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Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 2 - Oceania - R ppsx

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Tiêu đề Rapa
Tác giả Ernest Beaglehole, Pearl Beaglehole, Robert Borofsky, Robert Frisbie, Julia Hecht
Người hướng dẫn Mac Marshall, Editor
Trường học University Press of America
Chuyên ngành Ethnology
Thể loại Essay
Năm xuất bản 1938
Thành phố Honolulu
Định dạng
Số trang 11
Dung lượng 1,27 MB

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ROBERT BOROFSKY Rapa ETHNONYMS: Austral Islands, Oparo, Rapa-Iti, Tubuai Archipelago Orientation Identification.. Rapa is the southernmost island in the Austral Archipelago.. Goatsareown

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Rapa 273

aforeign land Treatment involved communicationthrougha

seerwithone or moregods who would indicatethecauseand

treatment for the malady Pukapukans had (and still

prac-tice) a number offolkremediesand physical therapy

tech-niques, mostprominent being deep-pressure massage

Death and Afterlife Today Pukapukans mostly follow

Christiandoctrineregardinglife after deaththough,asnoted,

a belief in ghosts also exists Prior to missionization, the

Beagleholes report abeliefexisted thatapersondied when

thesoulpermanentlyleft theindividual'sbody.The soul then

journeyedtothe underworld (po) whereittook up residence

enjoying various pleasuresdeniedit in the upper world

Seealso CookIslands, Manihiki

BibNiography Beaglehole, Ernest,and PearlBeaglehole (1938) Ethnology

of Pukapuka Bernice P Bishop Museum Bulletin no 150

Honolulu

Borofsky, Robert (1987) Making History: Pukapukan and

Anthropological Constructions of Knowledge Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

Frisbie, Robert (1930) The Bookof Pukapuka NewYork:

Century

Hecht, Julia (1977) "The Culture ofGenderinPukapuka:

Male, Female, and theMayakitanga 'Sacred Maid.'"Journal

of the Polynesian Society 86:183-206

Hecht, Julia (1981) "The CulturalContextofSiblingshipin

Pukapuka." In Siblingship in Oceania, edited by Mac

Marshall, 53-77 Landham, Md.: University Press of

America

ROBERT BOROFSKY

Rapa

ETHNONYMS: Austral Islands, Oparo, Rapa-Iti, Tubuai Archipelago

Orientation Identification Rapa is the southernmost island in the Austral Archipelago Its name is often given as 'Rapa-Iti" ("Little Rapa") to distinguishitfrom the distant Easter Is-land,whichiscommonlyknownas'Rapa-Nui" ("BigRapa")

OnRapaitself,however,'Rapa-Iti"referstoasmall islet off theeast coastof themainisland.Early European visitors fre-quently identified the island as 'Oparo," but the source of that name is notclear

Location TheAustralIslands, occasionally known also as theTubuaiArchipelago, straddle the Tropic of Capricorn in the South Pacific.They form part of FrenchPolynesiaand lie

to thesouth of the Society Islands and east of the Cook Is-lands The four islandsinthe group inaddition to Rapa are Rimatara, Rurutu, Tubuai, and Ra'ivavae With coordinates

of27°37'S, 144°20'W, Rapaislocated some 420 kilometers south-southwest of Tahiti and 180kilometers southeast of Ra'ivavae, its nearestinhabited neighbor Rapais asmall is-landof some 39 square kilometers It is a high island, the coneof along-extinct volcano The highest of the peaks ex-ceeds 600 meters The east side of the cone has been breached by the sea sothat the island has the form of a large bay (the volcaniccrater) encircled by a ringof mountains The coast is indented byseveral bays, each watered by one or more streams High mountain ridges between the bays, often meetingthe sea in precipitous cliffs, make inland travel diffi-cult Skies are often overcast and rainfallisabundant (slightly over 254 centimeters annually) Rapa becomes noticeably chilly in the winter months and average monthlytempera tures range from 17' C inAugust to240 C in February Demography. When firstsightedby Europeansin 1791, Rapareportedly had 1,500-2,000 inhabitants, but largely be-cause ofintroduced diseases the population declined to a low pointofonly 120 in 1867 In 1964 Rapans numbered only

360, and recent estimates indicate only 400 speakers ofthe Rapalanguage

Linguistic Affiliation Rapa is grouped with numerous others, including Tahitian, Tongareva, and Cook Islands Maori,inthe Eastern Polynesian Subcluster of the Nuclear Polynesian Subgroup of Austronesian languages, though it hasvirtually disappeared as adistinct language Tahitian is currentlyspoken on Rapa as it is in most parts of French Polynesia

History and Cultural Relations The first settlement of Rapahas been estimated at about AD

950fromgenealogicalevidence, and the earliest radiocarbon date fromthe island isA.D 1,337, plus or minus200 years The first European to visitthe islands was GeorgeVancouver,

in 1791 At that time thepopulation lived in fortified moun-tainvillages Remains of at least fifteen of thesestill promi-nently mark Rapa's landscape; they are among the largest handmade structuresin ancientPolynesia Apparently

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popu-274 Rapa

nation pressureforcedtheconstructionof thesemountain

vil-lagestofreescarcearable land for cultivation and for security

in a time offrequent warfare The prospect ofthe Panama

Canalstirred theinterestof BritainandFrance in the1860s

andagain inthe 1880s, forRapawasideallylocatedon the

routebetweenPanamaandAustralia and New Zealand The

British establishedacoalingstation onRapain late1867and

itserved monthly steamersuntil it was abandoned inearly

1869.MeanwhileRapa'sstrategiclocation moved the French

toestablishpoliticalpower over the island.Rapawas made a

Frenchprotectorate in1867and becamea French possession

twenty years later.Theinterest in Rapaas acoalingstation

wassporadic and short-livedand the islandslippedinto

inter-nationalinsignificance As lateas 1964threemonthsmight

passwithouta visitfrom the outside Inthat year,however,a

weatherstation wasestablishedonRapaandthisgavethe

is-landsome importance in the context of the French nuclear

weapons testing program.

Settlements

Sometimeprior to 1830 internal warfareceased, probably

be-cause massivedepopulationendedthe keen competition for

arable land, and thepeople abandonedthe fortified

moun-tainvillagesinfavorof lowlandvillagesonthevariousbays,

whichofferedeasier access totheseaandtocultivationareas.

