Hawaiian houses were thatched from ground to roof ridge with native grass or sugarcane leaves.. Significant numbersofHawaiiansalso live on leased house lots ingovernment-sponsored Hawaii
Trang 1ETHNONYM: Hawaiian Islanders
Orientation
Identification Hawaiiansaretheindigenous people of the
HawaiianIslands Nowadisadvantagedminority intheirown
homeland, theyarethe descendants ofEastern Polynesians
who originated in the Marquesas Islands The name
'Hawai'i" is thatof thelargest islandinthechain Itcame to
refertotheaboriginal people ofthearchipelagobecausethe
firstWesternvisitorsanchoredat thatisland andinteracted
predominantlywith Hawai'i Island chiefs
Location The populated Hawaiian Islandsarelocated
be-tween 15°and 200 Nand 160° and 1550W.The climateis
temperate tropical, and weathered volcanic features
domi-nate the terrain. Rainfall and soil fertilitymay vary
signifi-candybetween the windward and leeward sides of the islands
Demography The aboriginal population isestimated at
250,000-300,000 Because ofrecurrentepidemics of
intro-duced diseases, thenative population hadbeen reducedby
at least 75 percent by 1854 In the late 1880s Hawaiians
wereoutnumbered byimmigrant sugarworkers.Accordingto
the state's enumeration, Hawaiians today number about
175,000,or 19percentof thestate's population Because of
historically highratesof Hawaiianexogamy'pure'Hawaiians
number only about 9,000
Linguistic Affiliation Hawaiian is closely related to
Marquesan,Tahitian, and Maori TheuseofHawaiianwas
suppressedinislandschools during the territorial period, and
thelanguage fell intodisuseduringthe mid-twentieth
cen-tury.FewHawaiianscanspeak thelanguage today.The
collo-quiallanguage ofmostHawaiiansisHawai'iIslandsCreole,
informally knownas"Pidgin." Since the 1970s theUniversity
of Hawaii has beenthecenterofattempts to revivethe
Ha-waiianlanguage through education.Afew hundredchildren
are enrolled in language-immersion preschools where only
Hawaiianisspoken
History and Cultural Relations
Thedate of firstcolonization is constantlybeing revised,but
Polynesians are believed to have reached Hawai'i by about
AD. 300 There mayhave been multiplesettlement voyages,
buttwo-waytravelbetweenHawai'i and other islandgroups
was never extensive.Bythetimeof CaptainJamesCook's
ar-rivallatein 1778,the Hawaiianchieftainship had evolveda
high order of politicalcomplexity and stratification,withthe
Mauiand Hawai'iIsland dynastiesvying tocontrolthe
east-ern portionofthearchipelago.Intheir firstencounterswith
the Hawaiians Cook'smen introduced venereal disease At
Kealakekua,ontheleewardside ofHawai'iIsland,Cookwas
greetedasthereturninggodLono,but hewaslater killedin a
skirmish over a stolen longboat Europeans nevertheless
beganto usethe islandsas a provisions stop,for Hawai'iwas
uniquely wellsituatedtosupply the furtrade and,later, North
Pacificwhalers.TheHawaiianchiefsbecameavidly involved
inforeign trade, seeking to accumulate weapons,
ammuni-tion,andluxurygoods.In 1795 Kamehameha,a juniorchief
of Hawai'i Island, defeated the Mauichiefs in a decisive
bat-tie onO'ahuIsland,thereby unifying thewindwardisles.This date is taken tomark the beginning of the Hawaiian kingdom and Hawai'i's transition from chiefdom to state An astute andstrong-willed ruler, Kamehameha consolidated hisrule and established a bureaucratic government His successors wereweaker and were continuallypressured by foreign resi-dents and bullied by colonial governments High-ranking chieflywomenand theirsupporters convincedKamehameha
11to abolish theindigenousreligion shortlyafter his father's death in 1819 Congregationalist missionaries arrived a few months later and came to exert tremendousinfluenceon the
kingdom'slawsandpolicies In the 1840sresidentforeigners
persuaded Kamehameha IIItoreplacethetraditionalsystem
of land tenure with Western-style private landed property
Theresultingland division, the 'Great Mihele," was a disas-ter for the Hawaiian people Theking, thegovernment, and majorchiefs received most of the land, with only 29,000 acres going to 80,000 commoners At the same time foreigners
weregiven the righttobuy andownproperty.Withinafew
