Encyclopedia of World CulturesVolume I - NORTH AMERICA - K docx

Members ofthe several tribes chide other Keresan speakers for speaking strangely.. History and Cultural Relations Laguna Pueblo was founded by refugees from various Rio GrandeKeresanvill

ETHNONYM: Calapooya

TheKalapuyaare anAmericanIndiangroupwhointhe

lateeighteenthcenturynumbered aboutthreethousandand

occupiedtheWillametteValleyofwesternOregon.The

Kala-puyalanguagebelongedtothe Penutianlanguage phylum.A

smallpox epidemicin1782-1783 wipedout anestimatedtwo

thousandKalapuya, andbetween 1850and 1853large

num-berswere againtakenbythe disease.Afterbeingremovedto

reservationlands in 1854 and 1855,theKalapuyadwindled

to near extinctionbytheearlytwentieth centuryandtoday

numberno more than abouta hundred

The Kalapuya subsisted mainly ashunters of deer, elk,

bear, andbeaver andgatherers ofnutsand berries, although

theyalsofishedwithspearsandtraps.Thegroupconsisted of

ninetribesorsubdivisions, each of whichwasfurther

subdi-vided intosmallvillagesled by chiefs

Religiouslifecentered around personalquestsfor

guard-ian spirits.Accordingtotraditional customs, thedeadwere

buried with their personal possessions, mourners cuttheir

hair, and widows painted their faces red fora month

The Kansa (Kaw, Hutanga) livedinthe general areaofthe

Kansas River in northeastern Kansas and inthe adjoining

part of Missouri They now live in a federal trust area in

north-central Oklahoma, where theyare largely assimilatedinto theWhite community. They spoke a Dhegiha Siouan

language and numbered aboutninehundred in the 1980s

Bibliography

Unrau, William E (1971) The KansaIndians:A Historyof

the WindPeople, 1673-1873 Norman: University of

Okla-homaPress

Karok

BibliographyMackey, Harold (1974) The Kalapuyans: ASourcebook on

the Indians ofthe Willamette Valley Salem, Oreg.: Mission

Hill Museum Association

Kalispel

The Kalispel (Kulleespelm, Pend d'Oreilles), including the

Semteuse(Sematuse), lived around Pend d'OreilleRiverand

Lake and around Priest Lake innorthern Idaho Theynow

liveontheFlathead IndianReservationinMontanaand the

Colville IndianReservationinWashington Theyarelargely

assimilated intoEuropean-Americansociety.Theyspeakan

InteriorSalish languageand probably number about 250

Bibliography

Teit, James A.(1930).The SalishanTribesof theWestern

Pla-teaus.U.S.BureauofAmericanEthnology,45th Annual

Re-port, (1927-1928), 295-396.Washington, D.C

Carriker, Robert C (1973) The Kalispel People Phoenix,

Ariz.: Indian TribalSeries

ETHNONYMS:Arra-Arra, Ehnek, Karuk, Pehtsik, Quoratem

Location Aboriginally, the Karok livedalongtheKlamath

RiverinHumboldt and Siskiyoucounties,northwestern

Cali-fornia, and on the tributary Salmon River Since the teenthcentury, Karok havealsolivedinScottValley, farther

nine-east inSiskiyou County.Theregion ischaracterized bysteep

forested slopes andamoderate climate,withabundant fish,game, andplantfoods

Demography Theaboriginal Karok populationwas matedat2,700in 1848 In 1930,theU.S Censusreported

esti-755people ofKarok descent.In 1972,thestateof Californiaidentified3,781individuals ofatleast partly Karokancestry.

linguistic Affiliation The Karok language is not closelyrelatedto anyother language, butmaybe distantly relatedto

other languages ofCalifornia that have been classified asHokan

History and Cultural RelationsThe Karok have livedonthe middlecourseof the Klamath

