Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 2 - Oceania - N ppt

Landforsettlements andgardening,aswell as associated waterways, is associated with local patrilineal groups ratherthanbeingvestedinindividuals.Rightstoland areinherited patrilineally, wi

230 Muyu

teachersareMuyu.Priestsareeither Dutch settlersor

Indo-nesians from other islands

Ceremonies The Roman Catholic church follows the

churchcalendar, thoughin remotevillagesnotallthe

cere-monies are alwaysheld,asthepriests canonlyvisitthe

vil-lagesonceeveryseveral months.Traditional ceremonies are

stillheld,suchasthose for thepigfeasts,theboys'initiations,

and certainillnesses

Arts TheMuyu cultureis notartisticallyrich.Material

ob-jects include the short hand drums withsomedecoration and

thebigshields frombehindwhich the warriorscould shoot

their arrows.Theyalso havesongs anddances,whicharenot

yet described

Medicine Several cures are based on the idea that the

spirits ofdeceased ancestors (tawat) have caused the

dis-eases No cures are known for diseasesinflicted by sorcery

Theseafflictionswill ceaseonlyiftheperson whoappliedthe

means (mitim) retrieves it from the position in which he

placed it to cause the disease.Throughthe missionaries and

the government, modem medicines were introduced,

espe-ciallyinthe modesthospitalatMindiptana

DeathandAerlife. As soon as someonedies,hisnextof

kinareinformed,eveniftheyliveinothersettlements Ifthey

don't livetoo faraway, they will cometo viewthedeceased,

and thewomenwill take partinthe lamentations.Toexpress

sorrowone may try alsoto avoidbeing suspectedofcausing

death Informertimesthebodycouldbeburied,driedover a

fire, orwrappedand left todryby itself Inthelattercasethe

bodywasusuallylaidon aracknearthedwelling. After some

time, when therewasan occasionduringapigfeast, thebones

were rubbed withpig's fat and buried.Today, the bodies are

only buried under pressure from the government The reason

behind the more extensive treatment of thebodywasnotjust

love for the deceased but also fear of his tawat If the spirit is

notsatisfied, therewill be harmfulconsequences for pig raising

andhorticulture Intraditional religiousbeliefs thespirits of

the deceasedwent to aspecial dwelling placefortawat,a

settle-ment like thoseofthelivingbut withacarefree existence In

generaltheidea ofthedwelling placeof thedeadwas not

im-portanttotheMuyu Far moresignificantwas, and is, theidea

thatthe spiritscontinuetoplayanimportant partinthedaily

livesof theliving.TheChristian ideasofHeaven andHellare

now alsoplayingarole, thoughit is notyetclearwhichideas

arepredominant.Today,theRomanCatholic burial

ceremo-nies are used if a catechist, school teacher, or priest is

available

See alsoMarind-anim,Ningerum

BibliographySchoorl,J W.(1957) KultuurenKultuurveranderingeninhet

Moejoe-gebied (Culture and culture change in the Muyu

area) The Hague: Voorhoeve Reprint 1990 Translation

Se-ries Leiden:RoyalInstitute ofLinguisticsandAnthropology.

Schoorl,J.W.(1988).-MobilityandMigration in Muyu

Cul-ture." Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde

Location Namau territory, centering on about 7°30' to7°45' S and 1450 E, consists ofthe swampy marshlandsformedbythe five majormouths of thePurariRiver The cli-mate isverywetwithhighdaytime temperatures The region

isessentially mud and water with islands of drier land tered about and freshwater marshes thatsupport sago andnipapalms Nearerthe coast one finds extensive mangrovestands The waterways provide an avenue of communicationand travel between island settlementsas well as arichvariety

scat-of fishforthe local diet

Demography. Recent estimates suggest a total of about6,500speakers of the Purari language It appears that the re-gion suffered a population decline in the first half of thetwentiethcentury, but it hasbeenshowing a slow, steady in-creasesince 1956,perhaps due in part to theintroductionofWestern health care

lnguisdi Affiliaton Purari isconsideredbylinguiststo

be an 'isolate," unrelated to its nearest neighbors, such asNortheastKiwai to the west and Orokoloto the east

History and Cultural RelationsInformationabout theNamau priorto European contactissketchy Two of the groups (Kaimariand Maipua) have oraltraditionssuggesting that theymay havemigrated intothe re-gion, perhaps from the southwest, but no suchtradition ap-pears to existfor the other groups The Namau were known tohave been very warlike, and bothhead-hunting and ceremo-nial cannibalism formed important parts oftraditionalritualculture The first European contact took place in 1894 andgovernment involvement, laborrecruitment, missionary ac-tivities, and efforts at modernization followedshortly there-after.Many menof theregionserved in thePapuanInfantryBattalion during World War II Ashappened elsewhere inNewGuinea, thisexperienceandexposuretoWestern goodsandvalues resulted in ahighdegreeoflocaldissatisfactioninthe postwaryears For the Namau, thisunrestfound expres-sion intheTommyKabu movement, which was an efforttointroduce acooperativeeconomy, break up the old ceremo-nial system, and achieve local political sovereignty Themovement did not receiveadequate governmentsupport and

by 1955 had achieved littlebyway of positive gains, in partbecause itlackedthepeopleandthe skillstocarry outits eco-nomicprogram

Setdements Namau settlements, containing up to 2,500people, traditionallywerebuiltonislandsof drier land scat-teredthroughouttheswamps Dwellings had ahighfrontele-vation, rising up to as much as 20meterswith a rooflinethat

Namau 231

sloped rearward to a back elevation of4-5 meters These

dwellingswere built onstiltsto protect thestructures from

floodingduring high-waterperiods.Menandwomenhad

sep-aratehouses,bothbuiltaccordingtothis structuralstyleand

partitionedontheinside.Thepartition-formedalcovesinthe

women'shouse provided separate quarters for each woman

andheryoungchildren The men'shouse,orravi,served also

as animportantceremonialcenter Itsalcoves,whichran in

twoparallelrowsalongthe sidesof thebuilding,each hadits

own hearth and belonged to a small patrilineally related

groupof men and initiatedyouths Modernizationefforts,

in-cluding the Tommy Kabu movement, have resulted in the

adoption of European housedesignand the relocation of

set-tlements to drier land areas, and the ceremonial centers/

men's houses are nolongerbuilt

EconomySubsistence and Commercial Activities Namau sub-

sistence depends on taro, sweet potatoes, sago, coconuts,

andbananas, aswell as fish and great quantities of crabs

from theriversandstreams Gamehuntedforfood includes

wild pigsandwallabies Gatheredfoods,suchasgrubs, also

contributetothediet,asdobirds,thoughtoaratherlimited

extent Rattan, important in the construction of ritual

masksandeffigies aswell as for housebuilding,isobtained

during largeexpeditions upriver After Western contact the

men of Namau were recruited to work for wages on

European-owned plantations

Industrial Arts Namau build houses and canoes, make

weaponsandutilitarian itemssuch as fishing netsandbows,

and fashion ritual and ornamental objects from feathers,

pearlshells, and rattan.Much of Namau manufacture is

or-nately carved with totemicmotifs.Canoesaremadeprimarily

for local use,althoughsometimestheyaresold.These vessels

are not equipped with outrigging and the bowsare carved

withtotemic designs

Trade Apart from exchanges occurring in ceremonial

contexts, the only significant trade occurred withvisits of

Motu canoestakingpart in thevast hiri trading system

Division of Labor Men build houses in cooperative

groupsrecruitedfrompatrilineally relatedkin.Canoe

build-ing is doneonly by men, asisthemakingof masks and

effi-gies Hunting is men'swork as is mostgardening and the

tending of coconuts Menalso fish with bows and arrowsor

spears,but primarily for sport rather thanas asubsistence

activity.Women,onthe otherhand,engagein moreserious

fishing, using hand traps, hand nets, orlong nets spread

across streams Women also process sago once the trees

have beenfelledandfloateddownriverby themen

Gather-ing crabs and otherfood items maybe done by either sex,

but ittendstobedoneprimarily bywomen.While alladult

men areexpected to becapable ofbuildingormaking

what-everthey might need to secure a livelihood, an individual

maydevelopareputationas aparticularly finecarverorboat

builder and achieve a sort ofspecialist status among his

fellows

LandTenure Landforsettlements andgardening,aswell

as associated waterways, is associated with local patrilineal

groups ratherthanbeingvestedinindividuals.Rightstoland

areinherited patrilineally, with all sons having rights to theland oftheir fathers' groups