decadesmostHawaiianswerelandlessasforeignresidents ac-cumulated large tracts forplantations andranches The 1875 ReciprocityTreatywiththe UnitedStatesensured the
profit-abilityofsugar.Plantersimportedwaves oflaborersfromAsia andEurope, and Hawaiiansbecameanumerical minority A clique of white businessmen overthrew the last monarch, Queen Lili'uokalani, in 1893 Although President Grover Cleveland urged that the monarchy be restored, Congress took no actionandannexationfollowedin 1898.While de-scendants of the Asian sugarworkershave lived the
Ameri-candream inHawai'i, native Hawaiians sufferedincreasing
povertyandalienationduring the territorialperiod.Hawaiian
radicalismand cultural awareness have beenontheupsurge since the mid-1970s.Citingthe precedent of American In-dian tribal nations, activists now demand similar status for Hawaiians, and themovementforHawaiiansovereigntyhas gained increasing credibility among the state's political leaders
Settlements
In precontact timesHawaiianslived indispersed settlements along the coasts and inwindwardvalleys Inlandand moun-tain areas were sparsely populated Hawaiian houses were thatched from ground to roof ridge with native grass or
sugarcane leaves Commonerhouses were low andsparsely
furnishedwith coarse floor mats.Thedwellings of the chiefs were morespacious, with floors and walls covered thickly with fine matsand bark cloth Because of taboos mandating the separation of men and women in certain contexts, a house-hold compound consisted of several dwellings for sleeping and eating The most importantdevelopments affecting
Ha-waiianssince themid-nineteenthcentury havebeenland
al-ienationandurbanization SmallHawaiiansubsistence
com-munities practicing fishing and farming persist in isolated rural areas of Maui, Moloka'i, and Hawai'i OnO'ahu, the leeward Waianae coast is a center of Hawaiian settlement Significant numbersofHawaiiansalso live on leased house lots ingovernment-sponsored Hawaiian Home Lands
com-munities within thecity of Honolulu.Dwellingsin thestyleof
plantation housingpredominateinworking-class communi-ties and neighborhoods throughout Hawai'i, and Hawaiian
Trang 2settlementsare noexceptiontothis pattern Inmost
Hawai-ian villages and neighborhoods the houses are of single,
walledwood construction, sometimes raisedoff the ground
onpilings,withcorrugatedironroofs.Rural Hawaiians may
have small houses forcookingandbathingbehind themain
dwelling,apatternthat appearstobeaholdoverfrom
Polyne-sianculture
Economy Substence and CommercialActivines The first
Poly-nesian settlers in Hawai'i subsisted largely on marine
re-sources Inthe ensuing centuries the Hawaiiansdeveloped
extensiveandhighly productive agriculturalsystems.The
sta-ple foodwastaro,astarchyrootthat the Hawaiianspounded
and mashedinto a paste called poi Inwetlandvalleys taro
was grown in irrigated pond fields resemblingrice paddies
Intricate networks of ditches brought water into the taro
patches, some of which doubled as fish ponds In thelate
precontactperiod,concurrentwith increasingpolitical
com-plexity, large walledfishpondswereconstructedinoffshore
areas.Thesewerereserved forchieflyuse.The leesidesofthe
islands supported extensive field systems where Hawaiians
grewdry-land taro,sweetpotatoes,breadfruit, and bananas
The Polynesiansbroughtpigs,dogs,andchickenstoHawai'i
Goatsand cattlewereintroducedbyWesternersbefore1800
Intheearly 1800s, toavoidthechiefs' growing demandson
theruralpopulace,someHawaiians turnedtoseafaring,
ped-dling, andvariousjobsinthe ports Theshift from rural
sub-sistencetowagelaborintensifiedinthe latter half of the
cen-tury.Hawaiians-menandwomen-made up the bulk of the
sugar plantation labor forceuntil after 1875 Accordingto
1980state figures, about23 percentof Hawaiians todayare
employedinagriculture.Someareindependentsmallfarmers
whoproducethe traditionalstaple, taro, for sale to markets
But most Hawaiians are engagedinservicejobs Hawaiians
areunderrepresentedinmanagementandprofessional
occu-pations and overrepresented asbus drivers, police officers,
and fire fighters
IndustrialArts IndigenousHawaiian craftsincludedmat
and bark-clothmaking, featherwork, andwoodworking.