Riverforaslongas weknow,inclosecontactwith the Yurok

downstream, and with the Hupa on the tributary TrinityRiver.Thesegroupssharedmostelementsofaculturetypical

of northwestern California,withrelationships tothePacific

Northwest culturalareaofcoastalOregonand Washington.The Karokhadlittlecontact with Whitesuntil gold miners

Karok 175

Kansa

176 Karok

arrivedin 1850and 1851,resultinginwidespreaddisease,

vi-olence,socialdislocation, and cultural breakdown By 1972,

however, ceremonialswerebeing revived, and therewere

re-newed prospectsfor the preservation of Karokidentity

Settlements

Sinceaboriginaltimes,the Karok have livedonsmallareasof

flatland, locallycalled"riverbars,"which border theKlamath

River Families were grouped into villages, some of which

have become modem communities such as Orleans and

Happy Camp.Transportationwasformerlyvia river canoe or

overland trails Certain larger villages, such as Orleans,

served asceremonialcenters forvillagesupriverand

down-riverfrom them Atpresentthe Karok live eitherinthetowns

or on individual homesteads The "living house," one per

family, and the sweathouse, which served as amen's

club-houseanddormitoryforawholecommunity, werethemajor

structures.Traditional houses weresemisubterranean;

mod-ernKarokusuallylive inwood framehouses

Economy

Subsistence and Commercial Activities Theaboriginal

Karok subsistedby fishing, hunting, and gathering wild plant

foods; the onlycultivatedcrop wastobacco.Salmon, whose

yearlyupriver runs werethebasis of ceremonialactivity, were

generally caughtin netsfromplatformsonthe riverbank The

prize game wasdeer, thehuntingof whichwas also

encom-passed by ritualactivities.Themajorplantfoodwastheacorn

of the tanbark oakprepared by cracking,drying, and grinding

toflour,and thenleachingto removethebitter flavor of

tan-nicacid Theresulting doughwasdiluted and boiled by

plac-ing it with heated rocks in a large basket to make "acom

mush"or "acomsoup." Hazeltwigsandpine roots wereused

inbasketry Present-day Karok still fish andhunt, and

occa-sionally make acorn soup. Subsistence is difficult formany

modem Karok,asagriculture, industry, andtourism are very

limited intheareawhere they live Inaboriginaltimes, the

dog was the only domestic animal After White contact,

horses, cattle, pigs, andcatsbecame familiarpartsofKarok

life

Industrial Arts Theprincipalartof theaboriginal Karok

wasbasketry, practiced bythewomen;basketswere woven so

tightly they heldwater. Muchcare waslavishedon intricate

decorativedesigns,woven asoverlays.Men carvedwood with

stonetools,producingstorageboxes and householdobjects,

andthey carvedvariousutensilsfrom soapstone,hom, and

shell Obsidianwaschippedtomake knivesand arrowheads;

largeblades ofchippedobsidianwereprizedwealthobjects

Inmodem days, basketrysurvived fora time,butis indanger

of extinction. There are no current sales of Karok art to

tourists.

Trade Aboriginal trade was ofminor importance, since

most commodities were available locally But the Karok

traded with the downstream Yurok forredwood dugout

ca-noes,for ornamental shells,and for edible seaweed The

prin-cipal Indianmoney wasdentaliumshells,whichoriginatedin

BritishColumbia,butcirculatedamong manytribesas a

me-dium ofexchange,withlargershellsimportant indisplays of

wealth

Divisionof Labor Menhunted, fished, and carved, while

womengathered plantresourcesand wove baskets Strict boos forbade female contactwith men engaged in huntingand fishing

ta-Land Tenure In aboriginal times, individual familiesowned the land closesttothe river wherethey lived and hadrights to particular fishing sites on the river Hunting andgathering landswereusedcommunally The Karok are one ofthe fewtribes inCalifornia for whom reservation land wasnever setaside Most ofKarok territory today is national for-estland, with someplotsownedprivately either by Indians or

byWhites

Kinship

Kin Groups and Descent The aboriginal Karok nized nosocial groupsother than thefamily, within which de-scent waspatrilineal

recog-Kinship Terminology The basic terms father, mother,son, and daughter areused without extensions of meaning.Grandparents andgrandchildren are designated by three re-ciprocal terms: male grandrelative through a woman (mother'sfather or daughter's son), female grandrelative through awoman, and grandrelative through a man Siblings are dis-tinguishedasmaleand female, older and younger There is acomplex set of terms referring to deceased relatives, andanother for relatives through a deceased person-corre-sponding to ataboo onreference to the dead