KinshipKinGroupsand Descent Namau reckon descent patri-lineally, allocating membership in one or another of several'river clans" (i.e., clans that derive their names and totemicassociationsfrom the rivers of the district) These river clans,dispersed among local, exogamous, patrilineal groups, arethemselves assignedtoexogamous moieties By 1955, how-ever, thetraditional clan and moiety system no longer hadanyimportant functions, and Namau society has moved in-stead toward akindred system

Kinship Terminology Namau kinship terms are of the

Hawaiian type

Marriage and FamilyMarriage Traditionally, Namau marriages were polygy-nousandmarriages were oftenarrangedwhile the potentialspouseswerestill quite young.Wife stealing was also not un-common and was asource of conflictthatledeasily to openhostilities between groups Bride-wealth was required, andpostmaritalresidence was patrilocal Wife exchange appears

tohave been common intraditional Namau society Divorcedoes not appear to havebeen an option for women, and hus-bands were held to be fully within their rights in beating theirwives Relationships among cowives were frequently notpeaceful Among the other socialandcultural changes occur-ringbythe 1950s was adissolution of the old marriage systemand its connections with thedescentsystem Nowadaysindi-vidualshave much freedom in contracting marriages and thenuclear familyis of central importance

Domestic Unit In the past cowives shared a single ing, buteachhad her own partitioned section in which sheand her youngchildrenateandslept Women worked in theirown gardens and cooked for their own children In recentdecades, the nuclear family has become a residential andwork unit

dwell-Inheritance Heritable property passes from parents tochildren, withsonsinheriting their fathers' shell ornaments,canoes, pigs, and dogs, and daughters their mothers' toolsandpersonaleffects

Socialization During their early years, children arelargely cared for and disciplined by their mothers In thepast, aseriesof initiation rites served as the vehicle by whicholderchildren, especially boys, were taught the skills, prac-tices, and lore of adulthood At about 8 years of age boysweretaken on a journey upriver to be initiated into the to-temicgroups of their patrilineal clans At about 13, boys ofthe samepatrician underwent a period of seclusion and cere-mony in aspecially built ravi, after which they took on thestatus ofwarriors

Sociopolitical OrganizationSocialOrganization. Traditional socialorganizationcen-tered on theexogamous moieties, the river clans, andloca-lizedpatrilineages, all ofwhich establishedappropriate mar-riagepartnersand gave structure to affinalrelations At thehamlet orsettlementlevel, the ravi brought together men of

232 Namau

several different patrilineal groups, but each group

main-tainedits ownwickerworkmaskand ritualobligations.Coop,

erationwithin thesettlement oftennecessarily crosscut

line-age membership (e.g., in matters ofwarfare or large-scale

projects suchas housebuilding) Other cooperative efforts,

suchasthecollection ofbride-wealth,werecarried out within

theconfines of the specific localpatrilineage

Political Organization Traditionally,eachNamauvillage

hadits ownchief,asdid each moiety, butaman wasexpected

tolead withconsent Ingeneral, personalattributes of

physi-cal strength andsuccess inwarfare andraidingcontributedto

the prestige needed for effective leadership For the most

part,a leader's influence didnotextendbeyondthehamlet

level and itwasprimarily concernedwithmobilizingmenfor

war, for ceremonial occasions, and forcommunitywide

proj-ects.TheTommyKabu movement was anefforttounitethe

Namaueconomicallyandpoliticallyintoacooperative,

sov-ereignunit, and for a time the newly introduced Purari

vil-lages tried to establish their own police, jails, and courts

These forms have all beensupersededby participation in the

modemprovincialand national governments

Social Control Traditional Namau methods of social

control centeredon asystemoftotemicbeliefs andassociated

taboos Fears of sorcery servedaschecksonindividuals with

regardtogross antisocialbehavior Ifawife didnotperform

her duties adequately, her husband was considered to be

within hisrightsif he beather,inthecaseofawife'sadultery

she might be beatentodeath

Conflict War was an important aspect of traditional

Namauculture,which called for thetakingofheads and

rit-ual cannibalism in certain ofitsceremonies, particularly in

the initiation ofyouths Hostilities might arise over

allega-tionsofsorcery, theft,orwifestealing, and raidsweremade

on neighboringPurari groups Battleswere foughtbetween

two roughly equivalentranks ofwarriorswho faced one

an-other and shot offa rainofarrowsuntilone ormore ofthe

en-emyhad been seriously woundedorkilled Efforts appear to

have beentakentokeep thecasualtylevels equalonthe two

sides

Religion and Expressive Culture

ReligiousBeliefs The centralconceptinNamaureligion

was imunu, an all-pervading force (like mana elsewhere in

Oceania) that tookadifferentformineachkindofbeingor

object Thus riverspiritswere regardedasthe mythological

sourcesof the riverclans, andothernaturalphenomenaand

local faunawere believedto have theirownspiritual forces

Vengefulghosts or spirits ofslainwarriorsaswell asthe spirits

of ancestorswere thought tobe able to trouble the living

Religious Practitioners TraditionalNamau ritual life was

a maleprovince; womenwere notinitiatedinto the esoterica

ofapatrilineage's river spiritor totem Eachravihad twoor

morehereditary priests, whopresidedoverceremonies

Sor-cerers, too, werethoughttobemen, characterizedbyan

ex-cess ofambition,willful failuretofulfillkin-based ritual

obli-gations, anda lack ofgenerosity

Ceremonies Large wickerwork masksandeffigiesfeatured

importantly in traditional ceremonies, which were held for

boys' initiationsand otherlife-cycleevents aswellas to secure

successinor celebrate victory after wars Marriages, however,

do notseem to have been markedby a particular ceremony.Arts Themostdramatic of all Namau artistic productionswere the woven masks, of which there were two types: thelargekanipu, which were maintained in the men's house; andtheaiaimasks, constructed for specific ceremonies and laterburned The dominant motif on masks as well as in mostNamaucarving (ofbowls and spoons, canoe prows, etc.) isthe stylized representationof a face OtherNamau decorativeartsinclude carved bark ceremonial belts, carved combs anddrums, and pearl-shell breastplates Noseplugs, earplugs,scarification, shaving heads, andhairdressing were elements

ofbodily adornment

Medicine Namau traditionally believed that all illnessandmisfortuneultimately resulted from the activity of spirits,withorwithout theinvolvement of a human agent throughsorcery Cures thuscentered on entreating or cajoling the re-sponsible spirittostop the attack For this aritual specialist,versed in the skills ofcommunicating with the spirits, wascalledin In1949 theLondon Missionary Societybuilt a hos-pital in the region, andeach of the larger village-style Namausettlements now has alocal clinic dispensing Westem-stylehealthcare

Death andAfterlife Inthe past,kin expressed mourning

byobserving foodtaboos and covering themselves with mudanddirt.Usuallythe deceasedwaswrapped in a mat and left

todecompose in its house (now abandoned) with the boneslater kept as relics or charms; sometimes, especially undermissioninfluence, the corpse wasburied in the village A rit.ual feast for the dead broughttogether all members of thetribe; food wasaccumulated by the relatives of the deceasedand the spirit of the latter was thought to extract the essence

of thefood,leaving behind itsphysical form to be shared bymourners and guests The feastofficiallyreleased mournersfrom their external forms of mourning and the associatedfood taboos Itwasthought that the spirit of the deceasedstayed in the vicinityand might return as a ghost to annoy orharm its kin

See also Motu, Orokolo

Cul-of PapuaAnthropology Report no 5 Port Moresby:mentPrinter

Govem-NANCY E GRATTON

Nasioi 233

Nasioi

ETHNONYM:Kietas

Orientation

Identification The name 'Nasioi" has been employed

by Europeanssincethebeginning of thetwentieth century,

and it is best thought ofas a linguistic term. Speakersof

theNasioi language and itsdialects have referred to

them-selves by many names, usually reflecting locality 'Kietas"

is now commonly heard from other Bougainvilleans and

missionaries.

