Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 2 - Oceania - G ppsx

The male members ofpatrilineages, tracingtheirdescentthroughabout four generations to a shared an-cestor,usually reside togetherinthe samevillage,wheretheyexercise rights tospecificareas

68 Futuna

sembling traditionalbeliefs in an immortal spirit andin an

af-terlife in a place known as "Lagi" (meaning "sky") or

'Pu-lotu,"while"FaleMate" (literally,'house ofsuffering")was a

kind of hell

Seealso Rotuma,Samoa, Tonga, Uvea

Bibliography

Burrows,Edwin C.(1936).TheEthnology ofFutuna.Bernice

B Bishop Museum Bulletinno 138 Honolulu

Kirch,Patrick(1976).-Ethno-ArcheologicalInvestigations."

In'FutunaandUvea(WesternPolynesia):APreliminary

Re-port."Journalof the Polynesian Society 85:27-69

NANCYJ.POLLOCK

Gahuku-Gama

ETHNONYMS: Gahuku, Garfuku, Gorokans

Orientation

Identification The name"Gahuku," like "Gama," is that

ofatribe or district group, but the former hasbeenextended

by linguiststoincludeacongeries ofsuchunitsand the monlanguage they speak

com-Location Gahuku occupy the open grassland and ridgesimmediately tothewestof thetownof Goroka,which islo-catedat6°5' S, 145025' E and servesas theadministrativecenterof the GorokaDistrictof the EasternHighlandsProv-inceofPapuaNewGuinea.Boundedtothe northbythe Bis-marckRange, theGorokaValleyisdrainedby the Asaro andBena Bena riversand liesat anelevation of about 1,200 me-ters,with surrounding mountains reaching over 3,000 meters.Centuries of forestclearancehave leftlittletimber in the re-gion, though the extensive grasslands are now being refor-ested through administration-sponsored schemes A markeddry season sometimesledto periodic food shortages in thepast,but about 190 centimeters of rain fall annually, mostlyfrom November to March

Demography At first European contact in 1930, therewere an estimated 50,000 people living inthe Goroka area,butitisdifficulttosay how many ofthose wereGahuku.Cur-rently, slightly morethan 16,000 Gahukuspeakers are offi-cialyrecognized

inguisticAffiliation Somelinguists considerGahukuto

be a dialect, with Asaro (or Gururumba), of the Asaro language, which is grouped with Benabena, Fore,Gende, Gimi, Kamano, Siane, and Yabiyufa in the East-Central Family of the EastNewGuineaHighlandsStockofNon-Austronesianlanguages ManyGahukuarebilingual inAsaro, Benabena, or Siane, and nowadays most youngeradults and children speakTokPisin, with increasingnumberslearning English in schools

Gahuku-History and Cultural RelationsArchaeological evidencefromthe Kafiavanarockshelter in-dicates the presenceof hunting and gathering populations intheGorokaValley atabout9,000B.C,with the transition tohorticulture occurring probably thousands of years ago.While ancient trade linkages to distant coastalpopulationsaresuggested bycowrieshellsdatedat7,000Bc theGahukudid not experience direct contact with Westernersuntil 1930,

in the form of an Australian gold prospectingparty This wassoon followed by the creation ofan aerodrome at nearbyBena Bena andthe arrivalof Lutheran missionariesin 1932.Gorokawasestablished asanAustralian administrative post

in 1939, and WorldWar 11broughtover1,000American andAustralian servicemen to Bena Bena andGoroka Postwarroads, airstrips, economic development, political changes,and proximity to the town of Goroka have all broughtGahuku fully into themodemworld

Gahuku-Gama 69

SettlementsPrior to intensive Europeaninfluence,Gahukuvillages, with

populations ranging from 70 to 700 people, consisted of

twentytofifty houses, occupied bywomenandchildren,laid

outinastraight linewithone or twomen's housesatthe end

Villageswere enclosed withdoublepalisadesand located on

narrow tops of ridges for defensive purposes Temporary

houses were erected in the surrounding gardens, beyond

whichpigs were put outtograzeinthegrassy,unclaimedarea

separatingvillages.Grovesofcasuarinasandbamboo,aswell

astheirridge locations, dearly identifiedvillages asdistinct

entities,andtheywereindeedcentersof ritual and

ceremo-nial life Sincepacification,villageshave becomemorespread

out,andtraditionalconically shapedgrasshouseshave been

replacedinmany cases withrectangularhouses with walls of

woven cane and bamboo

EconomySubsistence and Commercial Activities Gahuku sub-

sistenceisstill based largelyongarden crops,among which

sweetpotatoes arepredominant, whilebananas, yams, taro,

greens, and legumes are also important Mainly because of

thelack offorest, huntinghas been of littlesignificancein

re-centtimes, butdomesticpigsare amajor source of proteinas

well asbeingofvital importanceinexchange relationships.

Since the 1950s,cashcrops,especiallycoffee,haveprovided

cash income, as have some employment opportunities in

nearby Goroka

Industrial Arts Traditional implements, including

woodendigging sticks and stone adzes, were manufactured

from localmaterialsbut have now largely been replaced with

steel tools Men'sbark'G-strings"and women'sstring aprons

have also yielded to Western clothing Locally made bows

and arrows are stillpossessed and usedbymost men

Trade Untilthe 1930s theGahukulived inafairlyclosed

world, maintaining trade and exchange relationships with

theirnearestneighborssuchas AsaroandBenabena and

ex-tending to the Ramu Valley, circulating salt, shells, pigs,

plumes,and stone axes.Modemtrade stores have now

dimin-ishedtheimportance of theseexchanges

Division of Labor Gahuku tasks were traditionally

as-signed almost exclusively by age and sex, with no

occupa-tional specialization Young girls began earlyto learn their

primaryresponsibilitiesofgardening,cooking,weavingstring

bags, andcaringforchildren Boys spenttheir childhood in

play, but withinitiationbegan to assume their maletasksof

hunting, land clearing, construction, andwarfare

Land Tenure While stands of bamboo and casuarinas

wereindividuallyowned by the men who planted them, land

washeldcollectivelyby patrilineal descent groups,

member-ship in which conferred rights ofuse In thevicinity of

settle-ments suchrightswereclearlydefined,butthey became

shad-owy beyond thoselimits.Withenemygroups often less than

an hour's walk away, land outside of the garden areas was

oftencontested Individualclaims toland, while not based in

custom, have becomeincreasingly important, andthey have

become grounds for disputes with the rise of

entrepreneur-ship, especially regarding coffeeplantations

Kinship

KinGroups and Descent Gahuku reproduction beliefsallocateonlyasecondaryrole towomen,whoareviewedas

merereceptacles foraman's semen, and a closer spiritualtie

isheldtoobtain betweenafatherand hischild thanthat tween achild anditsmother Descent is,accordingly,tracedthrough males The male members ofpatrilineages, tracingtheirdescentthroughabout four generations to a shared an-cestor,usually reside togetherinthe samevillage,wheretheyexercise rights tospecificareas of land and undertake com-munallabor tasks Theiridentity is stressed furtherthroughownershipof pairs ofsacred flutes and throughthepoolingand sharing of resources in bride-wealth transactions Line-agesarealsojoinedintosubdans and clans, which are nameddespite the lackof preciseknowledgeof all genealogical linksthatunitethem.Clansareexogamous,arepredominantlylo-calized with their own plots ofland, and act as corporategroupsin awide range of activities, including warfare.KinshipTerminology Gahukudistinguishbetween olderand younger siblings,reflectingageneral concern withsenior-iry, butsiblingterms areextended widely toall of the samegenerationwithinboththelineage andclan.Theuseof kintermsismodified by real age differences and for males by age-materelationships, whichusually come about through coini-tiationand aremarkedbyclosebonds

be-Marriage and Family

Marriage While a central theme ofGahukuculture is thatthe'femaleprinciple" isantagonistic anddangerous to men,traditionally a man was considered as nothing, and couldneverbecomeafull member of the community, without a wifewhowouldbear himchildren In the context of maleinitia-tionceremonies, agroupof males (at about 15 years of age)would beformally betrothed to girls (of about thesame age)selectedby lineageelders Uponbetrothal,agirlmovedto herfiance's village and into his mother's house A newly be-trothed male was secluded for a period of weeks while adultmengavehim instruction,followingwhich he wasenjoined toavoidhis betrothed completely for up to seven years beforecohabitation could occur During that period he would en-gageininstitutionalized courtship in friendly villages, trying

topersuadeother girls to elope with him Not uncommonly,betrothalswerebroken off when the girl was considered to bematuringtooquicklyorwhenshe ran off with an older male.Whenthe time forcohabitation arrived, the groom shot anarrow intohisbride's thigh, theyshared a meal inpublic,andshe wasceremonially conductedto her newhouseinher hus-band's village Like betrothals, few marriages were perma-nent,ending with the wife'sdesertionor litigation initiated bythehusband or his lineage matessuingfor thereturn ofthebride-wealth (most commonly because of childlessness,whichwas invariably blamed on thewoman) Polygyny,al-though allowed, was practiced by relatively few men Underthe influence of missions, schools, and other agents ofchange,long betrothals, if not arranged marriages, are now athing of the past