With further depopulation villages in the outerbays were

gradually abandoned and the village of Ha'urei became

Rapa'smajorpopulationcenter. In 1964 Rapa's population

resided in twovillages locatedon opposite sides ofHa'urei

Bay (the large, central bay, craterof the ancientvolcano)

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities For the most

part,Rapanssupportthemselvesbyfarmingandfishing.Taro

(Colocasia esculenta) isthestaple,andis eaten at everymeal

Itis grown inirrigatedterraceslocatedinlevelareasadjacent

tothevillage ofHa'urei, atthe head of Ha'ureiBay,andon

theouterbays.Rapanssometimesreach theirtaro terraces on

theouterbaysonfoot,buttheruggedterrainmakes this

diffi-cultandtheyoftentravelbywater inlocallymade canoes or

whaleboats.Thesevessels arealsoused forfishing,which is

done withspear guns orhooks and linesinthebaysand (in

whaleboats only) offshore Oranges and watermelons are

grownforlocalconsumption The main cash crop iscoffee,

althoughin 1964potatoes were introduced for export to

Ta-hiti Somepigs aretetheredon the outskirts of thevillages,

and goats, cattle, and a fewsheep roamunattendedinthe

hills.Goatsare eatenwheninclementweatherpreventsfish

ing; pork andbeefareserved atspecialfeasts Occasionally

some goats orcattle arecaptured andshipped toTahiti for

sale. Goatsareowned privately,butcattlebelongtothe

Co-operative Society, an organizationof shareholders thatalso

oversees coffee exports and operates a small store on the

island

IndustrialArts Rapan men makewicker basketsin many

sizesand oftenfanciful shapes.Someare usedlocally,butthe

moreelaborateones aremade forexport to Tahiti orfor sale

to passengers on oceanliners thatpasscloseenoughtothe

is-land for whaleboatsto go out to them Some of thelocally

madewhaleboats-graceful,narrow,andhighly seaworthy-arethemselvesworks of highartisanry.

Division of Labor Menarecharged with boat construc-tion, most aspects of house construction, and fishing from boats and canoes Women gather shellfish from the shore, prepare food, do laundry, and take care of small children Both sexes pick coffee and engage in taro cultivation, al-though the men build and maintain the irrigation ditches and turnthesoilin aterrace prior toflooding Labor is divided at least assignificantly by age as by sex The heaviest work (boat rowing, turningsoil, carrying heavy bags of harvested taro) is doneby youthsandyoungadults After about the age of 40, people begintoleavethese jobstoyoungermembersofthe household

Land Tenure Essential to the Rapan system of land ten-ureisthe proposition that improvements (gardens, groves of trees, andhouses) may be and usually are owned separately from thelandonwhichtheyarelocated Both territory and improvements are owned by ramages, known as 'opu

Kinship KinGroupsandDescent Themodem ramage or 'opu is

anonexclusive cognaticdescentgroup;that is, it is composed

of alllegitimatedescendants of its founder, counted through bothmale and femalelinks.So far as territory is concerned, ramagefounders were individuals to whom land was awarded

in ageneralland distribution in 1889 Founders of improve-ment-owning ramages are individuals who create the im-provement: whomake the taro terraces, build the houses, or plant the coffee groves Depending on the activity of the founder, then, the ramage composed of his or her descen-dants may ownone ormoreparcels of territory, taro terraces, coffee groves, houses,oranycombination of these The prop-ertyof a ramage may be widelydispersed over the island Be-cause ramage membership passes through both males and females, the various ramages overlap in membership Mem-bership in some iscounted through one's father, and others through one's mother Most Rapans belong to eight to ten (or more) damages A ramagehas no function beyond the ownership of property Its limited affairs are handled by a manager, who is usually the senior male of the group Kinship Terminology. Kinterms are of the Hawaiian or generational type, with terms that mark the relative age of same-sexsiblings and cousins

Marriage and Family Marriage Marriage is monogamous Rapans express a slightpreference forvirilocality,but in actualityvirilocal and uxorilocal residenceoccurwith equalfrequency.Cohabiting couplesare often reluctant to marry formally, as this is a sign thatthey are shifting from the carefree lifeofyouth to the soberresponsibilitiesof adulthood The decision to marry is frequentlymade upon the application of pressure by lay offi-cialsofthe church Divorceis rare Should aspouse die, the preferred remarriage is with the brother or sister of the decedent

DomesticUnit Households range from 2 to 15 members, with an average of 6.7 Rapans express a preference for ex-tendedfamily householdsbecause of greater sociability and

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economic efficiency Largely because of interpersonal

ten-sions that develop between constituent families in extended

family households, however, the majority of households on

the island consist of an elementary family To improve their

economic efficiency and enhance sociability, many

elemen-tary family households have formed themselves into work

groups, each of which is composed of four to five households.

One or two individuals from each household participate in

the group, and the group as a whole works on a rotating

schedule, devoting a day to each of its member households in

turn Some work groups are composed of neighboring

house-holds regardless of kin ties between them, while others are

based on kinship.

Inheritance Property passes from both parents to all

chil-dren Some gardens may be willed to individual children or

foster children, but the usual pattern is to leave property

jointly to children according to the rules of descent.

Socialization Children are raised by their own or foster

parents In fosterage, a child ideally acquires the obligation to

support his or her foster parents in their old age The strength

of this obligation depends on how much of a person's chid-~

hood was actually spent in the foster parents' home From the

age of 4 or 5 children make their own decisions as to where

they will live, and often they move between the homes of their

biological and foster parents In any event, a person's legal

status and inheritance rights continue to be reckoned

through the biological parents Couples with few or no

bio-logical offspring usually foster children of their more prolific

close relatives.

Sociopolitical Organization

Social Organization Class distinctions are not visible in

Rapan society Some persons are more active in church,

polit-ical, and other affairs than are others, but such involvement

depends upon individual leadership qualities Voluntary

asso-ciations are organized along village lines Both villages have

funeral clubs, which manage the feast and other practical

matters connected with the funeral at the death of someone

from a member household, and youth clubs, which form

soc-cer teams, organize entertainment for the 14 July Bastille Day

celebration, and undertake other projects for the benefit of

the village.

Political Organization In 1964, the Austral Islands

formed one of the five administrative divisions of French

Pol-ynesia Local government on Rapa at that time was vested in

a district council, consisting of seven members elected at

large for five-year terms After their election the new council

selected from its number a chief and assistant chief The

dis-trict council had relatively little power, and the role of chief

was largely ceremonial, but it was coveted nonetheless for its

salary In recent years the government has been reorganized

in French Polynesia, giving the territory more internal

auton-omy from France and increasing the power of local councils.