Trade Althoughthe traditionalHawaiianlocalgroupwas
largely self-sufficient, there was specialization and internal
tradeincanoes, adzes, fishlines,salt, and fine mats Inthe
postcontact period Hawaiians have tended to leave store
keepingand commerce toother ethnic groups
Division of Labor Mostagriculturallaborwasperformed
by men in ancientHawai'i,aswaswoodworkingand adz
man-ufacture Womenmade bark cloth forclothingandmatsfor
domesticfurnishings, chiefly tribute,andexchange.Mendid
thedeep-sea fishing while women gathered inshore marine
foods In most Hawaiian families today both spouses have
salariedjobs outside the home
Land Tenure In the native Hawaiian conception land
was not owned but"caredfor."Use andaccessrightswere
al-located throughthe social hierarchyfrom thehighestchiefs
totheir local land supervisorsandthence tocommoners.The
most importantadministrativeunit wasalandsectioncalled
theahupua'a,whichideallyranfrom themountaintothesea
and containeda full range ofproductivezones. Typically a
household hadrightsin avarietyofmicroenvironments.The
introduction of private land titles resulted in widespread dispossessioninpart because Hawaiians did not understand the implications of alienable property. The lands of the Kamehameha chiefly family descended to Princess Bernice Pauahi Bishop, whose estate supports the Kamehameha SchoolsinHonolulu for theeducationof Hawaiian children The Hawaiian Home Lands, established by Congress in
1920,areleasedtopersons who can prove 50 percent Hawai-ian ancestry Originally conceived as a 'back to the land"
farming program, the Hawaiian Home Lands are nowused
primarilyforhouselots
Kinship Kin Groups and Descent There were no corporate kin groups among Hawaiians atthe time of contact The chiefs couldtracetheirgenealogies back many generations through bilateral links,opportunistically linking themselves to paric-ularancestral lines as the political situation demanded Com-monersrecognized shallow bilateralkindreds augmented by stipulated and fictive kin
Kinship Terminology In theHawaiian language no
dis-tinction ismade between parents and parents' collateralkin Same-sexsiblings areranked by relative age, but brother and
sister areterminologically unranked
Marriage and Family Marriage In pre-Christian Hawai'i both sexes enjoyed near-complete freedom to initiate and terminate sexual
at-tachments Marriage was unmarked by ceremony and was
hardlydistinguished from cohabitation and liaisons, except
inchiefly unions The birth of children was the more impor-tantceremonial occasion Marrying someone of higher rank was the ideal for both men and women Polygyny was the norm among the ruling chiefs, permissible but infrequent amongthe common people Postmarital residence was deter-minedbypragmatic considerations
Domestic Unit Both commoners and chiefs lived in large extended-family household groups with fluid composition Theindigenous religion mandated that men and women had
tohave separate dwelling houses and could not eat together Inheritance Men were more likely to inherit land rights than women, while women were privileged in the inheritance
of the family's spiritual property and knowledge Since the legal changes of the nineteenth century land inheritance among Hawaiians has been mostly bilateral
Socialization In Hawaiian families today grandparents have an especially close relationship with their grandchildren, andthey frequentlytakeover parenting duties As in other Polynesian societies, children may be adopted freely without emotionalturmoil or secretiveness Emphasis isplaced on re-spect forage and mutual caring between family members
Sociopolitical Organization
At the time ofWestern contact in 1778 the Hawaiian islands were politically divided into several competing chiefdoms Hawai'i was anindependentkingdomfrom1795 to 1893 and
a United Statesterritoryfrom 1898 until statehood in 1959 Social Organization Precontact Hawai'i was a highly stratified society wherethechiefs were socially and ritually set
A
Trang 3apartfromthe commonpeople Rankwasbilaterally
deter-mined and chiefly women wielded considerable authority
The commonercategorywasinternally egalitarian.