DomesticUnit Giventhebelief that women were ous to men, male children were inducted into the men'shouse at about 10 years of age, where they livedwith alliniti-ated males of the village The traditionalhousehold, then,

danger-70 Gahuku-Gama

consisted ofawoman, her unmarried daughters, and young

sons Aman's cowives,between whom relations were almost

invariably hostile, were housed separately While husbands

and wives occasionally worked together in gardens, sexual

segregationwasextensive.Nowadays, however, married

cou-ples increasingly share residences, with the nuclear family

formingthetypical household

Inheritance Land claimsof the deceased revertedtoother

members of thelineageorclan, and movable property

typi-cally was claimed by surviving male relatives

Socialization Children havealwaysbeenatthecenterof

adultattentioninGahukuculture,butmentraditionally had

little to do with male children until they moved into the

men's house.Thus, earlychild rearingwasleftalmost

exclu-sively inthe handsof womenand older siblings.Beginningat

about age 5, males underwenta seriesofinitiation

ceremo-nies,gradually being placed undertheauthorityand

supervi-sionof theadultmale community

Sociopolitical Organization

SocialOrganization. Beyondthevillage,the tribewasthe

largest social grouping, encompassing 300-1,000 people

Comprised of two or more clans, it was named (e.g.,

'Gahuku"or'Gama");itclaimedacommon territory; and its

male members, supposing a common origin ofsome kind,

werejoined infriendship,allowingnowarfare within thetribe

and actingas aunit incarryingoutinitiation ceremoniesand

pigfestivals Sometimes pairsof tribesjoinedinalliancefor

warfare purposes;alltribes stood in permanentfriendor

en-emy relationshipswith otherlike units

PoliticalOrganization. Within the lineage, authority was

linked toseniority andpublicly heldbymales, whowere

re-garded asthe custodians of customary lore andknowledge.

Beyond the boundaries ofkingroups,anindividual might

be-come "a manwithaname,"renowned for his aggressive

ten-denciesandskillinwarfare, balancedwithdiplomacy Such

big-menoftenhadoutstandingoratorical abilities and served

asleaders Because "character"wasbelievedtobeinherited

from one'sfather,a son wasexpectedtosucceedhis fatheras

"a man with a name," but succession was not automatic

With European contact, village officialswere appointed by

the Australian administration, and these officials have now

been replaced with elected members of the provincial

government

SocialControL Showing disrespectforelders,lack of

re-gard foragemates,failurestosupportfellow clan membersor

meetotherobligationsamongkin, breakingrules ofexogamy,

incest,andadulterywithinthe subdanorclanweregrounds

for publicshamingorphysicalaggression,whichwas a

predis-position ofboth sexes Moots, with big-men taking major

roles, aimed at peaceful resolution throughconsensus

Conflict While physical violence and feuding (hina)

could erupt within groupsaslargeasthetribe,thiswascon,

sideredasonlyatemporary solutiontodifferences; eventually

thedisputewas toberesolvedpeacefully through

compensa-tion orceremonial reconciliation.Truewarfare (rova), seen

as a permanentstateofexistencebetween tribes and endemic

until itwasproscribedin 1950bytheAustralian

administra-tion, couldbe consideredadominantorientationofGahuku

culture Battles and raids, triggeredby unresolved disputes

over land or sorcery accusations, were conducted each dryseason,withtheobjectivesofdestroying settlements andgar-dens, killing as many of the enemy group aspossible, andforcingthesurvivors toseekrefugewith allied clans or tribes

Religion and Expressive CultureReligious Belief Traditionally, Gahuku possessed nosystematiccosmology They believed in no gods, and few de-mons orothermalignantspiritsinhabitedtheirworld.Ontheother hand, an impersonal supernatural force was tappedthrough ritual, especiallythrough the deployment of sacredflutes that, when blown, united men with each other andtheir ancestors, endowing them with powers of growth andfertility While Lutheran missionaries have settled in the areasincethe 1930s,their progress in converting theGahukutoChristianity was slowuntil recent years

Religious Practitioners No formal priesthood existed,with major roles inrituals and ceremonies allocated simply toelders who were viewed as repositories of the requisiteknowledge

Ceremonies Annually, during the dry season, male tion ceremonies wereheldover aperiod ofmonths, inductinggroups ofagematesintothenama cult of the men's house.These rites typicallyconcludedwith a pig festival also lastingseveral months, duringwhichgroup obligations (e.g., to al-lies) were discharged through gifts of pigs and pork Lessreg-

initia-ularly,perhaps every three to five years, afertility rite wasducted to stimulate the growth of crops and both pig andhuman populations Nowadays, Christian holidays, such asChristmas, are occasions forpublic festivals

con-Arts Like other New Guinea highlanders, Gahuku finetheir artisticproduction almost totally to body decora-tion and ornamentation for ceremonies, festivals, andcourtship

con-Medicine Bush medicines and purification techniqueswere traditionallyemployed on a self-help basis, but increas-ingly nowadays Western medical facilities areused

Death and Afterlife Alldeaths, whatevertheir apparentproximate causes, were attributed to sorcery, with womenviewed as the principal accomplices, if notactual agents A'breath-soul" animating principle was believed simply to de-part at death, leaving behind only a shade, which usuallyshowed no interest in the living Until theintroduction ofChristianity, no belief in an afterworld existed for theGahuku

See alsoGururumba, Siane, Tairora

Bibliography

Finney, Ben R (1973) Big-Men and Business: ship and Economic Growth in the New Guinea Highlands.Honolulu: University Press ofHawaii

Entrepreneur-Finney, Ben R (1987) Business Development in the lands of Papua New Guinea Pacific Islands DevelopmentProgram Research Report no 6 Honolulu: East-WestCenter

High-Read, Kenneth E (1952) 'NamaCult of the Central lands, NewGuinea." Oceania 23:1-25

High-Gainj 71

Read, Kenneth E (1954). 'Cultures of the Central

High-lands, New Guinea." Southwestern Journal of Anthropology

10:1-43

Read, Kenneth E (1965). The High Valley. New

York-CharlesScribner's Sons Rev ed 1980 NewYork:Columbia

University Press

Read,KennethE (1986).ReturntotheHigh Valley: Coming

Full Circle Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press

TERENCE E HAYS

Gamj

ETHNONYMS:Aiome Pygmies, Gants, Ganz

OrientationIdenificatin Gainjisthenameforapproximately 1,500

people who distinguishthemselvesfrom theirculturally

sim-ilar neighbors on the basis of language and territorial

affiliation

Location TheGainjliveintheTakwiValleyof the

West-emSchrader Range inPapuaNewGuinea's Madang

Prov-ince. On the northernmost fringe ofthe central highlands,

the valley covers approximately 55 square kilometers,

cen-teredat144°40'Eand 5'14' S Thearea receivesalmost500

centimetersofrainannually, with the heaviest rainfalloccur.

ring from DecembertoApril The mean dailytemperature,

22-24° C,varieslittle across seasons.

Demography The 1,500 Gainj live in approximately

twentywidelydispersedlocalgroups,whichvary in sizefrom

about30to200individuals.Localgroups areephemeral, with

ahalf-life of abouttwo generations; a continuous processof

fission and fusionmaintainsthetotal number ofgroups at a

fairlyconstantlevel.Inrecent years, thepopulation growth

ratehasnotbeensignificantly differentfrom zero, exceptfor

abrief period of growthfollowing the firstmajorinfluenza

ep-idemicin 1969.Populationsize appears tobe maintainedby

lowfertilityanddensity-dependent mortality.Lifeexpectancy

atbirthis29.0yearsforfemalesand32.4yearsformales;

in-fant mortality is about 165 per 1,000 live births, with a

slightlyhigherrateforfemales than for males

inguistcAffiliation Gainj is classified with Kalam and

Koboninthe Kalam Family of the EastNew Guinea

High-lands Stock ofPapuan languages. Many Gainj are

multi-lingual, most commonly in Kalam, although men are also

likely to speak Tok Pisin, and some schoolchildren speak

PisinandsomebasicEnglish

History and Cultural Relations

The first Australian colonial contactoccurred in 1953, but

theGainjremainedlargely unaffected bythe colonial

govern-mentuntiltheestablishment of Simbai Patrol Post, 30 ometers tothe west, in 1959 The area was declared pacified

kil-in 1963, andmale laborrecruitmentfor coastalplantationsbegan immediately and continues today The Anglicanchurch established a mission in 1969 and a school in 1974,now administered by the provincial government A majorevent inGainj history was theintroduction ofcoffee as a cashcrop in 1973, which hasled in recent years to the develop-mentof a road andanairstrip in the area Both pacificationand thesenewroutes out ofthevalleyhave led to more exten-siverelations withneighboring groups and the migration ofsome Gainjinto thelowlandareas near Aiome