Social Control In 1964 Rapa fell under the jurisdiction of

a French gendarme stationed on Ra'iavae, some 180

kilome-ters to the north Since then, one Rapan has held the position

of local police officer Social control is provided for the most

part, however, by the church Nearly all Rapans are affiliated

with the Protestant church, and one of the primary

responsi-bilities of the elected deacons and their and

Rapa 275

admonish those whose behavior is not satisfactory Rapans believe, furthermore, than oneshouldnottake communion whileharboringill will towardothers,sotheyoftenmake ef-fortstoresolve theirdisputespriortothecommunion service

onthe firstSundayofeverymonth.Finally,inthis small soci-etytherearefewsecretsandagoodmeasureof socialcontrol

is achieved bygossip orthe fear ofit

Conflict Disputes occasionally eruptover accusations of pettytheft,hostilities between stepparents andstepchildren,

orthe location of boundaries between coffeegroves These seldomgobeyond shouting matches,whichusuallytakeplace around mealtimes when manypeople are in the village and whichinvariablyandinstantlydrawlargecrowds More

per-manent factionalism existsbetweenthe twovillages and

be-tweenvaguelydefined andshiftinggroupsoffamilies Issues

at stake usuallyinvolve the distribution of benefits received from theFrenchgovernment.The headschoolteacher,an of-ficial appointed from Tahiti and the individual with whom visitingofficials interact mostfrequently, is a center of fac-tionalism for she is in agoodpositionto steergovernment

jobs and other benefits toward those Rapanswhogetalong withher andawayfromthose who donot.Thepastor, proba-blythemostpowerfulpersonontheisland,mayalsobecome

a centerof dissension ifit issensed that he doesnot treathis parishioners equally. Factionalism is fueledby a contradic-tionintheRapanvaluesystem.Those who havenothing spe-cialtoexpectfromanindividualin apublicpositiontrumpet the ideal that suchaperson isboundto act intheinterestsof all, while relatives and others withspecial ties tohim orher operateunder theexpectationthataperson'sfirstobligations

are to kin and allies Both ofthese values are honored in

Rapa,andanyone in apositionofauthorityfindsitdifficult

towalk a line between them

Religous Beliefs Rapa was converted to Protestant Christianitysoonafter the arrivalin 1826ofTahitian

teach-ersrepresentingthe LondonMissionary Society.Withthe ex-ceptionofa fewRomanCatholics, theentirepopulation of Rapa. is Protestant In addition to Biblical supernaturals,

most Rapans believe inthe existenceofghosts, normallyof persons who have died relatively recently, called tupapa'u Theymaycausesicknessamongtheliving,eitheroutofanger

orfrom apowerfuldesiretodrawadearlybelovedspouseor

childtothem If othermeansfail,atupapa'ucanbestopped

by exhumingand destroyingthe corpse,a practiceprobably encouraged by Dracula films, which are very popular in Tahiti

Religiouis Practitioners One pastor (a Rapan who was

elected as ayoung manbythe church members andsent to

Tahiti forseminarythinking)divides hisSundaysbetween the

two villages. Inadditionto the pastor, achiefdeaconserves

bothvillages,and eachvillagehastwodeacons andan

assis-tantdeacon.Totheassistantdeacon falls the tasks ofringing thechurch bellandprowlingthe aisleduringserviceswith a

long bamboopole toprod dozing parishioners. All of these officials are electedbythe communicant members, who es-sentially are the married adults

Ceremonies Physically, the church in each village

con-sists of a church proper, a meetinghouse, and an eating

1.

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276 Rapa

house Thechurch isimmenselyimportantinRapan society,

withno fewer than eleven church functions each week

Al-though scarcely anyone attends all ofthese events,one can

easily appreciatethejokingremark madebyone manthat 'in

Rapa, wespend moretimediscussingthe Bible than

cultivat-ing taro!"

Medicine Some illnesses are thought to be caused by

ghosts,butmost areattributedtonaturalcauses.Rapansaf

firmahot-coldsystemofillness, wherebyanupsetof the

bod-y's proper temperature equilibrium bringsondisease

Medi-cines are herbal and each one isaccompanied by aspecial

massage Medicines are private property, and nearly every

adult womanonthe islandownsoneor moreofthem Thus

instead of a few practitioners whotreatmanydifferentsorts

ofillness, the Rapan system of medicine has agreat many

practitioners,eachof whomspecializesin one ora few

disor-ders.Although others may know theherbalrecipefora

cer-tain medicine,it isineffective unless appliedby,orwiththe

express permission of, its owner Nochargeiseverassessed

foradministeringmedicines,but patients do reciprocate with

gifts Medicines originate in dreams Someone is sick, no

treatment is effective, and then a woman of thehousehold

sees, in adream, herdeceased motherorgrandmother

prepar-ing andadministering a hitherto unknown medical

concoc-tion of various leaves, water, etc Upon awakening, the

woman prepares the medicine just as she dreamed it She

givesit tothepatient, whorapidlyrecovers.Thewomanwho

dreamedit istheownerof thenewmedicine, andothers with

the same symptomscome tohertobe cured When she gets

oldshe givesthemedicine,and others she may havedreamed

orinherited, toindividualheirs-usuallyherdaughters-and

thus medicines pass through the generations

Death andAfterlife The deceased arethought to enter

the Christian heaven.Afuneralserviceandburialisfollowed

bya large feast People congregate at the house of the

de-ceasedforseveral evenings after the funeral for Bible

discus-sion andhymn singing, tosupportthe surviving loved ones,

and toreintegrate themgentlyinto society

See also Raroia,Tahiti

Bibliography Caillot, A.-C Eugene (1932).Histoirede MileOparoorRapa

Paris: Leroux

Hanson,F.Allan(1970).RapanLifeways:Society and History

onaPolynesian Island Boston: Little,Brown Reprint 1983

ProspectHeights, Ill.: Waveland Press

Hanson, F.Allan,and PatrickO'Reilly (1973).Bibliographie

de Rapa Paris: Socie't des Ocianistes

F ALLAN HANSON

Raroia

ETHNONYMS: Dangerous Islands, Paumotu, Poumot, Tuamotu

Raroia is anatollintheTuamotu-Gambier Archipelago

inPolynesia The archipelago consists of seventy-eight atolls located between1350 and 149° W and 14°and 23°S Raroia

islocatedatabout 142"Wand 16"S As are all the atolls ex-cept Makatea, Raroia is a low atoll with a land area of 21 square kilometers and alagoon of 240 square kilometers The land is mostly sand and gravel There are 30 species of plants and 19species ofbirds indigenous to the atoll and numerous fish andshellfish in the lagoon and sea The western atolls weresettledby people migrating east from Tahiti, the other atolls by people from the Marquesas and Mangareva Since the time of first settlement there has been regular contact with Tahiti The population of the Tuamotus was 6,588 in

1863and it subsequently decreased by nearly a third until it began increasing in the 1920s In 1987, the number of people claiming Tuamotu identity was estimated at 14,400, with about 7,000 in the Tuamotus and a sizablepopulation in Ta-hiti In 1897, Raroians numbered 260, by 1926 the popula-tion had decreased to 60, and then it slowly increased to 120

by 1950

First contactwith Europeans was in 1606, which was fol-lowed by only occasional contact with explorers and traders from various European nations for the next two hundred years or so From 1817 to 1945the Tuamotus were under the control ofTahiti, with Tahitian influence greatest in the western atolls However, by the end of the period, Tahitian influence had reachedthe easternatolls and Raroians were involved in the mother-of-pearl trade network In 1845 the Tuamotus cameunder French control and offical French rule began in 1880 Roman Catholic missionaries entered the atolls in the 1860s and the population was quickly converted

to Catholicism

Prior to European contact, Raroia was politically linked

to the neighboring atoll ofTukume.Atoll land was divided into districts with the land owned by a combination of line-ally and laterline-ally extendedkingroups Descent was bilateral, with Hawaiian-type cousin terms Leadership rested with ex-tended household heads, with the head of one household serving as the atoll leader and the ruler of Tahiti serving as thehead chief of the Tuamotus The subsistence economy was based on fishing in the lagoon and sea and the gathering

of shellfish, supplemented by pandanus nuts andtaro Raro-ians were skilledcanoe builders and sailors The traditional religion focused on various gods, spirits, ghosts, and associ-atedcults