Location Nasioi occupy alarge partof thesoutheastern

portionof the island ofBougainville,from thecoastaround

theportof Vietainlandfor approximately29kilometers,

be-tween6°and6°12' S Theirvillagesextendedfrom thecoast

through the valleysup toaltitudes900metersabovesealeveL

Thus they occupied severaldifferent ecological niches; this

settlementpatternconditioned exchangesofproducebefore

Europeancontactand created differentialimpactsof

coloni-alism and social change Mean annual temperature at sea

levelis27° C, and thetemperature varies over awiderrange

duringa24-hour periodthanin termsofmonthlymean

varia-ton.Temperatureisestimatedtodecreasewithaltitudeat a

rateofabout3.5°per300meters. Rainfall ofapproximately

300 centimeters annually is distributed more orlessevenly

throughout theyear.

inguistic Affiliation Nasioi and Nagovisi form the

Nasioi Family inthe Southern Bougainville Stockof

Non-Austronesian languages The language includes severaldis

tinct dialects and anumber ofvillages contain speakers of

other languagesaswell Today, most youngerpeople speak

TokPisin (thelingua francaofPapuaNewGuinea) and/or

English

Demography In 1963,Nasioispeakerswereestimatedat

10,654.There hasbeenasharp growthinBougainville's

pop-ulationsincethattime,and annual natural increase is

esti-matedatcloseto4percent.Althoughthe 1980censusfor the

island doesnotdistinguish amonglanguagegroups, afigure

of14,000 maybeextrapolatedforNasioi

History and Cultural Relations

Itisassumed that speakersofNon-Austronesian languages

like Nasioi were the first arrivals on Bougainville andthat

Austronesian speakers followed later There is evidence of

humanoccupation onnearby Buka Islandmore than28,000

years ago,andadatein excessof 30,000e.P.for theancestors

ofNasioiseemsreasonable The Non-Austronesianspeakers

of south Bougainvilleweredistinguished fromtheir

Austro-nesian neighbors by such characteristics as preferred

cross-cousin marriage, achieved leadership and, probably,

head-hunting Bougainville Island was sighted in 1768 by the

French navigatorforwhom it wasnamed Beginninginthe

latter nineteenth century, Nasioi living on the coast were

amongthose Bougainvilleans most frequently contacted by

traders and otherEuropeansbecause of thenatural harborat

Kieta Roman Catholic missionaries settling near Kieta in

1902werethefirstEuropeans knowntoresideontheisland,

andImperial Germany (which had claimed the islandin1899

aspart ofits New Guineacolony) establishedantive headquarters there in 1905 By 1908 colonizers hadbegunto alienateNasioiland, establishing coconutplanta-

administra-tions and employing Nasioias laborers Australia tered what had been German New Guinea from 1914 to

adminis-1975, first as a League ofNations Mandate and lateras aUnited Nations Trust Territory Bougainville suffered se-verelyduring World War 11 under Japanese occupation andthesubsequent Allied effort to retake the island.By the be-ginningof the postwar era, the Nasioihad become increas-ingly dissatisfied with the colonial situation in which theyfound themselves.These socialdisruptionswere sharplyin-creasedbythe construction,beginningin1968, ofagiganticcoppermine onNasioilandheretofore untouchedbyEuro-pean economic interests Since then, Nasioi life has beencharacterizedbycontinuedrapidsocialchange; byincreasingdiscontentwiththe mine,with other European interests, and,after 1975, with the central government of Papua NewGuinea; andby moreand moremilitant expressions of thatdiscontent.In1988, whatmight be calledtheinjuriesofcolo-nialism culminatedinviolence ledbyaself-styled"Bougain-ville RevolutionaryArmy" composed mostly of Nasioithatcloseddown the mine,resistedforces sentbythe PapuaNewGuineagovernment, anddeclaredBougainville anindepen-dentstate AsofAugust 1990, a new peace treatyhadbeensigned with the central government, but the future of theNasioi remainsproblematic.Thusthe people in Bougainvillemost directly affected by colonialism in variousforms havehad the most tempestuousmodemhistory of social change inthe island

SettlementsWhether they lived along the coast, in the valleys, or onmountainslopes,Nasioidweltinsmall, scatteredsettlements,oftenconsisting of nomorethan one or twohouseholds.Be-causeof continuous pressure from theadministration,bythe1960s villages were larger and oriented around a centralmainstreet." Mosthouses werebuilt on piles, though somehouseholds had separate cooking huts set directly on theground Houses had rectangular floor plans, walls of splitbamboo, and roofs thatched with sago-palm leaves Bythe1970s, Nasioiactivein amodem cash economy were buildinghouses of European materials

EconomySubsistence and Commercial Activities TraditionalNasioi subsistence was conditioned by the differing ecologi-calniches(coastal,valley, andhillside) inwhich thepopula-tionsettled, but the general pattern was that of typical Mela-nesianswiddenhorticulturalists Taro was a staple crop until

a plant blight swept through the island in World War II;thereafter, sweet potatoes became more important Coconutsand sagowereraisedatloweraltitudes.Nasioimen were em-ployed on local plantations before World War 11, but subse-quently theybegan to take more interest in cash crops: firstcopra,then cacao Although resentment of the copper minekept many Nasioi fromworkingthere, a largernumber wereemployed by the various contracting firms during construc-