Settlements

Settlementiswidelydispersed;there are novillagesorated settlements House sites are distributed through thevalley within bounded, nonoverlapping, named territories(kunyung)whichoperate as ritual and political entities Thistermdescribes both theterritoryand thepeoplewhoaresaid

nucle-tobelongto it House sitesareusually selectedonthe basisofavailablelevelground,watersupply, andproximitytocurrentgardens Each house isideally occupied by a nuclear familyand is primarily a place for sleeping and storing personal pos-sessions Houses are ovoid in shape and made of woodenframes covered with sheets ofbark, roofs are thatched withsago palmleaves

EconomySubsstence and Commercial Activities The Gainj areclassic slash-and-bum horticulturalists They clear land insecondaryforest,cultivateplotsforone to twoyears,andthenpermitthemtoliefallowfor eight to twelveyears, to amaxi-mumof aboutthirtyyears Sweetpotatoes are the staple crop;taro andyams alsomake upa lesser butsignificantpart ofthediet Bananas, sugarcane, breadfruit, pandanus,pitpit,and alarge number of domestic and wild greens supplement thebasic root-crop diet Introduced cultigens, such as corn,pumpkins, cassava, papayas, cucumbers, and pineapples, aregrown in smallamounts Pigsandchickens are kept in smallnumbers but are rarely eaten, since they arevalued as ele-ments inbride-wealthand exchange Men do some hunting,butthiscontributes little to household maintenance Snakes,lizards, eels, insects, andratsareeatenbuttheir totalnutritivevalue isslight In 1978, the Gainj marketed their first majorcoffee crop and are now the major coffee producers forMadang Province Cash cropping has fosteredlocalbusinesscooperatives which buy and sell coffee beans and operatelocal stores in whichcoffeeprofitsareused tobuymanufac-tured items andimportedfoodssuch as rice, canned beef, andfish

Industriad Arts The most important locally produceditems areall-purpose stringcarryingbags and skirts Mats andsome traditional weapons, spears and bows and arrows, arestill manufactured

Trade The largerregion within whichtheGainj live wasimportant in precontact times as a funnel for marine shells(especially cowrieandbailershells) beingtradedup into thecentralhighlands,and theGainjparticipatedinthat trade tosomedegree In addition, the Gainj area was an importantsourceofbird ofparadise plumesfor thecentralhighlands

72 Gainj

Morerecently, the Gainj havetakenadvantageoftheirfringe

highlandlocationby tradinglowlandcassowariesup tothe

central highlands, where they are used in bride-wealth

payments

Division of Labor There is a sharp sexual division of

labor Womenbear the major burden ofeveryday physical

work.Womenbear, nurse, andcareforchildren;bum, plant,

tend, and harvestgardens; providewood andwater,prepare

and cook food; tend pigs; manufacture string andweave it

into bags and skirts; collect wild foods and raw materials;

maintainhouse sites;andcarefor the sick anddying.Women

also maintain,harvest,process,and carry coffee Men's labor

ismoresporadicand dramatic Nolongerwarriors,theyclear

and fencegardens, build houses,hunt,plantandsell coffee,

andcontrol ritual and politics

Land Tenure Gainj sayuYandena oftu" (Imakegardens)

in aparticular kunyung This applies to kunyung inwhich

theyhave gardened,arecurrentlygardening, and may garden

inthe future Like the Kalam and Kopon, theyareunusual in

having nocorporate groupscontrollingaccess toland or

exer-cisingrightsoverlandas agroupestate.Gainjgardenintheir

own kunyung, in their birthplaces, and in the kunyung or

birthplace of anygrandparent,parent, sibling,crosscousin,

spouse,orchild.Access tolandisalsoprovided through

cor-responding spousalrelationships.Menandwomenenjoy

ac-cess toland and maygardeninvirtuallyall of the named

terr-tories While thereisnoconcept ofindividualownershipof

land,for as longas anindividualuseslanditbelongstohim

orher,inthesense that heorshe has exclusiverightstoits

produce Treescanbeindividuallyowned andcanbepassed

on at their owner's death Once a garden has been

aban-doned,itsowner retains noresidualrightsto itand the landis

restoredtothe commonfund There isalways abalance of

land being withdrawn from and returned to the common

fund The semipermanentnatureofcoffeetreeswill

undoubt-edly affect further land use andavailability.

Kinship

KinGroupsandDescent Kinshipisreckonedbilaterally

There are nodescent groups The important kinship groups

arethe nuclearfamily, the kindred, andthekunyung

KinshipTerminology Onthe firstascendinggeneration,

terminologyisbifurcate merging.Terminologyforone's own

generationis more difficult to classify Parallel cousins and

opposite-sex cross cousins are called by the same terms as

opposite-sex siblings; however, same-sex cross cousins are

called bydifferenttermsthansame-sex siblings The

termi-nology can be called modifiedHawaiian,consistentwith the

generationalterminologyinthe firstdescendingand second

ascending generations, ormodifiedIroquois,consistentwith

the bifurcate-merging terminology of the first ascending

generation

Marriage and FamilyMarriage Virtually all Gainj marry The exogamousunit

is the bilateral kindred, with membershipdelimited by the

first degreeofcollaterality. Sisterexchange ispermittedbut

notpreferred;itobviatesbride-wealthifexchangeis

simulta-neous.Allother marriages require payment fromthegroom's

kintothe bride's, although Gainj bride-wealthsaresmall by

highland standards There is a preference for kunyungexogamy, but there are no negative sanctionsfor kunyung-endogamous marriages Once a child has beenbornthere isvirtuallynodivorce.Menusuallyremarryafter the death of awife, whilewidow remarriage is correlated with the number ofchildrenawomanhasbome Postmarital residence is ideallypatrivirilocal,but thereisconsiderablevariation inactualliv-ing arrangements Polygyny is highly valued, but most mar-riages aremonogamous

Domestic Unit The basicdomestic unit is thehouseholdcomposed,ideally, of a nuclear family,although many house-holds doinfact includenonnuclearmembers.The household

is the basic unit ofconsumption and production

Inheritance Sinceland is not owned, theonly heritableitems are personal property, which is generally distributedalong same-sexnetworks, although there are no rules as todisposition

Socialization Youngchildren of both sexes are primarilysocialized by mothers, although other concerned adults areoften part ofthe process Boys areinitiated between ages 10and 15; at that time they move into bachelors' houses, awayfromtheir mothers'influence.While it is notunknown for achildtobe punishedphysically, itisunusuaL Children areoften permittedtolearn the outcome ofdangerous situations(e.g., playing near a fire) by painful experience

Sociopolitical OrganizationSocialOrganization Traditionally, the kunyung acted as

agroup in ritual and warfare,although ties of cognaticship could excuseamanfromfighting Membership is not au-tomatic, and descent is never invoked as a principle of recruit-ment Group composition is phrased in terms of a shared,continuing, and primary nourishment from gardens withinthe territory All those individuals who have received theirprincipalnourishment from the gardens of the same territoryshare membership and kinship While membership is fluid,changing membership requires considerable time, and peo-ple, particularly in-marrying women, may consider themselvesmembers of two kunyung during the time their membership is

kin-inthe process ofchange

Political Organization. There are no hereditary politicalpositions among the Gainj.Traditionally, local big-men wereassociatedwith each territory; the basis of their temporary as-cendancywas their skill asfight leaders The extensivecom-petitive exchange systems that characterize many groups inthe central highlands did not operate among the Gainj.Kunyung were the most important political units and theirmajorfunctionwaswarfare However, even in warfare, indi-viduals were permitted choice on the basis of conflictingcognatic kinship ties Today, politicalunity is expressed in rit-ual dances and in business cooperatives, whose leaders arespoken of as big-men waging business wars As is the case inmuchof highland New Guinea, a system of male dominancepermits men to exploit the productive and reproductive abili-ties ofwomen to their own political and economic advantage.SocialControl Although the Gainj are citizensofPapuaNewGuinea and subject to its laws, the legal system operates

as socialcontrol only in the most serious and public cases On

a morequotidianlevel,talk, including gossip and public cussionof improper behavior, are more important By far the

dis-Garia 73

major form of social control is fear of sorcery and of sorcery

accusations

Conflict Traditionally, warfare occurred between Gainj

kunyungand betweenGainjand Kalam.Inthelatter,

partici-pants were those kunyung directly involved and any allies

theycould muster, withnoexpectation that allGainjwould

be involved Warfare was small-scale, composed of forays

rather thanbattles,andwasusuallyprecipitated by disputes

between individualsorthe needtoavenge deaths.Gainjnote

thatsincepacification,sorcery and sorceryaccusationshave

increased,and 'fightinghas gone secret."