Contact with traders, French officials, and missionaries for more than 100yearseffectively destroyed the traditional culture and replaced it with a Western economic and social system The subsistence economy has been replaced by a cash economy, with the collectionofpearls andpearl shells and copra production being the primary economic pursuits at var-ioustimes.Both activities have now declined in importance

as sourcesof income Tourism is now a major source of in-come onsomeatolls, though not on Raroia Leadership now rests withelected representatives, the wealthy, and

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missionar-Rossel Island 277

ies.Familiesare nowsmallerand nuclearinform,withan

em-phasisonindividualownershipof property About98percent

of Raroians are now RomanCatholics

See also Mangareva, Rapa, Tahiti

Bibliography Danielsson, Bengt(1956) Work andLifeonRaroia.London:

GeorgeAllen& Unwin

Emory,KennethP (1975).Material CultureoftheTuamotu

Archipelago Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum

Rennell Island

ETHNONYMS: Mugaba, Munggava, Rennellese

BothRennell andits twinislandBellona(Munggiki) are

Polynesian outliers inthe centralSolomonIslands.Rennellis

araised coralatoll,withalargelakein itssoutheastern end,

located between 11°34' and 11°47' S and 159°54' and

160°37'E In 1976 therewere 1,945 inhabitants of Rennell

Island Rennellese ispartof the WestPolynesian Group of

Austronesianlanguages Rennellese settlements tendnot to

be nucleatedintovillagesbut ratherarescatteredthroughout

the island.Theyconsistof one ormoredwellings and acook

house around anopenclearingoff the mainpath

Food isobtainedmainlythroughhorticulture and

fih-ing,supplementedby huntingandcollecting.Yams, taro,and

bananas are very importantcultigens.The coconutis

tremen-dously important asa sourceof foodandrawmaterial.

Vari-ous birds, flyingfoxes,and sharksarealsoeaten Ingeneral,

women cook, garden, collect fruits and herbs, fish inshore,

plait, make nets, andtakecareof the children Men do the

heavygardening,hunt, fish,maketapa and sennit,andare

re-sponsiblefor woodcarving,canoe making,andhouse

build-ing Elaborate feasts effect the distribution of agricultural,

sea, and forestproducts among thedescent groups Landis

heldindividually by themenofalineage.Theprofession of

expert carpenter (mataisau) is ahighlyrespected one

Importantkingroupsincludeclans, subclans,and

patri-lineages.TheRennelleseviewmarriageas ameansof creating

alliances (hepotu'akinga) and as away tocontinue a man's

lineage One's mother's brother's daughter is the preferred

mate, and this traditionleads at times to conflict between

parents andchildinthechoice of spouse.Polygynywastradi

tionally approved but was not very common Residence is

nearly alwayspatrilocal,although afteradivorceawoman

re-turns with herinfant childrentoher father Thecoreof the

domestic unit (manaha) is a nuclear family, often

supple-mented with various relatives, both natural andadopted

Thekakai'angawasthelargestpoliticallyintegrated unit

Primaryauthority was vestedinthelandholdingmales and in

the senior men of senior lineagesineach generation In

addi-tionto'theseleaders Rennell hadaparamountchief(angiki)

who wasdescended from the leader of the first immigrants The angikicould communicate withandinfluence the gods during trances Hewas also thejudicialauthority andcould havecriminals beatenorputtodeathorhave their crops de-stroyed.Inspite of theoverwhelming patrilineal emphasis of Rennellese society, a person maintains close ties with the members of hisorhermatriline aswell

Rennellese religion had little to say abouteschatologyor cosmology; itsmajorconcern waslife and thefertilityof hu-mans and of the plants and animals they depended on Today, nearly all of thepeopleareChristians Alladult males officiatedatthevariousrituals, which were directed by priest-chiefs (tunihenua) The mostimportant ritualswere associ-atedwith the harvest anddistribution ofyams Mediums pos-sessed by supernatural forces could convey the latter's messages and wishes Eachkakai'angahaditsown setof an-cestors,whowereworshipedasgods.Inaddition,therewere twohigh gods:Tehainga'atna, the fierce god of nature; and Tehu'aigabenga, the god of culture, society, and cultivated plants

Bibliography Birket-Smith, Kaj (1956).AnEthnological Sketch of Rennell Island: A Polynesian Outlier in Melanesia Det Kongelige DanskeVidenskabernesSelskab, Historiskfilologiske Medde-lelser Bind 35,no.3.Copenhagen: DanishNaturalMuseum Birket-Smith, Kaj (1966) Language and Culture of Rennell andBellona Islands.Copenhagen: Danish Natural Museum

ETHNONYMS: Duba, Rova, Yela

Orientation Identification The Rossel Islanders live on the eastern-mostisland of the Louisiade Archipelago in the Massim cul-ture region (Milne Bay Province) at the east end of New Guinea They speak"Yelatnye," meaning "language of Yela," andtheir name forthemselvesis'Yelatpi," meaning "Rossel people."

Locaon Rossel Island is located at about 1° S and 154°

E.Theisland is 34kilometerslongand 14 kilometers across, beingapproximately 290 squarekilometers in area It is very mountainous, with the highest peak, Mount Rossel (also known locally as "Mbgo7,reaching 800 meters The coast is highly indentedandmainlyfringed by mangrove swamp The island is covered in tropical rain forest It is surrounded by a coral reef extending 12 kilometers east and 40 kilometers westofthe islandforming two lagoons The distance from Rossel to the nearest westward island of Sudest (Vanatinai) is

33kilometers.The trade windblows from the southeast from

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278 Rossel Island

MaytoOctober,themoreirregularnorthwestmonsoonfrom

Januaryto March, bothbringing rain.

Demography In1979thepopulationof RosselIslandwas

about 3,000 persons, with 800 beingaway from the island

workingorstudying.Thepopulation densityaverages8

per-sonsper square kilometer and thepopulationisgrowing at

therateof 3percent per year.Before 1950it wasdeclining.