234 Nasioi

tion of the mine, roads, andtowns during the 1970s

Edu-catedNasioi are nowemployedinthemodem,urbansector

inBougainville and elsewherein PapuaNew Guinea

IndustrialArts Traditional crafts included carving,

bas-ketry, and, on the coast, potterymaking By the 1960s, few

Nasioipracticedthese arts;instead, they purchased

compara-ble itemsintrade stores

Trade Items of produce were exchanged among people

settled in different environments: coastal people produced

pottery, sago,fish, andsalt;valleydwellersgrewcoconutsand

raised pigs; and hill dwellerstradedbaskets,bowsand arrows,

and game Nasioiobtainedshell currencyfrom the Solomon

Islands, via their neighbors in south Bougainville, but this

currencywasforspecialpurposes(e.g., marriage) only.Nasioi

onthecoastbegan tradingwithEuropeanshipsinthe

nine-teenth century,inparticularexchanging coconutsfor metal

tools Early on, German administrators encouraged copra

productionaswellaswagelabor TodayallNasioiparticipate

tosomedegree in a modem cash economy

Division ofLabor Subsistenceworkwasdivided

accord-ing to gender mendid the heavybutintermittentwork of

clearingforests andfencinggardens,whilewomenengagedin

the steadyproductionofgardenfoods Menhuntedpossums,

birds,andferal pigs; theyalsoharvested betelnuts Women

collected freshwater crayfish, made baskets and mats, and

bore the major responsibility for child rearing Men were

much more activethanwomen astheeconomybecame

mod-ernized, especially as wage laborers, and theyare still more

prominent in the cash sector However, womentoday grow

and market cash crops, andincreasinglytheygoon tohigher

education

Land Tenure Land seemstohave beenplentifulinthe

traditional setting Rightstolandwere inthefirstinstance

achievedbyclearing virgin forest and were most often

inher-itedthroughmatrilinealkinshipties.However,rightscould

alsobeestablished through marriage,residence, individual

kinnetworks,orceremonialexchanges.Land couldneverbe

alienated beyond the local group As elsewhere in Papua

New Guinea, it was easier to establish than to extinguish

claimstoland Nasioi entryintocash cropping,arapidly

in-creasingpopulation,and,aboveall,the presence of the

cop-per minehavecreated massive problems because of the

in-congruityof traditional landtenurewith modem economic

structures

Kinship

KinGroups andDescent Basic to Nasioisocial

organiza-tion was the dispersedmatilineal clan (muu') Such clans

wereideallyexogamous Since Nasioipaidlittleattention to

genealogy inWesternterms,clanmembership provided

peo-plewith a fixedplaceinthe social systemaswell as abasisfor

makinglandclaims Entire clans did not operate as corporate

units, but localized segments did carryout importantsocial

activities as ad hoc groups

Kinship Terminology. Traditional Nasioi terminology

was a variant of the Iroquois system, in whichsiblings were

equated with parallel cousins and terminologically

distin-guishedfromcross cousins Other equations were father with

father's brotherand mother's sister's husband, and mother

with mother's sister and father's brother's wife Distinctive

"aunt" and 'uncle" termswereappliedtofather's sisterandmother'sbrother's wife andto mother'sbrother and father'ssister's husband, respectively

Marriage and FamilyMarriage Traditionalmarriage among theNasioi waside.ally between bilateral cross cousins; thus a boy would marryagirl who was atoncehis mother's brother'sand father'ssis-ter's daughter Even if sucha genealogicalrelationship didnotobtain, the pattern was of continuing exchange betweentwoclans, on a model ofbalanced reciprocitythatoperatedinother realms of social life Child betrothal was common,often negotiated between the mothers of the children Ex-change of food and other valuables wassupposedtobalance;there was nobride-priceordowry asordinarily defined.If awidow remarried, either she orher intended new husbandmight beexpected to makeaprestation to theclanof her de-ceasedhusband Polygynywasrare, practiced only by unusu-ally industriousmen.Residence after marriage wasuxorilocal,anddivorce waseasy Cross-cousin marriage,polygyny, andchild betrothal came under early attack from missionariesand arenot normativetoday Becauseeducatedyoung peoplearemore likely to seek outothers of comparable accomplish-ments, modem marriages may be contractedbetweenNasioiandother groups, including other Papua NewGuineans andEuropeans

Domestic Unit Households traditionally consisted of amarriedcouple and immature children Sometimes an agedparentorother relative might join a kinsman's household.Thenuclear family householdcontinues to be a norm; in the1960s and thereafter adolescent boys (either relatives orfriends) mightestablish their own group household, since itwasconsidered inappropriate forsuch youth to dwell underthesame roof with parents who were still sexually active.Inheritance Much ofa deceased person's property wasconsumed ordestroyed during funeral rituals, sothat therewaslittle toinherit Land rights were inherited matrilineally

inthe first instance, but other factors such as a major don offood from the deceased's children to his clansmenmight prevail.Today, cash-croptrees ormoneynormally passfromparents of either sex to theirchildren, but the conflictbetween tradition and demands of the new economy in-creases thelikelihood of disputes

presta-Socialization While mothers had primary responsibilityforchild care, fathers, older siblings, and the entire settle-menttook an active interest.Life-cycle events, such as a firsttrip tothe garden, were often the occasion for ceremonial ex-changes, which varied considerably as to scale and elabora-tion.Often the child's"aunts," who were members of a differ-entclan, performed sometimes ribald songs or dances tomarktheevent; they were then given food, betel nuts, or other val-ued items as compensation A girl's menarche might bemarked by a short period of seclusion, followed by a feast withsinging anddancing This practice was discouraged by mis-sionaries and, in the 1960s, was usually confined to thedaughters ofambitious men There were no ceremonies tomark a boy's adolescence Today, formal education has re-placedmost, ifnotall, traditional observances

Nasioi 235

Sociopolitical Organization

SocialOrganization. Evenby the standards of south

Bou-gainville,traditional Nasioi lifeseems tohavebeenrelatively

egalitarian Women, onwhomsocietydependedfor

subsist-ence and the continuity ofthe clan,exercised considerable

influence, especially in such matters as marriage

arrange-ments.Oneoftheproblemsinmodem Nasioi lifeisthe

con-flict betweenthe ideal of balance and equivalenceinsociety

withthe formation of stratabased on differences of wealth

andeducation

PoliticalOrganization. Apattern of small, scattered

set-tlements characterized Nasioi life before colonization andis

correlated with political atomism The typical Melanesian

roleof big-man thustooka very modest form amongNasioi

ANasioioboring(big-man) establishedhis positionby

indus-try,generosity, andwisdom, but he remainedaperson of

in-fluence, notauthority Thestatusofoboringwasachievedby

givingfeasts, andit was notnormallyinherited.Today, when

many Pacific Islanders are eager to 'reinvent tradition,"

Nasioi claim that 'paramount chiefs" were customary,

al-though early published accounts and informants' reports

dat-ing from 1962 contradict this Becauseoftheirpost-World

War11discontent with thesocial changesbrought about by

colonialism and subsequentpolitical andeconomic

develop-ments, Nasioi have for the past forty years been especially

vocal in demandingBougainville'ssuccession, firstfrom the

Trust Territory ofNew Guinea andnowfromthe

indepen-dent nation of PapuaNewGuinea.Asof August 1990, the

Nasioi-led "BougainvilleRevolutionaryArmy"claims

author-ityover the entireisland

Social Control The oboring might use his influence to

settle disputesinhislocality,but hehadnorealauthorityto

do so.Public opinion and shaming alsoencouraged

conform-ity, and a victim might destroy hisor herown property to

show chagrinandtorally the supportofothers However,the

mosteffective form of social control before colonialismseems

to have been the fear of sorcery that could be performed

againstanyonewho committedanoffense.Nasioiopposition

toAustralian colonial authorityinthe 1960sand 1970s lefta

vacuum in social control, and intergenerational conflict

today seems tobe increasing

Conflict Perhapsbecauseof abundantland,genuine

war-faredoesnotseemtohave been characteristic of traditional

Nasioilife.Violentconflictmoreoften tookthe form of

indi-vidual homicide and revenge Once a single act had been

'balanced" by anotherorbymaterial compensation, the affair

wasconsidered over, that is,Nasioididnotfeud.Todaythe

peaceablepractices of the Nasioi are being altered by contact

with the more violent customs of other PapuaNewGuineans;

the recent level of organized violence in Nasioi is

unprecedented

Religion and Expressive Culture

ReligiousBeliefs Although theNasioialso believedin

su-pematural beings who inhabited the forests and rivers, the

outstanding characteristic oftraditionalNasioi religionwas

the beliefthat humans are dependenton the spirits of the

dead (ma'naari) formaterialwell-being. Offeringsofspecial

food(e.g.,pork)and invocationsweremadeto ensurethe

fa-vorable attention of these spirits When Roman Catholic

missionariesbegan toworkamong theNasioi, many convertsseemed toregard the Christian pantheon as a set of especiallypowerful ma'naari Seventh-Day Adventist missionaries ar-rived in Nasioi territoryinthe 1920sand Methodists in the1930s After thedisruptionof World War11and with growingdiscontent overtheir colonial situation, the Nasioi began todisplay cargo-cultbeliefs These often syncretized traditionalbeliefs andintroduced Christian notions, with the goal ofchanging Nasioilifeto bemorelike thatofthe European col-onizers TheTok Pisin term longlong lotu or"crazychurch"was sometimes applied to thesebeliefs and practices, whichwere attacked by thecolonial administration At present, ad-herence toChristianityseems tohave suffered while variouscargocults thrive