PoliticalOrganizatio. Each islandwas dividedinto
dis-trictsconsisting of several ahupua'a landsections Districts
andahupua'awereredistributedby successfulchiefstotheir
followers afteraconquest The chief thenappointedalocal
land agent to superviseproduction andmaintenance of the
irrigation system Thecommoners materially supported the
chiefswithtributeatritually prescribedtimes.Rebellions and
powerstruggles were common In legendary historiescruel
andstingy chiefs are deserted bytheirpeopleandoverthrown
bytheirkinderyoungerbrothers
Social Control The chiefs had absolute authority over
commoners.They couldconfiscatetheirpropertyorputthem
to deathforviolating ritualprohibitions Inpractice,
how-ever, chiefs were constrainedby theirrelianceonthe
underly-ingpopulace ofproducers InHawaiian communities today
thereis no sense ofinborn rank and anegalitarianethic
pre-vails Pretensionsareleveledbythe use ofgossip and
tempo-rary ostracism
Conflict Warfare wasendemicinthe Hawaiian
chieftain-ship in the century ortwo preceding Cook's arrivaL After
Kamehameha'sconquest the Hawaiian warrior ethicdeclined
tothe extent that themonarchycould be overthrown in 1893
by a company of marines Interpersonalconflictsamong
Ha-waiians todaytypify the tensions presentinanysmall-scale
community,andtheyareforthe most part resolvedthrough
theinterventionoffamilyand friends Hawaiiansarevery
re-luctant to call in outside authorities to resolve local-level
conflicts
Religion and Expressive Culture
Thereligiondescribedinethnohistorical sources waslargely
the province ofmale chiefs Sacrificial rites performed by
priests at monumental temples served to legitimate chiefly
authority
Religious Beliefs Chiefs were genealogically linked to
gods andwerebelievedtohave sacred power(mana).Under
what wascalledthekapu system women weredenied many
choicefoods and could not eat with men.Pre-Christian
be-liefspersisted at the local level long after thechieflysacrificial
religion wasoverthrown.Theindigenousreligion recognized
four major gods and at least one major goddess identified
withthe earth and procreation Ku, thegod of war, fishing,
and other male pursuits, was Kamehameha's patron deity.
Another god, Lono, represented the contrasting ethos of
peace and reproduction Womenworshipped their own
pa-tron goddesses Commoners made offerings to ancestral
guardian spirits at their domestic shrines Deities were also
associated with particular crafts and activities Although
Congregationalists were the first to missionize inHawai'i,the
sect has few adherentsamong Hawaiians today Roman
Ca-tholicism has attracted many Hawaiians, as have small
Prot-estant churches emphasizing personal forms of worship
Religious Practitioners Before the kapu abolition
younger brothers normativelyserved their seniors as priests
Majordeities had their own priesthoods.Thevolcano
god-dess Pele is said to have had priestesses.Amongthe
common-ers there were experts in healing and sorcery, known as
'Kihuna,"and suchspecialists are still utilizedby Hawaiians
today
Ceremonies The Hawaiian ritualcalendarwasbasedon lunar phases Ku ruled the land for eight months of the year Lonoreigned for four winter monthsduring theMakahihd fes-tival when warfare was suspended andfertility was celebrated Arts Chiefly men were sometimes tattooed, but this was not ageneral customand most of thedetailshave beenlost The carved wooden idols of the gods are artistically impres-sive, but few survived thedramatic end of the native religion The hula, the indigenous dance form, had numerousstyles rangingfrom sacred paeans to erotic celebrations of fertility Variouspercussioninstruments used induded drums, sticks, bamboo pipes, pebbles (like castanets), gourds, rattles, and splitbamboo pieces
Medicine Hawaiians today utilize Western medicine but may also consult healersandspiritualspecialists, some linked
toHawaiian culturalprecedent and otherssyncretic, drawing
on otherethnic traditions Hawaiians are particularly prone
tospiritpossession,and many believe that evil thoughts have material consequences onother people Illness is linked to so-cialgrievances or imbalances
Death andAfterlife Ancient Hawaiians secreted remains
of the dead in burial caves Thedeceased's personal power or mana was believed to resideinthe bones Chiefs were particu-larlyconcerned that their enemies notfind their remains and showdisrespect tothem after death.Those who broke the ta-boos, on the other hand, were killed and offered to the gods, andtheir remains were allowed to decompose on the temple Seealso Marquesas, Tahiti
Bibliography
Kirch, Patrick V (1985) Feathered Gods and Fishhooks: An Introduction to Hawaiian Archaeology and Prehistory.
Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press
Kuykendall, Ralph S (1938) The Hawaiian Kingdom Vol 1, 1778-1854 Honolulu: UniversityofHawaiiPress
Linnekin,Jocelyn(1985) Children of the Land: Exchange and Status in a Hawaiian Community New Brunswick, N.J.: RutgersUniversity Press
Valeri,Valerio (1985) Kingship and Sacrifice: Ritual and Soci-ety in Ancient Hawaii.Chicago:UniversityofChicago Press
JOCELYN LINNEKIN
Trang 498 larmul
latmul
ETHNONYM:Yatmul
Orientation Identification The latmul live along the banks of the
MiddleSepikRiverinthe EastSepikProvince ofPapuaNew
Guinea
Location TheMiddleSepikarea is dominatedbythe
me-anderingriver thatregularlyfloods the wholevalleyand
con-tinuouslychangesits course as it flows from west to east into
the Bismarck Sea During thewet season, extremely heavy
rains raisethewaterlevel4-6 meters, turning the whole
re-gion into alake that extendsfarintothe northerngrasslands
(turning them into swamp) and to the Sepik Hills in the
south.Floatinggrassislands,sometimeswith wholetreesand
birdsonthem,aretypicalforthatseason as therising
flood-waters tearoffpartsof riverbanks andcarrythemdownstream
untiltheyget stuck somewhere else latmul territory begins
about 230 kilometers up from the mouth of theSepik and
endsabout 170kilometers fartherupstream.The latmullead
analmostamphibianway oflifewithin the two main seasons,
wetand dry, eachlastingfor five months withtwo
intermedi-atemonths inbetween
Demography. The latmul number about10,000,and
clas-sifythemselvesintothreeterritorialsubgroups:eastern
(Wo-liagui),central(Palimbei),andwestern(Nyaura) Duringthe
last fewyears manylatmul have left the MiddleSepik,with
nearly 50percentofthepopulation todaylivingelsewherein
Papua NewGuinea, temporarilyor even permanently.There
are latmulcolonies, sometimes ofconsiderable size, in the
towns ofWewak, Madang,and Rabaul (onNew Britain)
LUnguisticAffiliation latmulisjoinedwithAbelam,
Boi-ken, Sawos,and otherPapuanlanguagesintheNduFamily
of the Sepik-Ramu Phylum
History and Cultural Relations
The latmul believethattheyalloriginated fromaholeinthe
groundinSawos (Gaikundi) territory. Other oraltraditions
tell ofdrifting down theriver on rafts, having started
some-whereinthewest.The Sepik Basinis,from thepointofview
of geology,relativelyyoung,havingachievedits present
char-acteraround 1,000years ago.Thewholearea wasflooded by
theseauntilabout 5,000years ago;onlygradually, whenthe
coastline withdrew untilit reached its present location, did
the alluvial plains form and marine conditions change to
those of freshwater. Linguistic andarchaeological evidence
suggests that the Ndu speakers came down into the Sepik
Basinfromasoutherntributary.TheSepikRiver(calledthe
Kaiserin-Augusta-FlussduringGerman colonialtimes) was a
main passagewayfor colonialadministratorstravelingupriver
by ship DuringGermanrule the first officialSepik
explora-toryexpeditiontookplacein1886,andit wasfollowedby
sev-eral others.After World War 1,when Ambunti Patrol Post
was established, the newAustralian administration tried to
suppress head-hunting They finally succeeded in the
mid-1930sbypublicly executingconvicted latmul warriors. The
pacification of thelatmul-a cultureinwhich much
empha-sis wasplacedonmale aggression andhead-hunting raids-broughtfar-reaching culturalchange from the outside world Iatmulvillages wereincontinuouscontactwithneighboring groups tothe northandsouth, oftenin asymbiotic subsist-ence relationship with the latmul trading turtles and fish in
exchange for sago The Sawos were regarded as nurturing mothers in this regard Women conducted the trade while
men wereinvolved injoint rituals withneighboring groups
Settlements
latmulvillages, containing 300-1,000 people,arebuilt high
on riverbanks Villages often consist of three distinct sec-tions,with amen'shouse in the center Houses were often builtintwo rows,parallelto orat aright angletothe course of theriver The men'shousewasusually builtinthe center of
an open space, the dancing ground Older latmul men's
houses,which werehugebuildings up to 20 meters high and
40meterslong, are among the most impressive architectural