Linguistic Affiliation Yelatnye is a Non-Austronesian

language whose affiliation to other 'Papuan" languages of

NewGuinea andMelanesianislands hasnotyetbeen

estab-lished.RosselIslandersaretheonlypeopleinthe region who

speak a Non-Austronesian language The number of

cog-nateswith thelanguageof thenearestisland,Sudest,isonly6

percent.Yelatnye hasaverycomplexphonologyand grammar

and is regardedasextremely difficultbyoutsiders

History and Cultural Relations

The RosselIslandersprobablyrepresentthe lastremnantsof

an originalpopulationof the region, whichontheother

is-lands has beensupersededby,probably,several waves

ofAus-tronesian-speaking immigrants In oneof these pottery,

de-rived from the Lapita culture, spread through the Massim

about 2,000 B.P Itisprobablethatastratifiedsocial system

wasintroducedatthesametime,linkingislandpopulations

to political centers Although Rossel preserved its

Non-Austronesian language, the culture is much affected by its

Austronesian neighbors The first historical contact gave

Rossel an ill repute: 316 Chinese coolies, bound for

Aus-tralia, were reported massacred andeatenafterashipwreckin

1858 Rossel becameapartof the British (laterAustralian)

protectorate of Papuain 1884 During thenextdecadesthe

island was 'pacified"bygovernmentpatrols.In 1903 an

en-terprisingfamilyof traders establishedaplantation that

be-camethe economic center of the island for the nextfiftyyears

and deeply transformed the socioeconomic relations of the

people Rossel is now more involved inthe cash economy

than its nearestneighborstothewest.Theplantationis now

worked bylocal people.Missions wereestablished startingin

1930;the first was the Methodist(nowUnitedChurch)

mis-sion, followed in 1947 by the Catholic Now, roughly the

westernhalf of theislandisUnited Church, while the eastern

halfisCatholic

Settlements Earlier the settlement patternwas oneofhamlets scattered

alongthecoastandintheinterior.Acensus in1919showed

145villageswith anaverage ofteninhabitants During World

War11the populationwasconcentrated inabout 10villages

on the coast Most ofthese settlements brokeupintohamlets

orhamlet clustersafterthe war, butpeopledidnot return to

the interior.Althoughthereis nostandardsiteplan, hamlets

often feature acarefullyweededsquareor streetsurrounded

by living houses and with one ortwo stone sitting circles,

commoninthesouthernMassim.In 'traditional'hamlets,a

seclusion house for menstruating and postpartumwomen is

built behindthe house line Hamletsaresurroundedby

ba-nanatrees, coconutpalms,andotherfruittrees Early house

typesincluded a barrel-roofedgroundhouse andapilehouse

enteredthrough atrapdoor in thefloor Today, livinghouses

are regularly built on posts with a roof ofsago-palm leaves

and walls ofsago-leafsheaths.Cookingtakesplaceunderthe house oronaclay hearth onthe kitchen floor

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities Basic subsis-tence isbyswiddenhorticulture,gardensbeingusedfortwo

or more plantings and left fallow or, near the coast, being often used for small coconutplantations Crops are tubers suchastaro,yams,sweetpotatoes,and cassava,aswellas ba-nanas and sugarcane Sago flour is prepared from the pith of the sago palm.Treecrops are coconutsand breadfruit Wild nuts and fruits arecollected, as well as shellfish Feral pigs and opossumsarehunted and fisharecaught by line,spear,

or net orbymeansofdams A plant poisonisalso sometimes used for fishing Cooking methods include boiling with cream of coconut, roasting in embers, and baking in hot stones.Commercial crops aremainly coconut(for copra) and somecoffee Other important sourcesof cash income are the manufacture of shell necklaces and labor migration Industrial Arts Rosseliswell knownfor itshigh-quality

red-shell necklaces madefrom the molluskChama, whichis commoninthelagoon alongthe western half of the island This traditional craftwasexpanded and managed by the trad ers in the earlydecades ofthis century Imported grinding blocksare nowused Thenecklaces are of the type that move

inthe kula ring Theislandersbuild their own houses, canoes, and dinghies.Afewlargerboats have been built during recent years Basketwork, madebywomen, is of high quality Trade The dominant trade store is run by the Catholic missionbut smallstoresarefound in many hamlets Other-wisethere is no market onRossel Through a traditional visit-ing tradewithSudest Rossel exported shell necklaces and im-portedclaypots,pigs,and stone axes This trade connection

is now much weakened Internal noncommercial exchanges

by means ofacomplexsystemof shellvaluables-the famous 'RosselIslandmoney"-areimportant and include payments for pigs, houses, canoes, garden crops, and some forms of labor service There are twokinds of shell money Ndap are flat piecesofSpondylus,ki aresets of 10disks of Chama ona string Both are ranked into many classes Higher-ranking ndap are raretreasuresbelieved to have been made by deities and, likekula shells, individuallynamed.They are now out of opencirculation and change ownership through inheritance K1 andlow-ranking ndap still circulate and are still made Women own shell money and participate in exchange but theyrarely sponsor payments Exchange rules are very com-plex Wallace Armstrong, whofirst described this monetary system, explaineditby supposing lending at compound inter-est.This interpretation was based onmisunderstandings of theoperation of the system Other valuables are ceremonial stone axes andshellnecklaces Cash now enters into some payments

Division of Labor The main division of labor is by sex Men fell large trees for gardens, build houses and canoes, hunt, andfish;womencollect most shellfish and dominate in domestic tasks, suchas cooking and child care Both sexes plant, weed, and harvest crops Theycombineworkin sago preparation

Land Tenure Withafairly small population land pressure

is slight The tenure practices are flexible and disputes over

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Rossel Island 279

landinfrequent.Areasof landareassociated withmatrilineal

subclans,but stewards of land oftenbelongtodifferent clans

Use rights are frequently based on descent from bilateral

grandparents Mortuary payments of traditional valuables

from the deceased'sspouse'srelativestothe deceased's

rela-tivesconfirm such landrights

Kinship KinGroups andDescent Thereare somefifteen totemic,

matrilineal,anddispersedclans(pit) Subclans (piighi) share

exogamy withone or morelinked subclans of different clans

The members of subclans donotallresideinthesame area

but thereare local subclansections A moreloose cognatic

category (yo) denotes the bilateral descendants ofan

ances-tororthe bilateral kindred ofa person

KinshipTerminology Theterminologysystemis

classifi-catoryand of theCrowtype,withalternate-generation

termi-nologyinone'sown (malespeaking) and one's father's line

(both sexesspeaking)