Religion and Expressive Culture

Reliou Belief Malevolent spirits, associated with

mythical cannibals and sorcerers,arebelievedtoinhabitthe

permanently cloud-coveredprimary forest ofhigheraltitudes

Eachkunyungissaid to have suchaplaceassociated with it

that issafefor members butdangerousfornonmembers

An-cestralghostsarebelievedtobeatbestneutral;atworstthey

are malevolentandcauseillness and deathamongtheliving.

Thereis apervasive fear ofhumansorcerers SomeGainjhave

becomemembersof theAnglicanchurch,but formost

peo-pie membershipappearstobe nominal

Religios Practitioners. Gainjrecognizetraditional

heal-ersand sorcerers

Ceremonies The major ceremony is a dance (nyink),

which one kunyung sponsors while others attend asguests

Traditionally, nyinks endedamaleinitiation,but withfewer

youth beinginitiated, dances maynowbe held tocelebrate

theopening of a trade store orthe formationofabusiness

cooperative Men, decorated and wearing elaborate

head-dresses,sing,dance,anddrum from dusktodawn,beforean

audience ofmen, women, andchildrenfromthe entirevalley

Nyinks are still often the occasion for paying outstanding

debts and beginning marriage payments

Arts Asinmuch of thehighlands,theprincipalartform

is body decoration and the construction of elaborate

headdresses

Medicine Therearevery fewsurvivingtraditionalmedical

practitioners,mostlyvery old men.Likeanumberofhighland

peoples, theGainjvalueWestern medicineand would like to

have greater access to it.Thereisacorrespondingdenigration

oftraditionalmedicine, andyounger Gainj are notlearning

traditional methods Moreover, local representatives of the

provincial government and missionaries have discouraged

traditional medicine, going so far as to imprison admitted

practitioners The traditional pharmacopoeia reliedheavily

onplants, especially gingerandstingingnettles.Alocal plant

isalso saidtohave been effectiveasboth acontraceptiveand

an abortifacient Occasionally, people still sacrifice pigs to

ancestors in anattempt to cure illness

Death andAfterife. AU deaths arebelieved to be caused

by sorcery or by malevolent spirits Ancestral ghosts are

thought toinhabitthe areas in which they died and may visit

evil upon theliving They can be rituallyappeased;sorcerers

cannot

Bibliography Johnson, Patricia L (1981) "When Dying Is Better ThanLiving: Female Suicide among the Gainj of Papua NewGuinea." Ethnology20:325-334

Johnson,PatriciaL (1982) 'Gainj Kinship andSocialnization." Ph.D dissertation, University of Michigan, AnnArbor

Orga-Johnson, Patricia L (1988) 'Women and Development: AHighland New Guinea Example." Human Ecology 16:105-122

Long, J C., J. M Naidu, H W Mohrenweiser, H.Gershowitz, P L Johnson, J W Wood, and P E Smouse(1986) 'Genetic Characterization of Gainj- and Kalam-SpeakingPeoples of Papua New Guinea."AmericanJournal

ofPhysicalAnthropology 70:75-96

Wood, James W., Patricia L Johnson, and Kenneth L.Campbell (1985) 'Demographic and EndocrinologicalAs-pects of Low Natural Fertility in Highland New Guinea."

Journal of BiosocialScience 17:57-79

Wood, James W., Daina Lai,Patricia L.Johnson,Kenneth L.Campbell, and IlaA Maslar (1985) 'Lactationand BirthSpacing in Highland New Guinea."Journal ofBiosocialSci-ence, Supplement9:159-173

PATRICIA L JOHNSON AND JAMES W WOOD

Prov-Location Gariaterritory includes 80-110 square ters of land between the coastal plain of Madang and theRamu RiverValley, with central coordinates of 145°2' E,5'28' S The region consists of rugged, low mountain ranges,with thehighestpeaksreachingabout 920 meters.Themostimportantof these isMountSomau,themythologicaloriginplace of theGaria.Three principal rivers arise in these moun-tains andprovide theroutes ofamajorregionaltransporta-tion andcommunicationsystem Most of the land iscoveredwithdense jungle, broken up byoccasional patches of savan-nah and secondary vegetation The dry season (February-October) is one of highhumidity and intense social andreli-gious activity During the rest of the year there is regularafternoonrain and people spend much of theirtime makingandrepairing implements and tools

kilome-74 Gana

Demography In 1950thepopulationconsisted of about

2,500 people; by 1975 the resident population included

slightly overthisnumber,butanother 700orsoGariawere

away foremploymentelsewhereinPapuaNewGuinea

LinguisticAffiliation Sumauisclassifiedwithits nearest

neighbor, Usino, in the Peka Family of Non-Austronesian

languages There is a highdegree ofmultilingualism inthe

population, andsince 1949mostGaria have been fluentin

Tok Pisin and many alsoinEnglish

History and Cultural Relations

According to Garia oral traditions, they originatedto the

westof theircurrentlocationasthe first humanbeings,given

birth tobyaboulder assisted byasnakegoddess.Following

thepoliticalannexationofnortheastern NewGuineaby

Ger-many in1884,exploratoryexpeditionsskirtedGariaterritory

but had littledirectcontactwith thepeople.Thesefirst

for-eignerswereassociated bythe Garia with Nikolai

Miklouho-Maclay, anearlier Russianexplorer ofthecoast tothe east,

and theywereconsidered deitiescalled magarai (masalaiin

TokPisin) afterMaclay.Themostdirect Gariacontactwith

Europeansbegan withlabor recruitersduringWorld War 1

Betweenthewarssuch recruiting intensified andathree-year

term in European employment became routine for young

Garia men In1922,Lutherans establishedamission station

and schoolsinthe area, andby1936theGariawere

consid-eredfully'controlled"bythe Australianadministration,with

government-appointed headmen, courts, head tax,

consoli-dadon of thepopulationintovillages, and abolition of tribal

warfare Althoughthe Japanese occupiedtheMadang coast

during World War 11 they had little direct impact on the

Garia However, during this period the missionaries were

evacuated and several cargo cults sweptthroughthe region,

oneof whichoriginatedlocally.Atthe closeof thewar

plan-tationsresumed operation and themissionaries returnedto

find much of thetraditional religion reestablished amid the

cargo-cultactivity The 1950ssawadministrative attemptsat

economicdevelopmentof the region,includingthe

introduc-tion ofcoffeeasacash crop, andin1964 the Garia votedin

the election forthefirstHouse ofAssembly.Gariaare now

incorporated inthe UsinoLocal Government Council and

Lutheran and Seventh-Day Adventist missions are well

established

Settlements

Traditionallythe Garia livedinsmall,scatteredhamlets, each

having fewer than fifty residents Therewerethree kinds of

houses:men'sdwellings; those forwomenandchildren;and

clubhouseswhereadolescent malesslept Allhad earth floors

and eitherleaf thatch on a beehive frameworkorslit-logwalls

with apalmorgrassroof.Inthe1920sAustralian

administra-torsintroduced and enforced the coastalstyleofstilt houses,

with barkwalls, raisedfloors ofblack palm, and apalmor

grassthatch roof During theperiodof the 1920s-1950s

peo-ple wererequiredtoconcentratetheirresidenceinfourteen

largevillagesof upto300peopleeach.Eachvillageconsisted

of wardsorsectionsnamedafter thesmallareasof associated

bush Sincethe 1950s the Garia have largely gone back to

their preference forintermittently shifting hamlets In any

case thepopulationof ahamletorvillageisunstable,

consist-ingsimply of those people whohave, for the time being, mon economicinterests inthesame areaorwho want to asso-ciatewithaparticular leader

com-EconomySubsitence and Commercial Activities The Garia prac-tice shiftingcultivation; fencing assists insoil retention onthe steep slopesofgardens Each stage of gardenwork em-ploys both secularand religioustechniques, with garden lead-ers' magic necessarily preceding any other activity Tradi.tional staplecropsinclude taro, yams, native spinach, pitpit,bananas, and sugarcane; in recentdecades these have beensupplemented with Xanthosoma taro,corn,coconuts,and Eu-ropeanvegetables,all introducedbyEuropeans.The wet sea-son isatimeoffood shortage, but the dry season is a time ofplenty Limitedwild gameinthe region restricts hunting to acasual and individual pursuit Fishing, using arrows andspears, isdonemainlyinthewetseason.Chickens anddogsarekept, butdomesticpigsarefew and saved for ceremonialoccasions and as items of bride-wealth and exchange atfeasts