achievementsin New Guinea.Theyservedasmen'sassembly housesindailylife andasreligiouscentersduringrituals The dancing ground contained a ceremonial mound on which heads weredisplayed when brought back from a successful raid Eachsectionof the tripartite village ownedalong war canoethat was asymbol of its cooperation during warfare, as was the ceremonial house for ritual life The whole village
usuallyconstitutedadefensive unit, whereas only a section of
it mayhave made araid on an enemy village A village often was surrounded by fences and watchtowers Traditionally, latmul houses were huge pile dwellings with the families of brothers living together in one house Clans are classified intomoieties, a fact that can be recognized in the layout of thevillage and the distribution of the houses there
Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities Traditionally the latmul were mainly hunters and gatherers, depending on fish andsago, with horticulture a secondary activity as the gardens on riverbanks are often inundated before the root crops(yams andtaro) are ripe Bananas and coconuts are reg-ularly consumed The hunting of game (wild pigs, crocodiles,
and, rarely, cassowaries)ispracticedonlyirregularly Fishing
ismainly women's work, using hooks, nets, and traps; when menfishtheyusespears.Among women there is aninformal systemof redistributionthatprovides fish to women who are unable toleavetheir houses because of illness, menstruation,
childbirth, or old age Although most latmul villages have sagostands,theyhave neverbeen productive enough to
guar-antee acontinuoussupply.Therefore,latmuldepend on sago producedby Sawosvillages to the north and by some Sepik Hills villages to the south Every few days latmul women transport fresh and smoked fish in their canoes to market places, most of which are located in Sawos territory There, theybarter fish for sago with women from bush villages The women's trading expeditions take a full day and are carried out mostly by elderly women who are commissioned by youngerwomen todo the bartering for them
IndustrialArts andTrade Mostlatmulvillages specialize
in theproduction of different kinds of goods that are used for trading.Aibomiswell knownfor pottery, which traditionally
wastraded forsago throughout the latmul area; today it is
Trang 5soldfor moneyaswell.Chambri,anon-latmul border village
tothesouth, specializesinfirmly plaitedmosquitobags
man-ufacturedbywomen InallSepik villages,wheremosquitoes
and malaria areendemic, thesebagsareusedbyentire
fami-lies sleeping inthemcommunally. Tambunum isrenowned
for its plaited bags, alsoproduced bywomen, with various
col-oredpatterns.latmulcarvingsareamong themost artistic in
NewGuinea Menbeganproducingtheminlargequantities
when theyfound earlytravelers andartdealersinterested in
them.Anthropologistsarguethat latmul attainedsuperiority
andcontrolovertheirneighbors by beinga'culturalfactory,"
producing sacred artifacts, spells, and knowledge and then
exportingthem.However, noreliableinformationconfirming
thiscanbefound,except foranexchangeofritualitemsthat
must have taken place in both directions as indicated by
Abelam paintings collected by early German explorers in
latmulvillages.Asfaras canbedetermined, irregular trading
expeditions tookplace up southern tributaries andviceversa,
with paint, edibleearth,andbarkusedfor medicinalpurposes
importedfrom theseareas.Shellrings,turtleshellornaments,
andothervaluablesarrived inthe MiddleSepik throughthe
AbelamandSawosregions and alsofromthe upper regions of
theSepikRiver Stone blades as wellaspearlshellscamefrom
thehighlands tothe south
DivisionofLabor Subsistenceactivities,mainlythe
gath-eringoffishandsago, arecarriedoutbywomen Menmake
almost allimplementsusedfor subsistence (canoes, paddles,
and tools forsagoproduction) except fish traps, nets, and
bags Menbuildthehousesand are alsotheritualspecialists
Land Tenure Lagoons and the openriver areconsidered
the property of thevillages.Clansownrightstospecific
fish-ing and gatherfish-ing locales Garden land is also owned by clans
or lineages and isallottedamong the male members of the
clanat the end of eachflood season
Kinship
Kin Groups and Descent. latmul patrilineal clans
(ngaiva) are theorganizationalbasis of the social order Most
clans areorganizedintopairs,withoneconsideredthe elder