Marriage and Family

Marriage In aboriginal times, marriage was largely a nancialtransaction:thebridegroom struck a bargain with thebride'sfather, and the prestige of a family depended on howmuchmoneyhad beenpaid for the wife If a man could notpay afullbride-price, hecould become"half married"-that

fi-is, go to live with andworkfor his father-in-law Monogamywasthe norm; however, a widow was expected to marry eitherherhusband's brother or her sister's husband, and this couldresult inpolygyny Thenewly married couple lived in thehus-

band'sparents' home Later ahusband might acquire his ownhouse, usually adjacent to that of his parents Either partnercouldseekadivorce ongrounds ofunfaithfulness or incom-patibility; the central process was a repayment of money, withnegotiation ofthe amount depending on the number ofchildren

Domestic Unit Small extended families commonlyshared ahouse or a groupof adjacent houses

Inheritance The bulk of an estatewas divided among aman's sons, with smaller shares to daughters and otherrelatives

Socialization Fromaround three yearsold, male childrenleft the family living house to sleep with adult males in thesweathouse, where they were indoctrinatedinthevirtues ofthrift and industry, andtaught fishing, hunting, andritual.Girls remained in theliving house,learning female skillsfromtheir mothers The recitation ofmyths,typically bygrandpar-

ents inthefamily house onwinternights,wasanother

impor-tant means of socialization

Karok 177

Sociopolitical Organization

Social Organization Noformal distinctions of social class

wererecognized bythe Karok, althoughprestigewas

associ-ated with wealth

Political Organization Therewasnoformalpolitical

or-ganization, either forvillages orthe Karok as a whole; the

groupcanbe delineatedonly byitssharedlanguageand

habi-tat In keeping with the general prestige associated with

wealth, however, individuals and families whowere

consid-ered rich tendedtoberegardedascommunity leaders Tribal

names wereusedtoidentify neighboringpeoples suchasthe

YurokandHupa,but the Karok hadno namefor themselves

other than "'Araar" (people).After White contact, theU.S

governmentfailedfor overacenturytorecognize the Karokas

atribe.Itwas notuntil the 1970sthat federal recognitionwas

obtained; atribal headquarters now exists atHappy Camp

Social Control Behaviorwasregulatedby thesetofvalues

that tribal membersshared,andno crimesagainstthe tribeor

community were recognized Instead, undesirable behavior

wasinterpreted aseither (1) transgression against the

super-natural, by thebreaking of taboos, whichwould bring

retribu-tion tothewrongdoerintheform of badluck,or (2)

trans-gression against private persons or property, which would

havetobepaidfor through indemnitiestothe offended

indi-viduals orfamilies Ifonerefusedtopay, he wouldlikely be

killed by the offended party; and this killing could in turn

re-sult eitherinimmediate compensationor in furtherfeuding

between the families concerned untila final settlement was

negotiated

Conflict What is sometimes called "war" among the

Karok referstothefeudingdescribed above, expanded to

in-volve fellow villagers of the aggrieved parties Such feuds

could be settled with the help ofapaidgo-between When a

financial settlement wasreached, opposing parties would face

each other and do an armed "war dance" while singing songs

toinsult the other side If this didnotprovokearenewalof

vi-olence, then the settlement would conclude withabreaking

of weapons Following White contact, the Karok suffered

greatly inclasheswith miners, settlers, and soldiers, but there

wasnoorganizedwarfare At the present time, White policy

toward the Karok is mainly one of"benignneglect."