Industrial Arts Everydayitems manufacturedlocally clude net bags, conical clay pots, wooden plates, roundwooden bowls, digging sticks, axes and adzes, bows, arrows,spears, cassowary-bone daggers, betel lime gourds, bamboosmoking tubes, and handdrums.Traditional stone tools havenowbeen replaced by steel, and other Western implementsare alsopopular

in-Trade Garia have long been linked with the Madangcoast tothe east and Usino and the Ramu Valley to the westthrough trade networks Pots are the main item of export,being traded to the east for shell valuables and to the west forsorcerymedicines, tobacco, wooden plates and bowls, stoneaxesandknives, andbows and arrows Individual men makespecial trips forthe purpose of trade or engage in barter in thecourseof pigexchanges Nowadays there are trade stores inthe area selling Western goods, but the networks of tradepartnerships remain active

Division of Labor A sexual division of labor governseveryday activities, with males taking the responsibility forheavier garden work and construction Net bags are made andusedexclusively by women.Inthe work of producing pottery,the main tradeitem, women are charged with collecting theclaywhile menare the actual potters

LandTenur. AU useful land is said to be owned and eachdemarcated area bears the name of the cognatic stock andhuman proprietors associated withit AU members of a cog-natic stock have permanent rights of personal usufruct andthe responsibility ofcollective guardianship overlandhold-ings bearing itsname In the north, the holdings of a cognaticstock may bescattered within a general locality and rights arevested inindividuals, while in the south land plots tend to beconcentrated inhuge tracts, rights to which are allocated to agroupof agnates within the cognatic stock Temporaryusu-fructuary rights are usually granted to most members of aman's 'securitycircle" (see the later section on social organi-zation).Rightsto land are inherited by male agnates, but theycan also be purchasedby male enates, especially sisters' sons

Garia 75

KinshipKin Groups and Descent Kinshipistracedcognatically,

but patrikin and matrikin are distinguished in everyday

conversationandthereis amarked biastowardpatriliny.

Pa-trilineages arethe coresofcognaticstocks, maintaining

ex-clusive corporaterightsofguardianshipof the landbelonging

to the cognatic stocks The kindred is not a defined local

groupand all politicalallegiancesareexpressed in termsof

interpersonal ties rather thangroup membership In general,

the kinship system may be said to be highly flexible and

individualistic

Kinship Terminology The system is basically of the

Iroquois type, butfather'ssisterand mother'sbrother'swife

areequatedwith mother, andbothfather's sister's husband

and mother's sister's husband have a specialterm and are

treated almost as affines

Manrrage and Family

Marriage 'Close kin," that is, cognates linked by

mar-riages up to the secondascendinggeneration, areforbidden

tomarry;moredistant kinlivingwithin one'sownpolitical

re-gion are thepreferred marriage partners.Usuallyaman, when

he is inhisearly twenties, selectsawife (inher late teens)

frompotentially hostilepeople,and hissubsequentbehavior

toward his affines ismarkedbyextremerespect Allmen

as-pire to polygyny, but marriageentailsamajorand prolonged

economicburden foraman, withbride-pricepayments that

must betenderedtohis immediateandcloseaffines formany

years During the first yearofmarriage thewife lives apart

from herhusbandinhis mother'shouse,after which time the

couple may cohabit The rules for second marriages,

espe-cially those involving widows, are more complex Ideally,

thereshouldbe no closeconsanguineal oraffinal links

be-tweenthe parties, andbride-price mustbepaid by thenew

husband unless thecoupleelopes

Domestic Unit The basic domesticunit is anelementary

orcompound family, although families are nottightly knit

and residential segregation of the sexes is maintained

Women arethoughtto beinherently dangeroustomen; thus

it is believed that menshould not spend much time with

women, and from adolescence until marriageamaleis

abso-lutelyforbidden to associate with any female ofchild-bearing

age Ahusband and wifemay worktogetherat agardensite

(with adolescent childrenusually plantingonseparatesites),

but they will rest in separate groupsformedonthe basisof

sex Garden teams aresocially irregular, formedaroundthose

men who wish to associatewithcertainmiddle-agedleaders,

who supervise allgardening land

Inheritance Land rights are inherited by male agnates,

ideally by sons but, when they are lacking, by true brothers

and brothers' sons Daughters rarely inherit land because

they are considered to be theresponsibilityoftheir husbands

Socialization Parents and older relatives are the main

so-cializing agents, frequentlyindulgingand rarelydisciplining

children When a child is able to walk andtalk it is taught the

basics ofkinshipterminology and associated duties It learns

that cooperation and support are earnedby correct behavior

and that one cannot survive as a socioeconomic isolate

Young childrensleepwith theirmothers, whichgirlswill

con-tinue to do untiltheymarry Young boys form play groups,while girls spend most oftheirtime with their mothers.Atabouttheageof10,aboy beginsasequence ofinitiation cere-moniesandmoves into aclubhouse (sometimes leaving hisparents' settlement), where heis segregatedfromallnubilewomenuntil he marries Adolescent girls gothrough a first.menstruationceremony buttheyremainlivingintheirmoth-ers'houses

Sociopolitical OrganizationSocialOrganization. The most important component ofsocial organization is what anthropologist Peter Lawrencecalls the "security circle," a (male) Ego-centered networkbased onkinship, descent, affinity,and specialinterpersonalrelationships such as those arisingfrom commoneconomicinterests, coresidence, trade partnerships, and coinitiation.Close kin constitute the core of the security circle, withinwhich one may not marry;normay one eatanimalsraised byothermembers of one's security-cirdeorengage inanyvio-lent behavior While security-circle members are invariablydispersedacrossthelandscape, theyareobligatedtocooper-ate with andprovidesupport to one another

Political Organization. While government-appointedheadmen,and nowelected officials,represent Gariainformalprovincial and nationalassemblies,atthelocal levelallsocialaction, includingpig exchanges,initiation ceremonies, gar-deningactivities,andthe establishmentofsettlements,isset

inmotionby thedecisions ofbig-men.A manbecomes such

a leader by attaining a reputation based on his confidence, oratoricalpowers, andabilitytoassemblewealthforexchanges and to coordinate and supervise group activi-ties It is alsoessential that he demonstrate effectiveness inthesuperhumanrealm, for he is depended upon to performrituals as well as to be the catalyst for other events A big-man'spower rests onpopularapproval and he hasno judicialauthority.

self-SocialControl Asa child learns at an early age, the drawal of cooperation and support are powerful Garia sanc-tions, and they arecombined with shame and local criticism

with-as ways to redress secular offenses Garia emphasize regulationand whendisputesdoarise-overtheft, invasions

self-of gardensby pigs, homicide, adultery, orsorcery-theyareexpected to be settledin moots with the aid ofneutralkinwhose aim is compromise, which might involvecompensa-tion,retaliation, or, nowadays, a football match between thesecurity circles of the respective parties Most disputesarethus resolved orgradually fade intooblivion TheGariasaythat in the past women were put to death for witnessingmen'sinitiationsecrets, but in general, and certainlyinrecentdecades, breaches of taboos usually just result inmoral con-demnation and stigma Punishment is left up to ghosts andthegods, who might visit theguiltypartywith crop destruc-tion, badluck, illness, or death

Conflict Garia never united in war against their bors, but on rare occasions intragroup warfareerupted over