Marriage and Family Marriage Marriagewithinmostclans,between one'sown

and linkedsubclans, between children ofmenofthe above

categories, and between firstcousins isproscribed Marriage

with a classificatorymother's brother'sdaughter is

discour-agedwhile marriage withaclassificatoryfather'ssisteror

fa-ther'ssister'sdaughterispreferred Actually, only46 percent

of asmall samplehadactuallymarriedaccording to this

pref-erence There is a tendency toward local endogamy Many

marriages are still arranged by elderly relatives A

consider-able bride-wealth ispaid in shell money, no cash being

al-lowed.Due to missionpressurepolygynousmarriagesare now

infrequent Residence is predominantly patrivirilocal

Di-vorce is rare

Domestic Unit The nuclearfamilyisthe primary

domes-tic unit (the people who pool food resources and eat

to-gether),with the addition of occasional unmarried youngor

old enfeebled relatives Thisunitconducts dailyfood

produc-tionbutisassistedbybilateralkin andaffines forlargertasks

such as forestclearing orhouse building

Inheritance The main significant property is fruit trees

andceremonial stone and shellvaluables Sonstend to

in-herit from their fathers and daughters from their mothers

Theperson whotakesmainresponsibility fortaking care ofa

close relative in old age receives the majorshare

Socialization Infants and childrenareraisedby members

ofthe domestic unit and by grandparentsand other elderly

relatives.Socialization practicevariesbetweenfamilies

Gen-erally sharing and cooperationis emphasized and, although

self-assertion is discouraged, autonomy ofthe individual is

valued

Sociopolitical Organization

RosselIslandispart of PapuaNewGuinea,asovereign state

inthe BritishCommonwealth Rossel elects one member to

theProvincialAssemblyoftheMilne Bay Province With the

EastCalvados chain andSudest Rosselforms theYelayamba

Local Government Counciland elects sevenof the sixteen

councillors

SocialOrganization. There is nodescent grouprank on Rossel.Inequalityismanifested in the greaterinfluenceand prestige of elders inrelation to the youngand men in relation

to women A"financialaristocracy"ofexchangeexpertsand owners ofhigh-rankshell money form thedominating stra-tum of the population

PoliticalOrganization. The island isdivided into ten cen-sus"villages" that,incombinations, elect the seven local gov-ernmentcouncillors.Alower-lever functionaryisthe komiti Precolonial leaders were warriors, ritual experts, and powerful big-men The last category hadattached henchmen and con-trolledhigh-rankshell money usedinpayments forcannibal victims Pacification and mission influence weakened the powerofindigenousleaders butelderlymales with financial expertisestill commandsomelocalinfluence.Councillorsare younger men withoutside experience and language ability Thegovernmentprovides primary-school education, a hospi-tal, medicalaid posts, and other services, such as an airstrip, a minorwharf, andwater-supply facilities

SocialControlandConflict Pacification and mission in-fluence have produced a very peaceful society onRossel Is-land.Conflicts anddisputes are remarkably rare A major de-terrent from offending others is fear of sorcery retaliation Dominanceoverthe young is supportedby the control of the elders ofsupernatural knowledge and of the intricate system

ofexchangeofindigenousvaluables.While villagers attempt

tosettle minoroffenses informally, major delicts are prose-cuted by the government, represented on the island by a pa-trol post

Religion and Expressive Culture ReligiousBeliefs Thereligious system is a combination of Christianity andtraditionalbeliefs Although two Christian denominations (United Churchand Catholic) divide the is-land,therelationsbetweenthem are harmonious The island-ers have adoptedChristianityasameansof acquiring a link

toforces of the greater world, spiritually as well as in terms of health-care, education, andcash opportunities The govern-menthas taken overhospitals and schools, but these services arestill located at the missions Apart from Christian beliefs theislandersstillhold beliefs in local supernatural beings and ways ofcommunicating with them by means of incantation and sacrifice Deities(woyili)arebelieved to have lived on the island before, when they brought or created natural and cul-tural featuressuch aslandscape forms,food plants, sorcery, etc Some areregarded asancestors of subclans Later they disappeared into theunderworld(teme) at the sacred places They may appear as snakes, crocodiles, or dugongs Arm-strong's report of ahierarchy of gods cannot be supported Thepower of the deitiescan causeblessings, such as crop fer-tility,ormisfortune, suchassickness Each sacred place is as-sociated with only one or two effects Formerly, they were avoided, except by the knowledgeable custodians Now some havefallen into disuse and are not respected any more Other supernaturals were ogres (podyem),withwhiteslin and long hair, and gnomes (k5mba) living in hollow trees They are rarely, if ever, reported now

Religious Practitioners Christian practitioners are UnitedChurchpastors-largelyfromneighboring islands-and Catholic catechists Some men, who have inherited

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280 Rossel Island

spells and ritual knowledge associated with sacred places

(yopo), stillperformritesthere Because ofmission aversion

such practices tendtobe secret.

Ceremonies Theguardiansofsacredplacesaresupposed

tokeepthemclean andat certain timesof the year,orwhen

needed, performritessuchaslibations and reciting ofspells

inthe presence of othermen.Otherceremoniesconnectedto

the deities are nocturnal singing of sacred songs (ndam5)

Thisworship is amale cult Women have won alegitimate

place in religiousworship onlywithChristianity

Arts Traditional Rossel carving style, for example on

canoes andlimespatulas,isplain,usually nonfigurative,and

symmetric It has largely been supplanted by the Massim

stylecharacterizedbytheuseofspirals andscrolls.A

num-ber of types ofbasketsarewoven,fromlargefoodcontainers

tofine baskets forshellmoney.Thereare notraditional

mu-sical instruments but drummingon canoe hulls may take

place in connectionwith the singing of ndam5 There are

several types oftraditional dance and songperformances

The most commonis the tpilove, inwhichmen appearin

dancing skirts

Medicine Illnessistraditionally mainlyattributedto

sor-ceryandinfringement of sacredplaces Curing practices

in-clude countermagic, sacrifices atsacred places, traditional

medicines, and healing

Death and Afterlife Burial takes place in an L-shaped

grave,usually in a common cemeteryforanumber of hamlets

Formerly, thebodywasplacedin ashallowgraveinthe house

and later exhumed The skullwasexposedinthe hamlet and

later deposited inashelterinthe bush.Atthe death ofan

im-portant person in-laws wereusually accused of sorcery and

had to atone bysupplyingacannibalvictimforaspecial feast

(kann3) Now, a week after the death the mortuary feast

(kpakpa) isheld Here,the burial services are rewarded and

donations of traditional valuables are presented tovarious

categories of relatives of the deceased When the spirit

(gh&tmi) leaves the body at death it travels to Yeme, the

mountain ofthedead,atthewesternend of Rossel

Accord-ing to anotherbeliefthe dead go to the underworld Formerly,

the spirits of victims ofcannibalism were believed to go to

Tpi,amountainonthesouthside of Rossel.Ordinaryghosts

(mbwe) are notgreatly feared, unlike the ghosts of cannibal

victims In contrast tobeliefsinSudest, in Rossel culture the

dead are not supposed tointerfere much in the life of the

living

Bibliography Armstrong, Wallace E (1928) Rossel Island: An Ethnological

Study Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Liep, John (1983) 'Ranked Exchange inYela (Rossel

Is-land)." InThe Kula: NewPerspectives onMassim Exchange,

edited byJ. W Leachand E Leach, 503-525 Cambridge:

Cambridge UniversityPress

Liep,John(1983)."ThisCivilising Influence': The Colonial

TransformationofRossel IslandSociety."TheJournal of

Pa-cificHistory 18:113-131

Liep,John (1989).'The Day ofReckoningonRosselIsland."

