete 6:127-138, 300-310 Reprint 1925 Munich andNeubiberg: 0 Schloss

Godwin-Austen, H H (1872) "On the Stone Monuments

of the Khasi Hill Tribes, and on Some Peculiar Rites andCustoms ofthePeople."Journal of the Anthropological Insti-

tute ofGreatBritain andIreland 1:122-143

Gurdon,P RT. (1904)."Noteonthe Khasis, Syntengs, andAlliedTribes, Inhabitingthe Khasi and Jaintia Hills District

in Assam." Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 73, pt.3:57-74

Gurdon, P R T. (1907) The Khasis London: D Nutt.2nd ed 1914 Reprint 1975 Delhi: Cosmo Publi-

Nakane,Chie (1967).Garo and Khasi: AComparative Study

in MatrilinealSystems Paris: Mouton

Roy,David (1938) "The Placeofthe KhasiintheWorld."Man in India 18:122-134

Stegmiller,F. (1921)."Aus demReligi6sen Leben der Khasi."Anthropos 16-17:407-441

.Khoja 127

Stegmiller, F (1924) "Opfer undOpferbriuche derKhasi."

Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, Mitteilungen 54:

211-231

Stegmiller, F (1925)."Pfeilschiessen undJagdgebriucheder

Khasi." Anthropos 20:607-623

Stegmiller, F (1928) "Das Marktleben der Khasi." In

Festschrift Publication d'hommage offerte au P W Schmidt

76 sprachwissenschaftliche, ethnologische,

religionswissen-schaftliche, prihistorische und andere Studien Edited

by Wilhelm Koppers, 703-710 Vienna:

Mechitaristen-congregations-buchdruckerei

HUGH R PAGE, JR

Khoja

ETHNONYMS: none

The Khojas are an ethnic group in India and Pakistan,

formerly a Hindu trading caste, founded in the fourteenth

century by a famous saint, and followers of the Agha Khan,

thespiritual leaderoftheIsmailisect.They livein the Punjab,

in Sind, Kachchh, Kathiawar, and down the western coast of

India; in Zanzibar and elsewhere on the east coast of Africa;

and in scattered groups under the name of Mawalis in the

Hindu Kush region and the North-West Frontier Province of

Pakistan, inAfghanistan,intheKhanates of central Asia, in

the hilly districts ofeastern Persia, and in the Persian Gulf

area."Khoja" is the form used in India forthe Persian term

"Khwajah," meaning "a rich or respectable man; a gentleman;

an opulent merchant."

Khojas are the major Muslim trading caste of western

India The Khojas of the Punjab are Sunni and are largely

de-rived from the Hindu caste Khatri The Khojas of Bombay,

however, derive largely from the Hindu Lohana caste in Sind,

and they are Shia and followers of the Agha Khan The

Punjab Khojas do not owe allegiance to the Agha Khan, but

instead hold religious beliefs similar to those of the Bombay

Khojas They are,liketheBombayKhojas, converted Hindus,

who are mainly engaged in commercial occupations, keep

ac-counts in Hindi, and follow Hindu customs The Punjab

Khojas derive their origin from Hajji Saiyid Sadr al-Din, who

came in the fifteenth century as an Ismaili preacher from

Ko-rasan in eastern Persia He presented his doctrines to the

Hindus in a form that would appeal to their own traditions.

He is thought to be the authorofDas-Avatar, inwhichthe

incarnations of Vishnu are described as leading toward Islam.

The Das-Avatar is used to the present day by the Punjabi

Khojas as well as by the Agha Khan's Indian followers and

their offshoots in east Africa The Punjab Khojas look to

fa-kirs of the Kadriya and Cishtiya sects and other pirs (Muslim

saints) for practical guidance because their religious beliefs

are not identical.