neigh-anunresolved sorcery feud

Religion and Expressive Culture

ReligiousBeliefs TraditionalGariareligion wasregarded

asthecornerstone of the universe, an essential background to

76 Garia

all social and technological activities A pantheon ofgods

and goddesses was posited These deities were believed to

have shaped the physicalenvironment, created human

be-ings,and invented social andmaterialculture.Accordingto

myths,afterteachingpeoplehowtomakethingsand engage

insocialaffairs,the deities disclosed theirsecretnames and

the esoteric spells required to invoke their aid in making

things happen Thesecreatordeitieswerebelievedtolive on,

incorporealform, in sanctuariesinthe bush Otherentities

in the traditional cosmology included hostile demons and

personal doubles, who inhabited the bush but associated

freelywithpeopleandcouldbeeitherfriendlyorhostile

Fi-nally,ghostsorspiritsofthe deadwerethe ultimate

custodi-ansofpatrilineageestates, whoseroleprimarilywas toprotect

theirlivingkin TheGariaperceivedtherelationship between

human andsuperhumanbeingsas oneofreciprocal moral

ob-ligations,andtheysawreligionasthe primary operative force

in life Followingearly, partially successful attemptsby

Lu-theranevangeliststoconverttheGaria toChristianity,much

of this traditional religionwasrevivedduring WorldWar11,

when cargocults sweptthrough thearea Inthesecults,God

(liketraditionaldeities) wasviewedasthe ultimate source of

materialwealth (Western goods), and, ifproperly invoked

through ritual, He would send these goods from Paradise

using spiritsof the deadas emissaries.While thecultsassuch

lostfavor and haddisappearedby 1949,todayGariareligion

manifests the samekind of syncreticblend of old andnew

elements

Religious Practitioners Ultimately, Garia religion was

andis individualistic, witheach personrequiredto win the

moralcommitmentand support of thegodsthrough

perform-ance ofritual,includinginvocations and foodofferings For

jointundertakings,human andsuperhumanbeingswere

mo-bilized through the conduct of ritual by big-men, whose

knowledge ofmyths andspellsisregarded asessential

Ceremonies During the dryseason the most important

ceremonies are held in the form of pig exchanges These

might be initiatedby onlya fewpeoplewhousethemto

ex-tendorbuttresstheirsecuritycircles Guestsareinvited from

distant settlements and after an all-night dance to honor

their hoststheyreceivepigsandfoodthenextmorning.The

pigexchange is themostimportantoccasionfor paying ritual

honor to thedead,whoarealso importantalliesinhuman

af-fairs A series ofthree separate initiationceremoniesmarksa

male'spassage frompubertytomarriage,duringwhichheis

taughtthe names andspells requiredto extend his security

circle to include the deities and spirits of the dead Also,

those who are initiated together form special relationships

based onthis common experience and become members of

each others'human securitycircles,howevertheymay be

oth-erwise related

Arts Ceremonyprovidesthemain contextforGaria

artis-tic expression, which focuses on:body ornamentationwith

floral decorations, shell and bone ornaments, and ornate

bird-plumeheaddresses;music,employinghand drums,

bam-boostampingtubes, and bamboo flutes; anddancing

Medicine The spirits of the deadaremajor alliesin

ward-ingoff disease and promotinggood health,but grave illnesses

may also beinterpretedasretributionbyghostsorthegods

for breaches of taboos Otherwise illness isgenerally

attrib-uted to sorcery andtreated bydivinationandextraction, skillslearned bymales duringtheir initiation sequence

DeathandAfterlife Three lands of the dead are lated by Garia; while regionally based, they are believed to besupervised by Obomwe, the snake goddess who gave birth tomankind.The life of thedead is thought to replicate the life

postu-of the living, with ghosts living in settlements with their kinandvisitingliving relativesindreams If death has resultedfromphysicalviolence,the spirit of thedeceasedisbelieved

tohauntthe land of the living in search ofrevenge ally,the deadwereexposed on treeplatforms and the sons ofthe deceased would collect and preserve their bones as relics.Sincethe 1920s,under administrative and mission influence,Gariahaveburiedtheir dead in village cemeteries or in thebush near the land a person was working when he or she died

Tradition-Atfunerals,all of thesecuritycircle of the deceased assembleand comfort the bereavedasthey express respect for the deadandhelpthe soulon itsroadtothe land of the dead Gariabelieve that after two or three generations spent in the land ofthe dead, spirits are transformed into flying foxes (fruit bats)

1979 New York: Humanities Press

Lawrence, Peter (1971) 'Cargo Cult and Religious Beliefamong theGaria." In Melanesia: Readings on a Culture Area,editedby L L Langness and John C Weschler, 295-314.Scranton, Pa.: Chandler

Lawrence,Peter(1971) "The Garia of the MadangDistrict."

InPolitics inNew Guinea, editedby Ronald M Berndt andPeter Lawrence, 74-93 Seattle: University ofWashingtonPress

Lawrence,Peter (1984) The Garia: An Ethnography ofa ditional Cosmic System in Papua New Guinea ManchesterManchesterUniversity Press

Tra-TERENCE E HAYS

Gebusi

ETHNONYMS: Bibo, Nomad River peoples

OrientationIdentification Gebusi identify themselves as a distinctiveGebusi-speakingcultural group within the Nomad River area

of the EastStrickland River Plain, Western Province, PapuaNew Guinea Gebusi perceive selective similarities between

Gebusi 77

themselves andother NomadRivergroups suchasthe

Hon-ibo,the Samo, andtoalesserextentthe Bedaminitotheeast.

Location Gebusi live near the northern edge of New

Guinea's largesouth central lowland rain forestat

approxi-mately6°17-22' Sand 142°118-125' E.Theyarebordered

onthe northbythe Hamam River,onthenorthwestbythe

Nomad River and the Nomad government station, andon

the southbythe RentoulRiver.The dominant landformis

re-lict alluvialplain,witherosionformingaccordantridgesand

valleyswithrelief up to 75 metersdespiteaflatrain-forest

ap-pearancefrom theairanda maximumelevationof200

me-tersabovesealevel Soils areclayeywithno stoneexceptin

largerriverbeds Primary rain-forest canopyisubiquitous

ex-ceptoverlargerriversand smallsettlementandgarden

clear-ings Monthly median high temperature ranges between

32.50Cand 38° C, withanoverallhighof420C.Rainfall

av-erages 416.5 centimeters ayear, with avariable dry season

from Juneto early November Humidity is veryhigh

Demography Gebusi numbered approximately 450 in

1980-1982, with a population density of 2.6 persons per

squarekilometer Gebusi have suffereddepopulation, partly

fromintroducedepidemic influenzaaswellasfrom

tubercu-losisand otherpulmonaryand gastrointestinaldiseases,

re-sultinginanestimated 24 percent naturalpopulationdecline

from November 1967 to January 1982 This decline was

counterbalanced by population immigration, mostly from

Bedaminitothe east, leadingtoa netterritorialpopulation

increase of1.3 persons per yearoverthisperiod

linguisticAffiliation The linguistS A Wurmclassifies

Gebusiaspartof the EastStricklandLanguageFamilywithin

the South-Central New Guinea Stock of the Trans-New

GuineaPhylum.Gebusiarepartofachainofrelated dialects

extending from the Strickland Rivereast to Mount Bosavi

and Mount Sisa.Apartialbreakinthis chainexistsbetween

Gebusiand theBedaminitotheir east,whoshareonly32

per-cent oftheircognates.Bedamini expansion mayhave

eradi-cated linguisticgroups thatwereonceintermediate

History and Cultural Relations

Gebusi are one of somedozen culturalandlinguisticgroups

inhabiting the Strickland-Bosavi area Each ethnic group

claims distinctcustomsandanamedlanguage.Features

com-mon totheentire areainclude: traditionalresidencein a

com-munallonghouse,withmenandwomensleepingseparately;

socialorganizationbased onsmalldispersedpatricians,adult

malescoresiding throughacombination of agnatic, affinal,

andmatrilateralties;spiritmediumshipinall-nightspirit

se-ancesfocusingonsickness and curing, sorceryorwitchcraft,

collective subsistence, andconflict; a single-stageinitiation

orcelebratory transition into adultmanhood; and all-night

dance and songfest rituals betweenlonghouses, duringwhich

a beautifully costumed danceris accompanied by plaintive

songs Raiding betweenadjacent ethnic groupswas common

Gebusi werethe target of raidsparticularlybythemuchlarger

Bedaminipopulationtotheir north and east, which has

in-trudedstronglyintoborderareas.Bedaminiwerepacifiedby

government patrolsinthe late1960sandearly 1970s Gebusi

were firsteffectively contactedin 1962 and have had little

subsequent contact with outsiders except foryearly

govern-mentpatrols,arecentlyestablishedmissionstation(begunin

the mid-1980s), andhighly sporadic work with Western logical survey crews northeast of Nomad In 1980-1982,spirit seances, sorcery inquests,male initiation, and ritual ho-mosexuality werestill practiced

geo-SettlementsFrom the air, Gebusisettlements appear as isolated foot-prints ofclearingamidsprawlingrainforest In 1980-1982there wereseventeenprincipalresidence sites with an aver-agepopulation of 26.5 persons and arange of6to 54 per-sons Although widely spaced, smallersettlements tend toorientsocially aroundlarger ones, atwhich initiations andlarger feasts and dances are held Largersettlements have acommunal longhouse 20 meters or more in length, roofedwith sago palm leaves The common cooking/socializingarea ofthe longhouse is on ground level, with elevated rearportions sex-segregated into collective male and femalesleeping and socializing areas Longhouses are supple-mentedbynumeroussmallgarden houses and shelters occu-piedtemporarily during extended gardening and foraging ac-tivities.Gebusilife-styleisextremelymobile On an averagenight 45 percent of the village's permanent residents haveleft thevillage for a garden house, a foraging shelter, or an-otherlonghouse settlement

EconomySubsistence andCommercial Activities Gebusi subsist-encecombinesrudimentary gardening, sago-palm processing,foraging, andfishing Hunting is sporadically practiced andhusbandryof semidomesticated pigs is rudimentary Bananasarethe primarystarch staple, constituting perhaps 65-70 per-centof thestarchdiet Sago supplies roughly 25-30 percentandrootcropsabout5-10 percentof starch intake Most gar-dens areunfenced, quickly cleared, andfilled primarily withbanana plots Gebusi get their protein mostly from casual for-aging activitiesthat yieldgrubs, bird eggs, nuts, andriverinefauna Despite this, many children appear malnourished,withlarge, symmetrically distended abdomens and underde-veloped musculature

Industrial Arts Gebusi industrial arts include the making

by men of bows and arrows, drums, tobacco pipes, spathebowls, ritualdecorations,and-since the introduction

palm-ofsteel axesand adzes-canoes; women weave fine netbags,sagopouches,ritual chestbands, and string skirts, and theyalso make bark tapa In 1980-1982, cash cropping, wagelabor, and outmigration were negligible, and there were notrade stores among Gebusi or at the Nomad station.Trade Indigenous trade was conducted opportunisticallywith nostandard rates ofexchange Trade items produced byGebusi included tobacco and dogs'-teeth necklaces Thesewere traded withadjacent groups for red ocher,cuscus-bonearrow tips, pearl-shell slivers, and, precolonially, ax headsmade from stone found near theStrickland River

Division of Labor Men hunt,fish, cut down trees ing sagopalms), build houses, and makeweapons and mostritual decorations; women process sago, carry most gardenproduce andfirewood, do most weeding andharvesting, andmake string bags, skirts, sago baskets, and bark cloth

(includ-78 Gebusi

Land Tenure Land rights arepatrilineal, but residence

confers extensive usufructuary land rights and privileges

MostGebusi do notliveon orcultivate their fathers' land,

though they mayvisit such landtoexploitsago palms, nut

trees,orspecialforagingresources.Inprinciple,entire

patri-clanshave rightstoboundedareasofland,but clan members

tendtoberesidentiallydispersedoutside of theseareas.