ReligiousPractitioners Nasioidid not have full-time gious practitioners Individuals were thought to have specialknowledge (e.g., of sorcery), usually derived from a familiarspirit After missionization, a number of Nasioi becameteachers and catechists, and the present Roman Catholicbishop of Bougainville is a Nasioi Atleast one Nasioi hassustained his position as a cargo-cultleader for more thantwodecades

reli-Ceremonies Propitiation of ma'naari andlife-cycle eventsoccasioned the mostcommon ceremonies; the former kindwere usually individual activities Missionization meantChristianobservances, which may have fallen off during re-cent unrest Cargo-cult ceremonials often relate to the re-mainsof the dead, showing continuitywith the past.Arts Although utilitarian objects like combs were occa-sionally decorated, the Nasioi seem to have emphasizedmusic and dance over graphic and plastic arts Slit gongs,wooden trumpets, panpipes, and the Jew's harp were em-

ployed, and dances sometimes involved cross-gender mances Modem Nasioi enjoy 'string bands" and other Pa-cific adaptations ofWestern music

perfor-Medicine Illness wasthought to be most often the result

of sorcery Various plant materials were employed in curing,butthe ultimate efficacy of cures depended upon the assist-ance of spirithelpers.Someindividualswerethought to be es-pecially skillful at dealingwith bone and muscle injury West-

em medicine is todayvalued for certain ailments; despite theinitial successofamalaria eradication campaign,the diseasehas once again become aserious health problem

Death and Afterlife Nasioibelievedmost deaths, exceptthose of the very young and very old, were ultimately caused

by sorcery or malevolent spirits A human was thought tohave two souls; the onethat stayed nearthe living wasimpor-tant, as noted Informants were vague about the fate of theother soul or shadow.Nasioi cremated the dead, though theysometimes preserved the lowermandibleina clanmember'shouse These rites were traditionally important, but followingcontact missionaries introduced burials and cemeteries Sincethe1970s, however, cremation has revived, as Christian prac-tice has weakened andcargo cults have maintained vitality.See also Siwai

BibliographyFrizzi, Ernst (1914) Ein BeitragzurEthnologie won Bougain-ville und Buka mit speziellen Bericksichtung der Nasioi.Baessler-Archiv no 6 Leipzig and Berlin: B G Teubner

236 Nasioi.

Ogan, Eugene (1971). Business and Cargo: Sodao-economic

Change among the Nasioi of Bousgairwilie. New Guinea

Re-searchBulletin no. 44 Canberra: Australian National

Uni-versity Press

Ogan, Eugene (1971). "Nasioi Land Tenure: AnExtended

Case Study." Oceania 42:81-93

Oliver, Douglas L (1949). Studies in the Anthropology of

Bougainville, Solomon Islands Papers of the Peabody

Mu-seum, Harvard University, vol 29, nos. 1-4 Cambridge,

Mass

EUGENE OGAN

Nauru

ETHNQNYMS:Navodo, Nawodo, Pleasant Island

settledby Tabuarik, who camefrom Kiribati-as did quentboatloads of Kiribatipeople-andtookoverthe islandfrom asmallgroup livingthere Inmore recent timestheis-landwasvisitedbywhalers andescapedconvicts from Nor-folkIsland and Australia.In 1886, anAnglo-Germandecla-ration assigned Nauru to Germany, who administered theisland until 1914; after World War I the island became a

subse-Leagueof Nationsmandate under Australian administration.FollowingWorldWar11, when theJapanese occupiedtheis-

land, Nauruwas a United Nationstrusteeship administered

byAustralia until 1968whenitbecame anindependent

re-public.Itseconomichistoryisbasedonthediscoveryof phatein1899,theminingof whichcommencedin 1906 Be-

phos-ginning in 1919 the British Phosphate Commissioners(BPC) administered the miningoperationandtookpropor-tionate shares in the phosphate mined The BPC initially paidthoseNauruanswhose landwasminedaroyaltyofonehalf-pennypertonofphosphate shipped Inadequatereturns

toNaunians for theirphosphatehas beenacontentious issuefor whichNauruan leaders have sought redress Since inde-pendence the Nauru Phosphate Corporation has sold thephosphateontheopenmarket for highreturns, andNauruhastakenapositiveleadinPacific islandaffairs, choosingto

share some ofitswealth throughairline and shipping linkswith countries thathave limited communication networks.Orientation

Identification Nauru isanindependent republic,an

asso-ciate member of the BritishCommonwealth, andamember

of the South Pacific Commission and the South Pacific

Forum.Theindigenoustermfor theislandisNauru,butearly

European visitors gave it the name of "Pleasant Island,'

whichwas used briefly.

Location Thesingleraised coralisland ofNauruislocated

inthecenterof the Pacificbasin,at0'25'S, 166"56'E Ithas

a narrowfringingreef thatdropsoffverysteeplytotheocean

floor A fertile belt some 150-300 meters wide above the

shoreline encircles the island On the inland sideacoral cliff

rises to aheightupto300metersabovesealevel;this central

plateauoncebore the richestdepositofphosphaterockinthe

Pacific, but this deposit is almost mined out, leaving stark

coral pinnacles.

Demnography. At the last census in 1983 the Nauruan

population was 4,964, with another 2,134 residents from

IKiribatiand Tuvalu and263Europeans, almost allemployed

by the Nauru Phosphate Commission Since the previous

census in 1977 the proportion of Nauruans has increased

from 57 percent to 62 percent Nauruans have a

positive-growth population policy partlybecause ofaseriesofdeclines

inthepast,includingreductionto589personsduringWorld

War 11

LinguisticAffiliation Nauruan isclassified as an isolate

within theMicronesianFamilyofAustronesianlanguages. It

contains manyKiribatiwords,butithasdeviant features that

donotfiteasilywith neighboring MicronesianorPolynesian

languages. Most Nauruans alsospeak English.

History and Cultural Relations

Little is known of Nauruan prehistory except what is

sug-gested by mythandlegend.Tradition holds thatNauruwas

SettlementsAll residencesare in oneoftwelve districtslocatedinthenar- rowcoastalbelt,exceptforonevillagebeside BuadaLagoon

intheinterior.Theadministrativecenterandcontractworkerhousing, togetherwith someNauruanhousing, are concen-

tratedinthe southwestcornerof the island.Formerly housing

was providedfreebythe governmentfrom phosphate ties, butsomeindividuals usedtheirownphosphateincome

royal-to build larger, more elaborate houses Housing styles are

thus varied but reminiscent of those foundin any Westernmetropolitan country In each district there is a primaryschool andatleast onesmall storeand a gas station.There

are two mainchurches aswellas three smallerchapels.Thedistricts are linked by aroad that encircles the island, withside roadsservingthespecial housingareas. Theinteriorvil-lage around Buada Lagoonis linkedbyroad tothe coastalarea,withabranchroadservingthecurrentlocation ofmin-

ing.Thisinteriorroad networkisdecreasingasthephosphate

is taken outand only the coralpinnacles remain

Phos-ruanpopulationisprivatelyemployedorworksinthe istrative arm ofgovernment, teaching, or NPC administra-tion.AllconsumergoodsareimportedtoNauru,mainlyfromAustralia

admin-Industrial Arts Several Nauruans have opened repairshopsforcarsand electricalappliances,basedon some train-

Nauru 237

inggainedinAustralia and localapprenticeship.The

exper-tise for mining operations is still largely in the hands of

non-Nauruans

Trade Phosphate took over from copra in 1906 as the

main source of trade income, and since independence this

has increased tenfold The Nauru Cooperative Society,

formed in 1923 as the majorcontrollerofimports of foods

andgeneral merchandise,hasbeensuperseded bytheNauru

Corporation,whichiscontrolledbytheNauruLocal

Govern-mentCouncil Inaddition thereare anumber of smallstores

in town runbyChinese whoemployyoungKiribati and

Tu-valugirlsasshopassistants.Nauruans taketripstoAustrlia

orFiji to make majorpurchases.