InDeath andLifeRitualsinthe SocietiesoftheKula Ring, ed-itedbyF.Damon andR.Wagner, 230-253 DeKalb: North-ern IllinoisUniversity Press

JOHN LIEP

Rotuma

ETHNONYMS: none

Orientation Identificatio Rotumalies approximately 480 kilometers north of Fiji, on the westernfringe of Polynesia The island is very nearthe intersection of the conventional boundaries of Micronesia,Melanesia, and Polynesia, and traces ofinfluence fromeachof theseareascanbe found in thephysical compo-sition, language,andculture of the island'sinhabitants Al-though Rotuma has been politically associated with Fiji since

1881,whenthe chiefs ceded the island to Great Britain, the Rotuman people are unique, forming a distinctive enclave within the Republic

Location Rotuma is located at 12°30' S and 177°40' E Theisland is ofvolcanic origin, with the highest craters rising

to heights of260 meters It is divided into two main parts joined by an isthmus of sand, forming a total configuration about 13kilometers long and, at its widest, nearly 5 kilome-terswide The land area is approximately 44 square kilome-ters April through November the prevailing winds are from east tosouth, December through March from north to west Rainfall averages about 350 centimeters per year

Demography The first census of Rotuma was taken in

1881,theyearof its cession to Great Britain The population was reported as 2,452 Following a devastating measles epi-demic in 1911, it declined to under 2,000, then began to in-crease gradually As thetotal approached 3,000 in the late 1930s, out-migration to Fiji became animportant means of alleviating population pressure According to Fiji census rec-ords, in 1936 91.3 percent of Rotumans werelivingon their homeisland By 1956 the percentage had decreased to 67.7 percent, andby 1976 it had declined to 37.1 percent In re-cent years out-migration has accelerated, not only to Fiji but

to New Zealand, Australia, and the United States As a re-sult, the population of the island has declined to around 2,500, representing less than 25 percent of the total number

of Rotumans

linguistic Affiliation Linguistic evidence suggests that Rotuman belongsin asubgrouping (Central Pacific) that in-cludesFijianandthe Polynesian languages; within this group there appears tobeaspecial relationship between Rotuman and the languages ofwestern Fiji The vocabulary shows a considerabledegreeofborrowing from Tongan and Samoan

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Rotuma 281

History and Cultural Relations

Until the archaeologyofRotuma isdone, theorigins ofits

populationwill remainclouded.There is,however,solid

evi-dence that migrations from SamoaandTonga occurred after

initialsettlement, and otherdatasuggest Rotumans were in

contact with Tuvalu (Ellice Islands) to the north, Kiribati

(Gilbert Islands) tothenorthwest, Futuna andUvea tothe

east, andFiji to the south The first recorded European

con-tact was in 1791 with Captain Edwardsin H.M.S.Pandora,

while he was searching for the mutineers of the Bounty The

first half of the nineteenthcenturywas a timeof increasing

contact, asRotumabecameafavoriteplacefor whalersto

re-plenish their provisions A substantial number ofsailors

jumpedship there,and thebeachcomber populationwas

esti-mated at times to be more than 100 Inaddition towhalers

werelabor recruiters, whofound Rotumansquite willingto

sign on Bythe mid-nineteenthcentury manyRotuman men

had beenabroad,and some had visited the centers of

Euro-pean civilization before returninghome Inthe 1860s

Euro-pean missionaries from the Wesleyan and Roman Catholic

churchesestablished themselvesonRotuma, and the island

wasdivided between them Antagonisms between converts to

each faith mounted until 1878, when theyculminatedin a

war wonby thenumericallysuperiorWesleyans The unrest

thatfollowedledthechiefs of Rotuma's sevendistricts to

pe-titionQueen Victoria for annexation, andin 1881the island

wasofficiallyceded to Great Britain Rotuma wasgovernedas

part of theColonyofFijiuntil 1970,whenFiji gainedits

in-dependence Since then it has been anintegralpart of that

is-land nation

Settlements

A packed-sand road encircles the perimeter of the eastern

part of the island andextends to the northern and southern

sides of the western part Sincecolonialtimes, atleast,almost

all settlement has been on the coastal areasalong this road

Althoughthe island is divided into districts and the districts

intovillages,settlementalongthe road isnearlycontinuous,

and it is often difficult to determine boundaries In recent

years bushpaths have beenwidened, andthough still quite

rough,theymakeitpossible to traverse the interior of the

is-land by motor vehicle Traditional Rotuman houses were

madeofthatch,but over timelimestone,cutlumber,and

cor-rugated ironreplacedmuch of thethatching. In1972

Hurri-cane Bebe destroyed most of the remaining native-style

houses A relief team from New Zealandorganized the

con-struction of over 300 cement and iron structures Most

households also maintain a thatched cooking house, and

some have separate toilets and wash houses There are no

freshwater streams onRotuma, and until recently rainwater

stored in cement or iron tanks was the main source of water

fordrinking andbathing.During the 1970s, however, a

fresh-water underground lens was tapped and now most

house-holds have access topiped water Income from salaries and

remittances are often used to improve houses, and a number

oftwo-story structures have been built over the past few years

Economy SubsistenceandCommercial Activities The vast

major-ity of households in Rotuma maintain gardens that supply

their staples (taro, yams, tapioca, breadfruit, andbananas) Pineapples, papayas, mangoes,watermelons,and oranges are also grown inabundance to supplement the diet Soil type varies from sandy to loam,andthesoilis quitedeep.While the entireisland isexceptionally fertile, the eastern side is covered with stones andboulders,making it more difficult to work The main implements in gardeningare the bush knife, forclearing land, and the dibblestick,which is used to make holes in the earth for planting root crops.Rotation ofcrops is thecommon pattern;typicallyyams areplantedthefirst sea-son, followed by taro and then by tapioca and banana trees Although only a few men engage in deep-sea fishing, the fringing reef that surrounds the island iswidelyexploitedfor a varietyof fish, octopuses, crustaceans, andedible seaweed Chicken, cannedcornedbeef, andcannedmackerel supple-ment the daily diet, whilecattle,goats, and pigs are consumed

on special occasions such as weddings,funerals, and welcom-ing ceremonies The main export product is copra It is mar-ketedby the Rotuma Cooperative Association,which domi-nates the commercial life of theisland

Industrial Arts The main Rotuman handicrafts are pan-danus mats andbaskets Mats, particularly fine white ones, are central toRotuman ceremonies, andthey were tradition-ally considered to be the main form ofwealth Canoe making still occurs on a small scale, but aside from foods made in two bakeries, Rotumans do not produce anygoodsfor commer-cial markets

Trade An airstrip was opened on Rotuma in 1981, but fewgoodsaretransported byair.Shippingbysea isirregular, aggravatingthe problem of Rotuma's isolation from potential markets This isolationhas especially inhibited the develop-ment of agricultural exports Rotuman oranges, for example, arefamous for their quality and are extremely abundant, but

asyettheyhavenotbeencommercially exploited becauseof difficulties withstorage and transportation.