Con-versely, intrusive or refugeeclans, which may havenoclan

land inGebusi territory, can be numericallyandpolitically

prominent within their communities Land is nota

signifi-cant matter of dispute and there is no discernible land

shortage

Kinship

KinGroupsand Descent Theonlynamed andenduring

Gebusi kinship group is the patrician, with apopulation

ranging from one tosixty-sevenmembers,averaging

eight-een Clans recognize nominal 'sibling" ties toa few other

clansbasedonputativecoresidenceinthe past.Genealogies

areextremely shallow,with agnaticlinkagetraceableonlyto

first or second cousins Clans are residentially dispersed,

with defactosubclans andpatritinesvirtually autonomous

from one another despite having only one to three adult

male members

Kinship Terminology Kinship terminology is bifurcate

merging with Omaha cross-generational merging between

mother/mother's brother's daughter, mother's brother/

mother's brother's son, and child/sister's child Affinal ties

areextendedfromtheentirewife-givingclantotheindividual

groomonly

Marriage and Family

Marriage Marriage is ideally sister exchange;

same-generationexchange ofwomenbetween clans constitutes 52

percentof first marriages.Acountervailingideal of

nonreci-procated romantic marriageisalso strong.Ineithercase,

mar-riage is accompanied by neither bride-wealth nor

bride-service Divorceandpolygynyarebothinfrequent; 14 percent

ofcompleted marriagesareterminatedby divorce, and 7

per-cent of married menaremarriedpolygynously.Polygyny

usu-ally results from thelevirate;thesmall patrilineorsubclanhas

first claims over thewidowedwivesofitsdeceased men, just

asittakesprimaryresponsibilityforsupplying"sisters"in

reci-procity for its male members' wives Postmarital residence

may be uxori/matrilocal, neolocal, or viri/patrilocal, with

some statisticalbias towardvirilocality.

Domestic Unit Amarriedcoupleformthebasic

garden-ing unit, though many subsistence, foraging, and domestic

tasksareconductedcollectively bygroups ofmen orwomen

Theeffectivedomesticunit istypicallytwo orthree nuclear

families related by close agnatic,affinal, ormatrilateral ties

Settlement coresidence among adult male wife's brother/

sister'shusband is 68 percent of thatactuallypossible,82

per-centamong mother'sbrother/sister's son,85percent among

father's brother's son, 88 percent among wife's father/

daughter'shusband, and92percent amongbrothers The

set-tlement as a whole is comprised of several interrelated

ex-tended family dustersand is adomestic unit in sponsoring

feasts

Inheritance Aside fromlong-term landresourcessuchassago palms or nuttrees, thereis little material property toinherit-perhaps only a pearl-shellsliveror apig-andanysuch items are typicallybequeathed to sons

Socialization This aspect of Gebusi lifeisgenerallytionate andbenign Fathers as well as mothers areindulgentwith youngchildren;olderchildrenareseldomyelledatandvirtually never struck Boys' transition to the men's sleepingsectionof thelonghouseisgradual and noncoercive, occur-ringbetween ages 4 and 7 Maleinitiation is acelebratoryandnontraumatictransition tomanhoodat17to23years of age

affec-Sociopolitical OrganizationSocial andPoliticalOrganization. The Gebusi social andpolitical order is extremely decentralized, with no secularleadership positions (i.e., no recognized big-men, headmen,seniorelders, or warleaders).Adult men are surprisingly non-competitive aswell asegalitarian, and they are self-effacingrather thanboastful; collectivedecisions emerge from generalconsensus Settlements tend to act as de facto political units

infeast giving and fighting, diverse clan affiliations amongcoresident mennotwithstanding Single-stage initiation andsubsequent marriage confer fulladult male status There is lit-tle ifany socialinequalitybetween wife givers and wife takers;affines exchange food equally in ongoing relationships re-gardless of the balance ofwomeninmarriagebetween them.Foodgifts and subsequent exchanges affirm social ties in anoncompetitive fashion both within and between settle-ments.Gebusidonot usebride-wealth,bride-service, orhom-icide compensation They employ person-for-person reci-procity in marriage and sorcery retribution where possible.Gender relations are asignificant dimension of Gebusi socio-political organization; communal male prerogatives includelegitimate control of rituals, feast giving, bow-and-arrowfighting, and large-scale collective activity. Women fre-quently participate assingers but dance only at initiations,are generallyexcluded from spirit seances, and may be spo-radically beaten without reprisal by husbands Women se-clude themselves in their section of the longhouse duringpeak menstruation and males harbor nominal beliefs of fe-male sexual and menstrual contamination However, suchbeliefappears to be more a topic ofribald male joking than asourceof personal anxiety Many women exercise significantinfluence in spousal choice-norms of sister exchange not-withstanding-andmaritalharmony is the normon a quotid-ianbasis Male viewsof women are ambivalent, ranging from

a positive image of women as attractive sexual partners andhelpers-prominentlyencoded in the persona of the benefi-cent spirit woman-to derogatory attitudes concerning thesexual, productive, and reproductive status ofolder women.Social Control and Conflict Warfare between Gebusisettlement communities was infrequent in contrast to system-atic raiding uponGebusi byBedamini Gebusi ritual fightsbetween settlements sometimes escalated to club-wieldingbrawlsbut rarely to bow-and-arrowfighting; theyseldomre-sulted in casualties The same is true of fights erupting occa-sionally over nonreciprocal marriage and adultery accusation.Themost virulent incidents of Gebusi social control and con-flictstem from sorceryattribution Unlike many New Guineasocieties, Gebusisorcery suspects are often publicly accused,

Gebusi 79

forcedtoundergo difficultdivinatory trials,and executed Be

tweenabout 1940and1982,29percentof female deaths and

35 percentofmaledeathswerehomicides,thevastmajority

resulting from sorcery attributions The33percent ofadult

deaths due tophysicalviolenceextrapolatestoayearly

homi-cide rate ofatleast568per 100,000overthe42-yearperiod

Yet there is no evidence that sorcery packets are actually

madeorusedby Gebusi;Gebusi sorceryisthe projective

attri-bution of deviance Mostolderindividualsareeventually

ac-cused of sorcery The perception ofimpartialityinelaborate

spiritual inquestscorrespondswith both theconsensusof

di-verseclanmembers to execute of one of theirowncommunity

members as a sorcerer and the lack ofviolentresistance or

re-vengeby theaccused'skin.Statistically, however,sorcery

at-tributionand attendanthomicidearemost commonbetween

affinesrelatedvianonreciprocalmarriage, withbothwife

giv-ers and wife receivers killed inequivalent numbers

Religion and Expressive Culture

Religi Belief TheGebusicosmos ispopulatedby

nu-merous spirits, includingthose offish, birds, and other

ani-mals Ofparticular importancearethetruespiritpeople (todi

os),whoaidthe Gebusiinfindingthecausesofsickness,the

identityof sorcerers, the location of lost pigs, and thesuccess

of anticipated hunting expeditions Although spirits may

cause transientillness,virtuallyall deaths among humansare

believed tobe caused byotherlivingGebusi througheither

sorcery orhomicide Sorcery is also seen as a predisposing

causeofaccidentaldeathand suicide.Following spiritual

in-dictment, sorcery suspectsareenjoinedtoperformcorpseor

sagodivinations in alargelyfutile attempttoestablish their

innocence

Religious Practitioners Spirit people are contacted by

male spirit mediumsinall-night spiritseancesheldon

aver-age once everyelevendays.The spirit mediumsitsquietlyin a

darkenedlonghouseandself-inducesatrance His ownspirit

departs andisreplacedby beautiful spiritwomenwho chant

inhigh falsettovoices.Their songsareechoed linebylinebya

chorus of men who sit around the spiritmedium.Duringthe

seance, spiritsperformspirit-worldcuresforsick Gebusi and'

havestrong defactoauthorityinmakingsorcery

pronounce-ments Spiritmediums should be neutral parties inany

sor-ceryattributionandhavenospecial authorityexceptviathe

spiritworld in seances Theyare notremunerated fortheir

services, which areconsidereda civicduty.