brother and the othertheyounger,bothtracing their origin to
a pair ofbrothers whoarethefoundingancestors
Genealo-gies are important evidence oflandownership, the right to
produce and possess ritual paraphernalia and ritual
knowl-edge, and the right to perform specific ceremonies Clan
membershipalso determines aman'splace withinthe men's
house Withinclansthere exists a furtherdifferentiationinto
pairsoflineages, withtheseniorlineagehavingsome
author-ity over the junior one
Kinship Terminology Differentterms areused for
matri-lateral and patrimatri-lateralkin.In eachgeneration siblings of the
same sex areclassifiedtogetherasareparallelcousins, andin
the parent's generation affinal relatives are addressed in terms
used also forconsanguinealkin
Marriage and Family Marriage Three rules ofmarriage are reported: marriage
with iai (father'smother'sbrother's son'sdaughter),marriage
with na (father's sister'sdaughter),and sisterexchange But,
marriages with other categories of women alsotookplace In
marriage ceremonies the asymmetric relationship between
wifegiversand wife takerswereactedout by an unequal
ex-change of goods (shell valuables, classified as male, and
household goods, classifiedasfemale).Postmarital residence
waspatrilocal
Domestic Unit Several closely related nuclear families livetogetherin asingledwelling.Eachfamily has its own
sec-tion andwithin it husbands and wives have their separate compartments Cowives and wives ofbrothersaresupposed
to form acorporateunitfordailysubsistence activities Inheritance Inheritanceoflandand ritualknowledge
fol-lows rules of seniority insofar astheeldest sonusually inherits
knowledge, and thuspower, that hissiblings are denied In rare cases adaughtermaybecome the heir if a man has no son Informer times,the girlwasthen initiatedwiththe men Later, hersonsinherited theknowledgefrom her father Socialization. Growing up in latmul culture is a gradual process of learning and experiencing tasks performed by
adults Children participateactively in the subsistence
econ-omy.Theacquisition of a newskilland the first performance
ofagender-specifictaskarecelebratedfor eachgirl andeach
boy individually Theseceremonies, naven,were carried out
spontaneously by themother'sbrotherand/or his wife. Chil-dren spendmuch oftheirtime inindependent and autono-mousgroups Girls growgraduallyintowomen's roles Boys,
onthe other hand,haveto undergo an initiation which severs
them from thewomen's world and forces them to adopt a
malelife-style.
Sociopolitical Organization
SocialOr0nization. Local organization mirrors the social division into moieties, withnamed clans representedinmany villagesbetweenwhom relationsare traced.Themoieties are classified into"sky" (nyaui) and"earth" (or "mother," hnya-mei) Each moiety is responsible for carrying out the
initia-tion fortheboysof theother; thus,boysgetscarified bymen fromthe othergroup latmul men areclassified alsointo an
age-grade system, with four to sixdifferent degrees, depend-ing onthevillage.Amongthe eastern latmul there exists a secondnonlocalizedmoiety systemthatworksas a comped-tiveexchange system
PoliticalOrganization. The men's houses are not only the religious center of latmul life but the political center as well Therediscussions areheldconcerning all public matters on which a decision has to be made or action taken Discussions are usually led by influential men who occupy the structural positionof being endowedwith ritual knowledge, a prerequi-site forpoliticalleadership Among men there is considerable competition and rivalry forpolitical leadership.Speech mak-ing is an important factor in the decision-making process, and oratorical skill is a necessary condition for leadership Speeches are delivered near the ceremonial"chair,"a totemic representation of a founding ancestor whose judgment is so-licited as awarrant for the truth Another means to political leadership was to have a reputation as a powerful sorcerer or
to be talented as a chanter
Social ControL Traditionally, the men's house was also the center ofjurisdiction in quarrels between members of different clans Withinaclanconflicts were settled by its own
influentialmen Womenhadinformal power in social affairs; for example, awife couldrefuseto provide her husband with