Division of Labor In general, Rotumans follow the gen-eral Polynesian pattern of women's workbeing close to home while men's labor takes them farther afield Women are ex-clusively responsible for mat making, and they take major re-sponsibility for child care, washing clothes, cleaning the household compound, and the preparation and serving of familymeals They also harvest marine resources on the reef Men take primary responsibility forgardening, animal hus-bandry, cookingin earthen ovens, andhouse construction The division of labor is not rigid, however,and couples gener-allyhelp each other when required

landTenure Land is important toRotumans for its sym-bolic significance as well as for its subsistence value The main landholding unit is the kainaga, abilateral group based upon common descent from ancestorswho resided at, and held rights in, a named house site (fuaq ri) Each person is considered to have rights in the fuaq ri of his eight great-grandparents, although typically rights are exercised selec-tively Associated with each fuaq ri aresections of bush land, andmembership in a givenkainagaentitlesone torights in this land The person who lives on thefuaq ri acts as steward

of the land and controls access He, orshe, is obligated to grant usufructuary rights tokainagamembersfor any reason-ablerequest At times land has been sold or given for services

to specific individuals, but over generations it becomes

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282 Rotuma

kainagalandagain When the population of the island

ap-proacheditshighestlevels,duringthe1950sand1960s,land

disputes intensified and access was generally restricted to

dose relatives.In recentyears,however,out-migration has

re-lievedtensions andthemainproblemnow isoftento

deter-minewhich of a set ofsiblingswillremainbehindtosteward

the land and care for aging parents

Kinship KinGroups and Descent Descent isbilateral Theterm

kainaga,in its mostgeneralsense, denotescommon

member-ship in a class Itisusedtodescribe animal andplantspecies

aswell as humankinship,anditappliestopersonalkin who

function during life-crisis ceremonies (e.g., the bride's

rela-tives),aswell astodescent-basedlandholdingunits (see

sec-tion onland tenure)

Kinship Terminology Kin terms are essentially of the

Hawaiiantype Withinego'sgeneration,cross-sexsiblingsare

distinguished from those of the same sex

Marriage and Family

Marriage Traditionally, Rotuman marriages were

ar-ranged by parents,although generallywith the prior consent

ofthepartners.Publiccourtshipdisplayswerefrownedupon,

so liaisons had to be formedsurreptitiously Courtshiprules

have been relaxed in recent years, buta strong concern

re-mains for the decorum ofunmarriedyouths Marriages with

second cousins are allowed Postmarital residence with the

wife's family ispreferred, althoughmovementbetween

hus-band'sandwife's natal homesiscommonoverthespan ofa

lifetime Marriages are quitestable;the great majorityare

ter-minatedonlybythedeath ofaspouse Divorce isunderthe

jurisdiction of Fijian courts, which are modeled on British

law Property is rarelyinvolved, and youngchildrenare

dis-tributed by mutual agreement

Domestic Unit Households aredefinedintermsof

shar-ing a common hearth and eating together Household size

hasdeclinedinresponsetoout-migration, fromanaverage of

about 7.5 in 1960 to about 4.5in1988 Mostconsist of a

nu-clearfamily, extended byrelatives of either the husband or

wife.Childrenare often leftwith grandparentswhen married

couplesemigrate, so three- and four-generation households

are common Since maintaining a household requires the

labor of both menandwomen, single personsareoften

in-vited to become de facto members of aneighbor'shousehold

Inheritance Each surviving child inherits anequalshare

in rights over familylandholdings, although traditionallythe

senior male is favored in successionto stewardship Today,

however, it is often one of the youngersiblings who remains

behind to look after the family estate while elder siblings

emigrate

Socialiation. Infants andchildren are cared for by both

parents, by grandparents, and by eldersiblings.Physical

pun-ishment is rare, andchildren's autonomy isrespected

Chil-dren circulate freely between households in the vicinity of

their household, and they are never excluded from

adult-centeredevents Valueemphasesareplacedonsharing,

coop-eration, and respecting the autonomy ofothers

Sociopolitical Organization Rotumawasgovernedas anintegral part of the Colony of Fiji after cession to Great Britain in 1881 Following Fiji's inde-pendencein1970 andthemilitarycoups of 1987, Rotuma re-mainedwith Fiji

SocialOrganization Rotuma isdivided into seven auton-omousdistricts, each with its ownheadman (gagaj 'es itu'u) The districts are divided into subgroupings of households (ho'aga) that functionas work groups under the leadership of

a subchief (gagaj 'es ho'aga) All district headmen and the majority ofho'aga headmen are titled In addition, some men hold titles withoutheadship, although they are expected to exerciseleadership rolesinsupport of the district headman Titles,which are held forlife,belong to specified house sites (fuaq ri).Allthe descendents of previous occupants of a fuaq

rihave a right to participate in the selection of successors to titles.Onformaloccasions titled men and dignitaries such as ministers andpriests,government officials, and distinguished visitors occupy a place ofhonor They are ceremonially served foodfrom special baskets and kava In the daily routine ofvil-lage life, however, they are not especiallyprivileged.As yet no significantclassdistinctionsbased on wealth or controlof re-sourceshave emerged, but investments in elaborate housing and motorvehiclesby a few families have led to visible differ-ences instandard ofliving

PoliticalOrganization. Atthe time of discovery by Euro-peans there were threepan-Rotumanpolitical positions: the fakpure,thesau,and the mua Thefakpureacted as convener andpresiding officer over the council of district headmen and was responsible for appointing the sau and ensuring that he was cared for properly Thefakpure was headman of the dis-trict thatheaded the alliance that had won the last war The sau's role was to takepart in the ritualcycle,oriented toward ensuring prosperity, as an object of veneration Early Euro-pean visitors referred to the sau as'king,"butheactually had

no secular power The position of sau was supposed to rotate betweendistricts, and a breach of this custom was considered

to beincitement to war Theroleof mua is more obscure, but likethe sau, he was an active participant in the ritual cycle According to some accountsthemuaacted as akindof high priest.FollowingChristianization in the 1860s, the offices of sau and mua were terminated Colonial administration in-volved the appointment by the governor of Fiji of a Resident Commissioner(after 1935, a District Officer) to Rotuma He was advised by a councilcomposed of the district headmen

In 1940 the council wasexpanded to include an elected rep-resentative from each district and the Assistant Medical Prac-titioner Following Fiji'sindependence in 1970, the council assumed responsibility for the internal governance of Rotuma, with the District Officer assigned to an advisory role Up until the first coup, Rotuma was represented in the Fijilegislature by a single senator

SocialControL The basisfor social control is a strong so-cialization emphasis on social responsibility and a sensitivity

to shaming Gossip serves as a mechanism for sanctioning deviation, but the most powerful deterrent to antisocial behavior is an abiding belief in immanent justice, that super-natural forces will punishwrongdoing Rotumans are a gentle people; violence is extremely rare and serious crimes nearly nonexistent

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