Ceremonies Theharmony and beneficenceof the Gebusi

spiritworld is celebrated in an allnight dance performed at

feasts and other important occasions The elaborate and

standardized costume of the male dancer(s) bringstogether

in iconographic form the diverse spirits of the upper and

lower worlds, symbolizing theirunityand harmony in dance

Sociologically parallelisthe overcoming ofreal and/or ritual

antagonism between visitors and hosts through feasting,

drinkingkava, dancing, and ribald male camaraderie during

the night On occasion,malehomosexual liaisonstakeplace

in the privacy of the bushoutside the longhouse Gebusi

be-lieve boys mustbeorallyinseminatedtoobtainmale life force

and attainadulthood Insemination continues during

adoles-cence andculminates in themale initiation (wakawala, or

'child becomesbig") between ages 17 and 23 Initiation is

largelybenign Initiates receive costume partsand other giftsfrom diverse initiation sponsors and reciprocate with majorfood gifts. Novices are ultimately dressed in beautiful redbird-of-paradise (spirit-woman) costumes and are the focus

ofseveral days of feasting and ceremony attended by mostGebusi

Arts Gebusi makefine initiation arrows, armbands, andstring bags, and they design elaborate dance and initiationcostumes

Medicine Curing is done primarily via the spirit world;there islittle intervention of a physical nature

Death and Afterlife A divinatory outcome indicatingguiltof a sorcery suspectvalidates the spirits' indictment andforeshadows execution and cannibalism of the suspect,whose spirit reincarnates thereafter as a dangerous wild pig.Until recently, bodies of persons killed as sorcerers werebutchered and cooked with sago and greens in a feasting ovenand cannibalized fully, except for the intestines, which werediscarded Thecooked bodywasdistributedand eaten widelythroughout the community, excluding close relatives andclassificatory agnates of the deceased Other Gebusi are notcannibalized and upon death reincarnate in bird, animal, andfish forms appropriatetotheir ageand sex A funeral feast isheld when death results from sickness or accident

Seealso Kaluli

BibliographyKnauft, Bruce M (1985) Good Company and Violence:Sor-cery and Social Action in a Lowland New Guinea Society.Berkeley: University ofCaliforniaPress

Knauft, Bruce M (1985) 'Ritual Form and Permutation inNewGuinea." American Ethnologist 12:321-340

Knauft, Bruce M (1986) "Text and Social Practice: tive 'Longing' and Bisexuality among the Gebusi of NewGuinea." Ethos 4:252-281

Narra-Knauft, Bruce M (1987).'Reconsidering Violence inSimpleHuman Societies: Homicide among the Gebusi of NewGuinea." Current Anthropology 28:457-500

Knauft, Bruce M.(1989)."Imagery,Pronouncement, and theAesthetics of Reception in Gebusi Spirit Mediumship." InThe Religious Imagination in New Guinea, edited by GilbertHerdt and Michele Stephen, 67-98 New Brunswick, N.J.:Rutgers University Press

BRUCE KNAUFr

80 Gnau

Gnau

ETHNONYMS: none

OrientationIdentification Speakersof the Gnaulanguageliveinthe

West SepikProvince ofPapua New Guinea "Gnau" isthe

word for "no' inthe locallanguage.Whiletheyconstitute a

linguisticgroup,Gnaudonotdefine themselvesasmembers

of a population extending beyond the village or villages

known to thempersonally

Location Gnauvillagesare foundon forested mountain

ridgesbetween theNopanand Assini rivers inthe Lumi

Sub-districtof WestSepik Province, roughlybetween 1429' and

142°21' Eand3°32' to3°45'S Theenvironment ismostly

lowlandtropicalrainforestandtheclimate ishotandhumid,

withadryseasonlastingfrom November toMarch.Average

annualrainfall isapproximately 250centimeters.

Demography In 1981 the population ofGnau speakers

was estimated at 980people Earlierpopulation figures are

unavailableor nonexistent,althoughthereisevidencethatas

many asone-third of the Gnau diedduringadysentery

epi-demic inthe 1930s

Linguistic Affiliation Gnau, togetherwith Olo (Wape)

and others, is a member of the Wapei Family of

Non-Austronesian languages Today nearly allmen andboys as

wellas some women and girls also speakTok Pisin

History and Cultural Relations

Prior toWestern contact, Gnau villages wererelatively

iso-lated, apparentlynot participating atallintheextensivetrade

network that crisscrossed the region. Extravillage relations

appear to have been limited to immediately neighboring

groupsandwereoften hostileincharacter Inthe 1930s,

Aus-tralianlaborrecruitersbeganto visittheareaand Gnaumen

were hired fortwo-year terms on coastalcopra plantations

WorldWar 11had littledirecteffectonGnaulife, but

planta-tionworkers, whosereturn totheir homevillageswasdelayed

by thewar,became important agentsofsocialchangeinthe

postwar years. AnAustralian patrolpost wasestablishedin

the region in 1949, and by 1955 the administration had

largely succeeded in ending Gnau intervillagewarfare The

relativepeacethusintroduced resultedin an expansion

ofvil-lage hunting and gardening territory, and fostered more

peacefulrelations between individual Gnauvillages.In1951

aFranciscan mission wasbuiltinthearea,followedin 1958

byanevangelicalProtestantone.Themissionsestablishedan

airstrip, stores,schools,andahospital.Gnau became

taxpay-ers in 1957 and received thevote in 1964,whenthey began

electing membersof the NationalAssembly and, later, local

government councillors Taken all together, these contacts

havetransformed the Gnau from isolatedvillagersto a group

defined byoutsiders as a single peoplewho areincreasingly

involved inthe regionaland national polity and economy.

SettlementsGnauvillagesarebuiltonhilltops, 300 meters or more abovesealevel-a settlement choice likely derived from the needfor defense dating backto the precontact times of chronicintervillage hostilities Villages are subdivided into namedhamlets andsubhamlets Hamlets aresurroundedby coconutpalms, with villagegardenslocated in the forest in the valleysbelow Hamletsconsistof men'shouses,dwelling houses forwomen and their children, and "day houses" where mengathertogetherandeatduringtheday In the past eachham-let hadonelargemen's houserather than the several smalleronesfoundtoday Substantial houses and sometimes smallerhuts arealso built and maintained near the gardens

EconomySubsistence and Commercial Activities The Gnaueconomy consists of slash-and-bum horticulture, hunting,gathering, fishing, and, most recently, participation in the re-gional cash economy Although most men work for two years

or more aslaborers on copra plantations and on governmentprojects, the Gnauare still somewhat isolated from the re-gional economy when compared to other, neighboringgroups Sago wasthe traditional staple, today supplementedwithtaro,yams, sweetpotatoes, corn, bananas, pawpaws, pit-pit,breadfruit, beans, coconuts, and sugarcane grown in thegardens A family might maintain as many as six gardens si-multaneously, integrating horticultural practices with hunt-ingand gathering activities Rice is grown as a cash crop only;the Gnau themselves purchase from stores what rice appears

in their own diet Pigs, wallabies, and cassowaries are theprincipal animals hunted Fishing is done with nets or poi-sion Eggs,grubs, insects, and reptiles are gathered to roundoutthe protein component of the Gnau diet

Industrial Arts The Gnau traditionally were sufficient in meeting their material needs, producing stoneaxes, bows and arrows, knives, baskets, string, fishnets, netbags, skirts,ornamentsofshell and feather, containers,ani-mal traps, woodenboxes, and armbands Many of these itemsare still manufactured locally today In the past they alsomade clay pots

self-Trade Becauseof this basicself-sufficiency,trade did notplay a large role in the Gnaueconomy Only a few items, not-ably shell ornaments and stone adze heads, were occasionallyacquired from beyond the community With the coming ofthe mission stations, the introduction of a government pres-ence inthe area, and thebeginning of wage labor on the plan-tations, the Gnau have become more dependent on goodspurchased at the local stores

Division of Labor Men hunt, build houses, maintainpaths, make weapons andtools, and work at jobs outside thevillages.Womengather water and firewood, make string, netbags, and other items, and have primary responsibilty forchild care Both men and womenfishand gather wild foods.Cooking sago is doneby women, butsome other foods arecooked exclusively by men, and much day-to-day cooking isdone equally often by men and women

Land Tenure All villageland, garden plots, and stands ofbreadfruit, sago,andcoconut palms are named and owned bythepatrilineages of the men currently using them