Divisionof Labor Formerlymen were inchargeoffishing

whilewomencared for thehousehold and childrenandmade

handicrafts Todaywomen's and men's tasks are much less

differentiated, withbothsexes holding paid jobsorassisting

with household maintenance.Some menstillgofishing,but

mainlyassport Kiribati menfish fromcanoesand sell their

produceon the island

LandTenure Nauruanshold landbyvirtueofbeingborn

ofNauruanparents; non-Nauruanscannothold land Land

is passedonin namedparcels fromaparenttoallchildren,

such inheritance being recorded with the Nauru Lands

Board Thus individualNauruans holdrightsin several

par-cels butsomeof these sharesmaybeverysmall Thoserights

arethe basis onwhichcompensation for miningispaid. In

additiontoland,Nauruans alsoownrightstofishing places,

lagoons,useful trees, goods, songs, and dances

Kinship

KinGroups andDescent Every Nauruanbelongs to an

extended kingroupconsisting ofboth mother's and father's

relatives as the largest affiliation In addition aNauruan is

bornintothemother's clangroup.Formerlythereweretwelve

named clansbut today only tenexist, the main function of

which is to regulatemarriage

Kinship Terminology. Thesystemusedisbasicallyof the

Hawaiiantype,withclassificatory terminology distinguishing

generations and mother's relatives from father's

Marriage and Family

Marriage. Acouple intendingto marry mustbe from

dif-ferent clan groups, and theymustseek approvalof their

re-spective district councillors Most marriages take place in

churchthough todaythereare afew common-lawmarriages

Divorceis uncommon,butseparationis morefr-equent,

espe-ciallyfor Catholiccouples.The birth ofachildmustbe

regis-tered ifthe child is to receive the rights ofbeing Nauruan,

evenifthe birth takesplace outside of Nauru

Domestic Unit Thefamilyunit consistsofawide group of

relativesonboth the father's and mother's side.Adoptionis

relativelycommon, especially byaNauruanwhohasno

chil-dren of his or her own. Ifaccepted by the community, an

adopted relative receives the same rights to land and

resi-denceasdoesablood relative.A Nauruanhouseholdislikely

tocomprisean oldercouple withone or more married

chil-dren andgrandchildren, foran average sizeofeightpersons

perhousehold

Inheritance Rights to land, useful trees, goods, songs,dances, and allotherpossessionsarepassedonfromparents

to all children, both natural andadopted.

Socialization Children are much loved and treated with

careandaffectionbybothparentsandall members of the mestic unit Schooling ishighlyvaluedbyparents, whomaymakefinancial sacrificestosenddaughtersandsons to secon-

do-dary schools in Australia and New Zealand Children are

raised to think of themselves as Nauruans andto speaktheNaunianlanguage.

Sociopolitical Organization

SocialOrgainizationi Nauruansociety usedto have three

status groups: the Temonibe, the Amengename, and theItsio The firsttwo werelandholdinggroups, while the Itsioconsisted of those whosoughttheprotectionofaTemonibe.Membershipinthe firsttwogroupswasbybirth TheTemo-nibewere veryhighly respectedandusuallyownedmoreland.Theytookonleadership in war or inlargeeconomicunder-takings, butthey were not chiefs Today these three status

groups are no longer significant.

Political Organization The modern Republic of Nauruhasanelectedparliamentofeighteen members,headedbya

president. The councillors are elected from each district, as are members of theparliament. Districtchiefswere aninno-vationofEuropeanadministrationin 1927,and they gained significance when the Nauru Local Government Council(NLGC) wasformedin1951.Nowadaysthe NLGC controls

mostinternal affairs

Social Control and Conflict Informal control is stillmaintained within Nauruanfamilies,but formal controlis inthe hands of the Naurupoliceforce and thejudiciary,whichconsists ofa supreme court, a chiefjustice (based in Mel-bourne, Australiai), and district and familycourts.

Religion and Expressive Culture

ReligiousBeliebi Nauruanshadtheirowntraditional

cos-mologywithbeliefsinspiritsandgodssuchasTabuarik,who

wasrepresentedin a stone nowremovedbyminingactivities.Familyancestors werehonored with foodofferingson analtaroutside eachfamilyhomestead Thecentenaryof thelanding

of the first London Missionary Society representatives was

celebratedin 1987,andtodaymostNauruansaremembers ofeither the Nauruan Congregationalchurch (60 percent) or

theRomanCatholic church (33 percent).Abreakaway

Prot-estantchurchwasformedin1977 under the American costalchurch,butithasnotdrawnmanyadherents from the

Pente-two established churches

Religious Practitioners Five Nauruans are ordained as

pastorsof theCongregational church,theyoungeronesing trinedatPacificTheological CollegeinFiji.The Catho-lic priest is appointed from Rome

hav-Ceremonies Independence Day is celebratedonJanuary

31;and'AmramDay"isobservedinOctobertorecognize theimportantdlayin 1933whenaMrs Amram gavebirthtothe1,500thNauruan Inaddition, churchfeasts, marriages,anddeathsarecelebrated.Mostfestivitiesaremarkedwith elabo-

rate food sharing.

238 Nauru

Arts Weaving and other traditional arts are no longer

practiced due to thelackof materials

Medicine Twohospitalsservethe needs of Nauruans and

otherresidents,but if other services arerequired patientsare

transportedtoAustralia Filariasis, leprosy,and tuberculosis

areundercontrol,butNauruanshave been notedashavinga

highincidence of diabetes andglucose intolerance

Death and Afterlife Funeralsareconductedaccordingto

the faithof the deceased A Nauruanisburied in the

ceme-teryof thedistrict towhichheorshebelonged.Suchfunerals

aremarked byfeasts

Seealso Kiribati,Tuvalu

Bibliography

Macdonald,Barrie(1988).InPursuitoftheSacredTrust New

Zealand Institute of International Affairs Occasional Paper

no 3 Auckland

Pollock, NancyJ.(1987).NauruReporttoCommissionfor

Re-habilitation of Nauru Melbourne: Government Printer

Viviani, Nancy (1970).Nauru:Phosphate andPolitical

Prog-ress Canberra: Australian National University Press

Wedgwood, Camilla (1936) "Report on Research Workin

NauruIsland,Central Pacific."Oceania6:359-391; 7:1-33

NANCY J POLLOCK

The New Georgia group of islandsislocated in the

south-central Solomon Islands between 8-9° S and 156-158° E

Thegroup consistsofthe mainisland of NewGeorgia,nine

other large islands, and numerous atolls.Among the major

ethnolinguisticgroups onNewGeorgiaarethe Kuaghe (also

knownasKusaghe),Marovo, and Roviana TheKuaghe, who

numbered 1,059 in 1976, live on north New Georgia; the

Marova(4,576in 1976) onsouth NewGeorgia,Marova

La-goon, Vangunu Island, and Nggatokae Island;and the

Ro-viana (5,365 in 1976) on north-central New Georgia, Ro

viana Lagoon, andVonavona Lagoon.All speaklanguages

classified in the New Georgia Group ofAustronesian

lan-guages. Roviana, which was the primarylanguage ofmany

NewGeorgians,isbeing replaced bySolomonsPidgin,a

com-bination of English words and Melanesian grammar with

localdialectvariation.