The Khojas of India and their offshoots in

Africa form a closely organized community andare indirecttouch with the Agha Khan Theirreligiousideas are inoriginthe same as those of the Punjabi Khojas, buttheirliving con-tact with the imam in the personofthe Agha Khan has iso-lated them from the influence of Muslim religious orders.The Khojas are mainly governed by customary law In

1847, the Bombay High Court held that the Muslim law ofsuccession does not apply to them andthat, asunderHindulaw, their females are excluded from immediate succession.Khojas have many observances and customs differing fromthose of regular Muslims The Chatti, a sixth-day ceremonyafter birth, differs from that performed by regular GujaratMuslims On that day, a bajot orwoodenstoolisplaced nearthe mother's bed, on which the child andmotherarebathedand dressed On the evening of the sixth day the followingitems are placed on the stool: a redpen, aninkstandorblankbook, a knife, and a garland of flowers The pen, ink, andpaper symbolize the goddess of fortune who is believed towrite down the destiny of thenewborn child.Along with thewooden stool, a chaumukh (a four-sided butter-fed doughlamp) is also placed there andlighted,andnext to it a box ofChinese firecrackers As each of thefamilyrelativescomes tovisit, she strews a little rice near the stool, layingherpresent

of gold or silver anklets and bracelets on the ground Theneach female bends over the mother and baby andtakestheirbalayen or ills upon herself by passing herhands over themand cracking their finger joints againsthertemples The baby

is then laid on the ground on the strewn rice Then themother rises and worships the childbybowing toward it andthe chaumukh on thestool.Thenthefirecrackers areignitedand the child is laid in its mother's lap

The marriage, divorce, and funeral customs of theKhojas differ from thegeneral lawandcustoms of Islam Thefathers or male guardians of the marrying pairmeetthree orfour days before at the jama-atkhana or assembly lodge withtheir friends and relatives and the mukhi or anotherjama-atofficer The officer registers the name of the bride and thegroom under the order oftheAgha Khan Thefather of thebridegroom gives a token 5.25 rupees to the father of thebride The sum is received by thegirl's father andhanded tothe jama-at officer as acontribution tothefund.Thegroom'sfriends place beforethejama-atofficer acopper or brass ves-sel containing from 5 to 10seersofsugars Afterrepeating thehallowed names of thefiveholypersons, orthePanj-tan-theProphet Mohammed, Ali (theProphet's son-in-law), Fatima(the Prophet's favorite daughterand Ali's wife), Hasan andHusein (sons of Ali andFatima)-thesugar tray isplaced be-fore the bride's father as a sign ofacceptanceofthecompact

He tastes it, and then it isdistributedamongthose present.Next morning a written agreement is prepared Thejama-at scribe begins the writing with the names of the fiveholy persons and the namesofthefourarchangels in the fourcorners: Diabrail, Israfil, Azra'il, and Mikail (except that inBombay, this nikah ceremony used untilrecently to be cele-brated by Sunni kadis Ireligiousjudges}) It issometimes per-formed by the Agha Khan, or, outside Bombay, by his officers; a marriage certificate in due form is issued in Gujaratiwith the names of the four archangels on it

No divorce is permitted without thejama-at's sanction,and the jama-at usually requiresthe consent of both parties