Trang 6I00 latmul
food,and in serious mattersshecould callonherownfamily,
mainly herbrothers At thecommunity level, women were
feared for their supposed polluting capacities, which were
considered responsible at least in part for sorcery and
witchcraft
Conflict Warfare was an important male activity and
head-hunting was part of the initiation rite Most attacks
wereagainstother latmulvillages, particularlyintheeast
Religion and Expressive Culture
Religou Bell The men's house is acondensation of
Iatmulreligion, anditalsorevealsthe connectionsbetween
clans and theirfoundingancestors.Informerdaysthe house
postswerebeautifully carved, depictingparts of clan
mythol-ogyandconstitutingtherebythefoundationnotonlyof the
housebut, symbolically,ofthe wholesociety Thebuildingon
therectangular dancing ground representedthe first grass
is-landfloatingdown theSepikRiver as it isdescribed in amyth
of world creation Atthe same timeitrepresented the first
crocodile, theprimevalancestor whoemergedfromthe
bot-tom ofthe flood.Today,thegroundlevel of the men's house
isused ineverydaylifebyinitiatedmen Itcontainsslitgongs,
fireplaces, and sitting platforms as well as ritual objects of
minorimportance.Theupperfloorisusedmainlyfor rituals,
and thelongflutes and other sacredparaphernaliaarekept
there Iatmulculture is rich in mythsthat constitute the
idea-tional background explaining how everything came into
being Myths inlatmulculture are known by many people but
only a few know the names oftheactors and of the places
Namesrange among thehighlyvalued secrets of clans Myths
canbecome reactivatedthrough rituals,wherebytheprimeval
time becomes the present andthe dancing ground and the
men's house become theoriginalstage
Religious Practitioners The latmul acknowledged men
andwomen whogained personalstatusthrough their
knowl-edgeand useof supernaturalpowers forhealingandas
inter-mediaries with thesupernatural world
Ceremonies The men's house was the focus of different
types of rituals: initiation, celebration ofsuccessful
head-huntingraids, performancesbymasked figures,and
celebra-tionsof death ceremonies for important persons In
initia-tionsboys were scarified, receiving the distinctive marks of a
crocodile, thesymbolof arituallymature man
Arts latmul art is well known for its superb carvings,
which wereusually painted in acurvilinearstyle.Almost all
artobjectswereused in ritual contexts andonly throughsuch
use didthey receive meaning Also famous are theskulls
over-modeled withclayand then painted Apartfrom such
pre-servable artifacts, latmul art consists ofephemeralart, such
asbodypainting anddecorationsmade ofleaves,flowers,and
feathers
Medicine Illness and difficult childbirths were treated
withspellsdesigned toinvokethepowers ofancestors or
su-pernatural forces such as the sun or moon.Healingoften
fo-cused on symbolically casting off the illness
Death and Afterlife Legitimation of the present outof
the pastwas accomplished through the preservation of relics
(bones) of ancestors and through eating scrapings from
them.Death meant crossing the border between the present
and the past The corpsewashandledonly bywomen.If the deceased had been an important man or woman, a represen-tational figure waserectedand his or her merits displayed
Occasionallyafterinterment theskull was exhumed, modeled overwithclay,and then installedduringaspecialceremony
as aninfluential ancestor Ghosts ofrecentlydead relatives arerelevant inshamanic seances as mediators between the living and the dead
See alsoAbelam, Chambri
Bibliography
Bateson, Gregory (1936) Naven Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Rev.ed 1954.Stanford: Stanford Univer-sity Press
Behrmann, Walter (1922) ImStrorngebietdes Sepik Berlin:
A.Scherl
Lutkehaus, Nancy, et al.,eds (1990) Sepik Heritage: Tradi-tion andChange in Papua NewGuinea Durham, N.C.: Caro-lina University Press
Reche, Otto (1913) "Der Kaiserin-Augusta-Fluss." In Ergeb-nisse der Sfidsee Expedition 1908-1910, edited by Georg Thi-lenius.II Ethnographie;A.,Melanesien,voL 1 Hamburg:L
Friederichsen
Roesicke, Adolf (1914) "Mitteilungen Ffiber
Ethnograph-ische Ergebnisse der Kaiserin-Augusta-Fluss-Expedition." ZeitschriftfurEthnologie 46:507-522
BRIGrrTA HAUSER-SCHAUBLIN