See also Choiseul

BibliographyCapell,Alfred(1943)."Notesonthe Islands of Choiseuland

New Georgia, Solomon Islands." Oceania 14:20-29

Goldie,J (1909).-ThePeopleof NewGeorgia:MannersandCustoms andReligiousBeliefs."Royal SocietyofQueenslandProceedings 22:23-30

Somerville, BoyleT (1897)."EthnographicalNoteson NewGeorgia,SolomonIslands."Journal ofthe RoyalAnthropologi-cal Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 26:357-412

Ngatatjara

ETHNONYMS:Ngaayatjara, Ngadadjara, Pitjantjatjara, ern Desert Aborigines

West-OrientationIdentification The Ngatatjara speak the WarburtonRangesdialect of theWestern DesertLanguage Group (Pit-jantjatjara) in Western Australia and adjacent southwesternNorthernTerritory and northwestern South Australia Theirnameforthemselves,whichmeans"thosewhohavethe wordngaata," which in turn means "middle distance," identifiesthe Warburton Ranges groupincontrast with other,similarlyidentifieddialect groups around them and does not imply anykind oftribal identity

Location The Warburton Rangesregionislocated at proximately 26° S and 127° E The Warburton region in-cludes rocky hills rising to anelevationof 700 meters abovesealeveland300metersabove thesurroundingterrain Most

ap-of the region around these ranges consists ap-of sandhills, plains, and low knolls of laterite.Thereis no permanent sur-face water,althoughsomerelativelydependable water can beobtainedbydiggingintodry creek bedsand at other speciallocalities Weather records indicate that drought or semi-droughtconditions prevail throughout this region about 50percent of the time,making itunsuitable for sustained,Euro-pean-introduced agriculture or pastoralism

sand-Dem r y In 1981theAboriginal population of ern Australia was estimated at 31,351,but no accurate count

West-isavailable for the Ngatatjara as a separate group within thistotal Even if one includes people who are only part Aborig-ine, the total forthe Warburton Ranges people and relatedgroupsnearbystandsatlessthan 2,000,with high mobility as

a furthercomplicating factor in achieving an accurate meration.Before resettlement by thegovernment in the late1950s andearly 1960s, many of these people followed a tradi-tional, nomadichunting-and-gathering way oflife that dis-persedthem widely over the landscape By 1970, the residentpopulation at the Warburton Ranges Mission stood ataround 400, and manyWarburton people had already moved

enu-to other locations

Linguic Affiliation The Ngatatjara dialect belongs tothePitjantjatjaralanguage, which is spoken over a wide arearanging from Kalgoorlie andCundeelee, Western Australia,

to the south and west; Emabella and MusgravePark, South

Ngataqara 239

Australia, totheeast;andPapunyaandAreyonga,Northern

Territory, tothenorth.Currently accepted linguistic

classifi-cations place Pitjantjatjara within theWatiSubgroupof the

South-West Group in the Pama-Nyungan (also called the

WesternDesert) Family.MostNgatatjara.aremultilingual,at

leastatthe dialectlevel, andtheyoften switch dialects when

residing in new areas. The Western Desertlinguistic family

sharesmanyfeaturesin commonwith othernativeAustralian

languages, which,with the soleexceptionofagroupin

north-emAustralia, are believedby linguists tobecloselycognate

andtohavedivergedfromasingle, ancestrallanguagewithin

the last 10,000years.Theseparationof theselanguagesfrom

theirAsian antecedentsoccurredsolongago,however,that

no clear genetic connections have been detected with

lan-guages inAsiatoday.

History and Cultural Relations

Archaeology at Puntutjarpa RockShelter, close to the

War-burtonRanges,demonstratescontinuoususeof thisareafor

foraging and habitation for atleast the last 10,000yearsby

Aboriginal peoplewhosetechnologyandeconomyclosely

re-sembled thoseofthetraditionalNgatatjaraatthetimeof

Eu-ropeancontact. Somechanges are noted,such as ashift

to-ward greater dependence upon edible grass seeds and the

addition ofsmall,geometricflaked-stone artifactstothetool

kit Buttheeconomyremained oriented towardhuntingand

gathering wild foodsthat occurnaturally in this areatoday.

Recent archaeology to the west of AliceSprings, Northern

Territory,hasproducedasequenceofAboriginaloccupation

extendingback22,000years,sothepossibilityexiststhat

an-cientancestorsof thepresent-dayWestern DesertAborigines

exploitedPleistocenespeciesthatare nowextinct.

European-Australianexplorersfirstentered thisregionin1873,but

per-manentsettlement baseduponwaterfromadrilled wellatthe

Warburton Ranges Mission didnot occuruntil 1934 What

followedwas aperiod duringwhichincreasingnumbers of

no-madic desertpeoplesettledatthemission.Althoughthe

pop-ulationat the missiongrew as aresult ofin-migration,

peri-odic epidemics severely reduced the number of inhabitants

fromtimetotime By1970 themissionwas asettlement with

government services that included a school, clinic, and a

small store but with no self-sustaining economy. The

War-burton population has remained primarily dependent upon

outsidesupportintheform ofmissiondonations and

govern-mentaid, althoughresidentAboriginesare nowbecoming

in-creasingly involvedindecisions about theircommunity, and

thereareindications, suchasthose shownbythemovement

bysomeAboriginestooutstationsduringthe 1970s,that the

periodof colonialdependencyatWarburton andelsewherein

this region is ending.

SettlementsPriorto 1934,allNgatatjarawerehighlymobile andrelatively

opportunistic in their settlementpattern During periodsof

sustainedrainsinparticularpartsof thedesert, families

con-gregatedtotakeadvantageof thewaterandtohuntgame

at-tracted by improved vegetation growth produced by such

rains. Such maximal groups are estimated to have been as

large as 150 individuals, but the duration of such

aggrega-tions waslimitedbytheamountof gameandwateravailable

and tendedto be only afew weeks Thesewere majorsocial

events,whenceremoniesandinitiationsoccurredalongwithbetrothals andcuringactivities.Asdroughtconditionswors-

ened,extendedfamiliesdepartedinsearch ofbetterhunting,

withevensmallerfamilygroupssettingoutformorereliable

water sources asdroughtstressincreased Inextreme casesoflong-term drought,familieswould leave their homeareaalto-getherand takeuptemporaryresidence withrelated families

in areas as far as 500kilometers away. Particularcampsitesmight notbe visited for several years insuccession, orthey might be visited several times in the same year, dependingupon rainsand associatedplantandanimalresources.There

was nobounded territory within which suchgroupsconfinedtheirforaging, nor were their social groups fixed in size or

composition.Minimal socialgroupsconsistingof members ofrelated families andtotalingaboutten to fifteenindividualscould befoundresidingandforaging togetheraroundmore or

lessdependablewater sourcesduring droughts.Domestic

ar-chitectureconsisted ofconicalorsemicircularboughsheltersduring the summer, mainlyto provide shade, and open-aircampsiteswith linearorsemicircularboughwindbreaks dur-ingwinter. Each familycampsite had a central hearth thatservedasthe focus foritssocialactivitiesalongwith subsidi-aryhearths for warmth while sleeping.Therewere alsotask-specific sites that included quarries, hunting blinds, wood-working localities, and ceremonial and rock-artsites.