A second wife is notallowedin thelifetime of the first

with-128 Khoja

outthejama-at'ssanction,whichishowevergrantedif 2,000

rupees aredepositedfor the first wife'smaintenance A

curi-ous custom followed on the approach of death is that of

samarchantaorthesprinklingofholywater tothereadingof

Das-Atatar

The organizationof the communityis inthe form ofa

fiscal centralization around the sacred person of Agha

Khan,but thereiscomplete congregationalindependencein

administrative matters,includingevenquestions of

excom-munication Every congregationhasits ownjama-atkhana,

which is botha meetinghouse and amosque The officers

are sometimesappointed by the Agha Khan, but theyare

often elected The offerings for the imam are collected

through them These comprise the fixed dasandh ortithe

andvarious minor dues on special occasions, either

recur-ring oroccasional

Khojasenjoyagoodbusiness reputation andaresaidto

haveakeensenseof competition.Theyaredescribedasneat,

clean, sober, thrifty, and ambitious, and enterprising, cool,

andresourcefulintrade.Theyaregreattravelersbyland and

sea, visitingandsettlingindistantcountriesfor purposes of

trade.Theyhave businessconnectionswith thePunjab, Sind,

Calcutta, Sri Lanka, Myanmar (Burma), Singapore, China,

andJapan;with ports of thePersianGulf, Arabia, andeast

Africa;and with England, the United States, and Australia

Khojah youths go as apprentices inforeign Khojah firmson

salaries of 200to2,000 rupeesayearwith board andlodging

TheKhojas now enjoy powerful positions in ivory, horn,

cot-ton,hide, mother-of-pearl, grain, spice, fish maws, shark fins,

cottonseed, furniture, opium, and silk trades They have also

gained high places inthe professionsasdoctors, engineers,

andlawyers

Seealso Bania; Bohra

BibliographyEnthoven, Reginald E (1921) 'Kojah." InThe Tribes and

Castesof Bombay, edited byReginald E Enthoven Vol 2,

218-230 Bombay: Government Central Press

ispossible Thus Kohistanis move around seasonally betweenfarmlands atabout 1,000 metersandsummercamps all theway up to 4,500 meters.Cattle and water buffalo are kept atthelower elevations

Thehistoryof thisareahasbeenasvariedastheterrain.Theearliestmention ofSwatcanbe found in the Rig Veda,and theninGreek (327 B.c.) andChinese (A.D 519) records.Theareahas successivelybeenBuddhist, then Hindu, then(sinceA.D 1000) Muslim Tosome extentindividual Pakh-tunshave been absorbedin recenttimes intothe Kohistaniethnic group,which perhaps numbers 50,000 today, althoughcultural influence has mostly flowed from the Pakhtun to theKohistani

Because the area is so diverse geographically, it tends to

be politicallyfragmented, even anarchic, and control by thePakistanigovernment is minimal at best Kohistani villagesare madeup of severalminimallineages, each of which hasrepresentation on a village council, which tends to be thehighest authority. Aside from the farmers, a village popula-tionnormally includes blacksmiths and carpenters (Pashto-speaking) and afew farm laborers or tenants

The Kohistanis are Muslims They are motivated by areverence for the Quran and its teachings, as well as byizzat(male honor) The seclusion of women, however, is ratherproblematic because of their importance in farm work.See also Dard; Pathan

Kiranti

ETHNONYMS: none

TheKirantisarecomposedoftwodistinctethnicgroups,

theRaiand the Limbu, and number about500,000in eastern

Nepal

Seealso Limbu; Rai

BibliographyChemjon, S (1952) KiratiItihas Gangtok

BibliographyBarth, Fredrik (1956) Indus and Swat Kohistan: An Ethno-graphic Survey Studies Honouring the Centennial ofUniver-sitetets Etnografiske Museum, Oslo, 1857-1957, vol 2.Oslo: ForenedeTrykkerier

Barth, Fredrik (1981) Features of Person and Society in Swat:Collected Essays on Pathans Selected Essays of Fredrik Barth,vol 2 London: Routledge & Kegan Paul

Biddulph, John (1880) Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh Calcutta:Superintendent of Government Printing

Kol 129

Leitner,GotliebWilliam (1877).TheLanguages andRacesof

Dardistan Lahore: GovernmentCentral Book Depot

PAUL HOCKINGS

Kol

ETHNONYMS: none

OrientationIdentification Theword "Kol" appears tohave beende-

rived from the Mundari wordko, meaning"they," or from

horo, hara, har, ho,orkoro-"the men"-by which the Kols

identify themselves The Kol lent theirname tothelanguage

group formerly known as the Kolarian, and now better

known as the Mundari orAustroasiatic Language Family

The Kolbelonged to the Proto-Australoid ethnicstratum.

The Santal, Munda, Ho, Bhumij, Kharia, Khairwar, and

Korwawhoare akin tothe Kolweretermed Kolarian tribes

The Kols arementioned as a generic categoryofpeople in

easternIndia inmedievaltexts. In theimperial period,the

word "Kol" acquired a pejorative meaning as it became a

synonymforthesavage,thelowly, those performingmenial

jobs, the militant,and theaggressive.The "Larka"(fighting)

Kolwas anappellationgivenbytheBritish administration

tothe Hoand the Munda-both arerelated groups-who

led theinsurrectionof 1831-1832 inChotaNagpur.After

thisuprising, the word 'Kol" appears to have fadedout of

theearlyethnography of ChotaNagpurandwasreplaced by

thenamesof theconstituenttribes, suchasHo,Munda,etc.