Economy

Subsistence and CommercialActivities The traditionaleconomypriorto 1934 andamongisolatedand uncontactedgroupsafter 1934wasbasedprimarilyuponalimited number

ofedible wild plant foods thatwere harvested according to

the particular conditions of rainfall and geography ratherthanon an annual seasonal basis On mostoccasions, fromdaytoday,womenobtained thebulk of thediet,whichcon-

sisted ofplant staplesand smallanimals, mainlylizards.Evenbefore 1934, feral species introduced in other areas by European-Australianshadspreadtothe WesternDesertandhad becomeanimportant partof theNgatatjaradiet Theseanimals includedrabbits,feralcats,and, occasionally,camelsandgoats Aboriginal menexpendedconsiderable time andenergyinhuntingbut withgenerallypoorreturns.Theprinci- palkinds ofgamesought byhunters includedkangaroos, wal- labies, and emus. Allocation of all food supplies, including plantfoodsaswellaslargeand smallgame,wasstructuredbykin-based rules ofsharingthat resultedin anegalitariandis-tribution of food within thecamp

IndustrialArts Subsistencetechnologywascharacterized

bydifferent technological responses tothe requirements ofmobility.These alternatives includedmulti-purposetools likethe spearthrower,whichcould alsobe used forlightingfiresandmixingtobaccoandpigmentsandas apercussioninstru-

ment toaccompanysongs anddances; appliances likeheavy

stoneseedgrinders,whichwereleftatthecampsiteas nentfixturestobeusedwhenever thefamily returned;andin- stant toolsconsisting ofmaterials collected atthe spot andfashionedasneeded foraparticulartask Despitethestrictlyutilitarian nature of most Ngatatjara technology, spearthrowerswereoftendecorated withcomplexinciseddesignsthatservedamaplikefunctiontoaid menandtheir families

perma-inpinpointing geographical landmarks

240 Ngataqjara

Trade Long-distance transportandexchangeof materials

and artifactsoccurred throughout theWestern Desert But

thistookplacemainly within the contextofthe ceremonial

life, oftenbetween individualswithamutualaffiliationtothe

same mythical ancestors and places where those ancestors

traveledinthemythicalpast.Ceremonialexchangenetworks

coveredvast areasof theWesternDesert, with the result that

exotic items, such as incisedpearl shellsfrom the northwest

coastof Australiaandincised sacredstonesfromcentral

Aus-tralia,circulated withinthesenetworks,eitherbetween

indi-viduals or between patrilineages

Divisionof Labor Divisionoflabororactivitybysex was

morepronouncedinthe domain of ritual and sacred affairs

than in daily life Under conditions of desertliving, there

was ageneral tendencyindomesticactivitiesfor thewomen

tofocusonforagingforplantfoodsandsmall game, suchas

grubsand lizards Malesconcentratedonhunting,with the

corollary that women generally did not handle hunting

equipmentlikespearsand spear throwers.Womengenerally

performed food-processing activities suchas seed grinding

aswellas certaintechnologicalactivitieslike the collection

andproductionofspinifexresinadhesive Men,onthe other

hand,wereusuallyinvolvedinstoneartifactproductionand

use However, exceptionsoccurred inall of theseactivities

under conditions of desert living, and new trends have

arisen due to changes in the context of settlement near

European-Australians For example, in the 1960s women

began taking a more active role in hunting large animals,

usingspecial dogs.Ritual activities,however,involvedstrict

exclusion, mainly ofwomen from male ceremonies butof

men from female rituals as well While some ceremonies

wereconducted jointly, byboth sexes, the rules of

participa-tionbysex are moredefined andstrictlyenforced thanwas

the case fordomestic activities

Land Tenure Concepts of tenure overland are

domi-nated bytheprincipleof jointaffiliation andcontrolby

cor-porate groups,primarilypatrilineagesinwhich the members

claim descent fromacommon,mythicalancestor.Such

an-cestors arebelievedtohave lived and traveledin amythical

pastcalled 'theDreaming' (qukurpa),and theplaceswhere

they lived, traveled, and had their adventures are also

re-ferred tobythisterm.These placesare regardedas sacred

sitesthatcurrentlycontainthe spiritof theparticular

ances-tor.Tenureappliesspecificallytothesesitesrather thanto

thecontrol of territories, but therelatedidea of trespass

en-suresthat the territorysurroundingsuch sacredsites isalso

underakind of de facto control of thesepatrilineages

Dan-ger of trespass, whether intentionaloraccidental,is taken

seriously by visitors who know that the patrilineage that

"owns" thesacredsiteswithina particularareawillpunish

such trespass People donot venture intounfamiliar

terri-tory until shown the locationof sacredsiteswithinthe area

by members of the localpatrilineage, andthenonlyifthey

have established social relationships with members of the

patrilineage,usuallythroughmarriage,thatqualifythem for

access This systemof tenure is threatened todayby

rela-tivelyunrestrictedmovementby European-Australianswho

seektoestablishminesand otherkindsofdevelopmentat or

nearsuch sacredsites Legalargumentsabout"landclaims"

overAboriginal sacredsites are adominantthemein current

Australian domesticpolitics

Kinship

KinGroupsand Descent Patrilinealdescentis antantprincipleinstructuring groupaffiliation,especiallytothepatrilineages thatclaim descent from a common, mythicalancestorandtothespecific placeswherethatancestorlivedandperformedimportantacts inthemythicalpast.Anotherformof social classification inNgataqara societyhas todowith the dual division ofkinintoreadilyidentifiable groups,referredtobyanthropologistsassectionsandsubsections,to

impor-simplifyand facilitate expectations regarding whom one maymarryorwith whomonemay expecttosharefood and access

to resources.Aborigineswho had residedattheWarburtonMissionandat Laverton (andothersettlements like MountMargaretandCosmoNewberry) tendedtogroupthemselves

intofour sections, correlated withapreferenceforfirst cousinmarriage.Historically duringtheperiodof Europeancontact, different Aboriginal families coming together atsuch settlements adjustedtheirsectionterminology to pro-duceahybrid "six-section" system that appearstobe unique

cross-tothis area,althoughit isjust as symmetric as itsfour-sectionantecedents However, families arriving from the desert forthe firsttimeduring the mid-1960s and early 1970s tended touse an eight-subsection mode of classification, correlatedwith second cross-cousin marriage During this period suchnewly arrived desert people at the Warburton Ranges weremaking rapid adjustments tothe"section"system ingeneralusebythe missionpopulation

KinshipTerminology. Classificatory rules of kinship mitextensionof kin terms normallyusedbetween blood rela-tives(consanguines) tootherindividuals of the same sex andgeneration level Such categoriessubsume basic expectationsabout behavior, suchaswith whom one may share food or ac-cess toresourcesorwhom one may address directly or not, re-gardless of howonemay feel abouta particular individual

per-Marriage and FamilyMarriage Polygynous marriage is preferred, although mo-nogamous marriages continue to be common Residentialrules favorpatrilocality,butinactual casesresidenceisoftendeterminedbymovement in response todrought and otherlocal factors Strongobligationsofboth avoidance andshar-ingbehavior exist between in-laws of similar and differentgenerations Divorce,however, can occur by mutual consentand withoutformality

DomesticUnit Peoplewhohabituallycamp and sleepgether, mainly spouses and their offspring,areconsidered afamilyandconstitutethe minimalsocial unit Related familyunits sometimes groupthemselves inclusterswithin theover-all campsitewhenconditionsofrainfall and hunting permit.Inheritance Affiliation for purposes of ceremonial andland-tenure groupmembership are inherited patrilineally, butportablepropertyis notconsidered importantenoughtowar-rant special rules of inheritance

to-Socialization Infants are closely nurtured until weaning,afterwhichthey rapidlyasserttheir independence by formingplay groups consisting of children of mixed ages thatsome-times establish separate, temporary campsites of their ownand can even travel cross-country and feed themselves by