TheHoinOrissastillcarrythename 'Kolha,"withalarge

population (326,522 in 1981), because they came from

Kolhan inSingbhum District Thereare also Kolha Lohar

who practiceblacksmithing inOrissa

Location The tribe thattodaybearsthename Kol is

re-strictedto a partofMadhyaPradesh and Uttar Pradesh

Ear-liertheKolsweredescribedas oneof themostwidely spread

and well-knowntribes of the centraluplands, extendingfrom

Kolhan to west of theChittor Hills inRajasthan But now

they are identified with the Kol tribe only, distributed in

twenty-three districtsofMadhyaPradeshandnineadjoining

districts ofUttarPradesh In Maharashtra the Kolarefound

inNagpurDistrict,insmall numbers,where they have settled

down as migrant laborers The habitat of the Kol is a very

warm or quite cold climate with low humidity and medium

rainfall

Demography In 1971 therewere 489,875 Kols listed in

thecensus (probably an undercount)

linguisticAffiliation The Kolnolongerusetheirancient

language and haveadoptedHindi and the Devanagariscript.

The KolLoharinOrissaspeak OriyabutarebilingualinKol

aswell The speakers of thislanguage (as of1961) number

only64,465persons,of whom10,267(15.93 percent) are

bi-lingual.Amongthebilinguals7,937 (77.31 percent)

know theOriya languageand2,330persons (22.69percent)speak otherlanguages

History and Cultural RelationsThe Kols consider themselves to be the descendants ofSahara Mata, a member of the Savaras of epic fame; sheisknown as the "mother of the Kol." The Kols of theJabalpur-Katni area(ofMadhya Pradesh) believe that they were earlier

in Mewar (Rajasthan) andoccupied itshills They have heritedamartialcharacter and believe that only with the help

in-ofthe Kol andthe Bhil peoples could Rana Pratap fight theMoguls.Nevertheless, while history has recorded the role ofthe Bhils, the Kols are not mentioned

The Kolsare anexample of a tribe that has changed siderablyover time.Theearliest references relatetolarger, ge-nericconglomerates on the fringe of a Sanskritic culture andcivilization Their mention intheethnography of the Britishimperial period was not very specific Today the great Kolshavedisappeared, but their name clings to a small tribal pop-ulation, which in 1946 wasdescribed as being very close tobecoming acasteand tobeing Hinduized Neither possibilityhasentirelymaterialized The Kols have survived as a commu-nity, with an identity of their ownand an adaptability thatwasunderestimated by early ethnographers

con-EconomySubsistence and Commercial Activities The Kols wereonce adept at unirrigated hill cultivation Later, when theymoved intothevalleys, they could not easily adapt to wet ricecultivation.Therefore the Kol are not known today as agricul-turists Theywork more often as daily wage laborers, collec-torsof forestproduce,andgatherers of wood fuel They sellbundles of wood to their neighbors and at markets The mostimportant forest produce collected by them is the wood-apple, which is used for preparation of dyes and herbal medi-cine; it is dried and sold at a good price In 1946, W G.Griffiths identified three strata among the Kol: the factoryworkers who were fairly well-off; the forest people and agricul-turistswho had enough to eat but no cash; and the wood andgrass cutterswhowerethe poorest ofthe lot Their conditionhas not markedly changed since

Land Tenure A fewKols own land, but most are landless.Those who haveland enjoy free ownership rights over a patch

of land for three years, and after the lapse of this period theybecome bhumiswami (lord of the patch of land) As a resulttheycannot sell their land without the express permission ofthedistrictcollector The forest where they collect wood fuel

orwood-apples belongs to the government but they do notpayany taxes.They also graze their cattle on government landfor which no tax is paid

Kinship, Marriage, and FamilyKin Groups and Descent The Kols are divided into anumberofsubdivisions suchasthe Rautia, Rautel,Dassao,Dahait,Kathotia, Birtiya, andThakuria InJabalpurthe Kolmainly belong to the Rautia and Thakuria subdivisions,whereas in Nagpur they are mainly Rautia These subdivi-sions areendogamous units (baenk) that regulate marriage.Griffiths (1946) listed about twenty-two kulhi (baenk);William Crooke (1896) gave a list of nine septs, but nowonly