Differ-encesof opinion among the modem Karok themselves are

as-sociated with thedegree of adherence to traditional values,

but there are no sharp dividing lines

Religion and Expressive Culture

ReligiousBeliefs No creationmyth has been recorded for

the Karok; however, many myths relate the deeds of the

'ikxareeyavs, aprehuman race whichordained the

characteris-ticsof the present world At a certain moment, the human

species came spontaneously into existence, and at the same

timethe'ikxareeyavsweretransformedintoprototypes of the

animals and plants that now exist(and, insome cases, into

geographical featuresordisembodiedspirits).Inan especially

large and popular classof myths, Coyote ordains the

princi-pal features of humanculture, but is at the same time trickster

and buffoon The recitation of certainmyths and the singing

of associated songs were believedtoconfermagical success in

hunting, gambling, and love Following White contact, many

Karok became Christians, at least nominally; but native

beliefs survivedundergroundand have surfacedinthe ent-day revival ofinterest inritual and shamanism

pres-Religious Practitioners Annual ceremonies were sidedoverby priests, with their male and female assistants;these positionswere notpermanent,butwereassignedeachyearby community consensus Shamanswereoftwotypes:(1) the "sucking doctor," usually female, who used aspirithelper to extract disease objects fromthebodies of patients,and (2) the "herb doctor," of either sex, who administeredherbal medicinealong withrecitationofmagicalformulas Fi-

pre-nally, someindividuals (ofeithersex)werebelievedtohave

secretpowersofwitchcraft,whichtheycouldusemaliciously

to make theirneighbors sicken and die; these witcheswere

greatly feared

Ceremonies Theprincipal Karok ritesconcerned ingthe world" and ensuring itsstabilitybetween annual ob-servances.These werecorrelated with the seasonal availabil-ity of major food resourcessuch as salmon and acorns andinvolved ritual activityby priests and priestesses, along withfeasting, display of wealth, and dancing to the accompani-mentof songs Bestknown is the autumn DeerskinDance,when theskins ofalbino deer were displayed as wealth ob-jects Less important werethe Brush Dance, held to cure asickchild; the Kick Dance, to initiate asuckingdoctor; andthe Flower Dance, celebrating agirl's first menstruation Inmodem times, the Brush Dance has survived partly as a socialand recreational function; and since the 1970s, the autumnceremony of world renewal, with its Deerskin Dance, hasbeen performedinseveral traditional sites

"renew-Arts Singing wasconsidered to have magical power-as

anaccompaniment toceremonial dances, as an interpolation

inthe recitation of myths and magical formulas, and as an companiment togambling.Therecitationofmyths itself was

ac-ofconsiderable ritual importance Visual arts were limited to

bodyornamentation (importantinceremonies)and basketrydesign In modem times, knowledge and interest continueparticularly in Brush Dance songs and performance.Medicine The two major types ofaboriginal shamanismhavebeen describedabove It was believed that serious illnesswasusually caused by a supernatural"pain"or disease object,lodged in the patient's body.Inchildren,illness could also becausedby wrongdoing on the part of a family member; whenthe shaman elicited apublic confession, the child wouldre-cover.Shamans' fees were paid before treatment, but had to

berefunded if the patientdied Since White contact, nativemedical practice has declined in importance, but nowadayssome interest exists in reviving it

Death and Afterlife The bodies of the dead were buriedwith the observance of many taboos-for example, mournerswere forbidden to engage in hunting, gathering, basket mak-ing, travel, sex, or gambling After five days, the spirit of thedeceased was believed to go to the sky, where an especially

happyplace wasreserved for rich people and ceremonial ers If anyone in a community wished to sponsor a dancewithin a year after someone's death, the mourners had to bepaid an indemnity Uttering the name of adead person was aserious insult; whether done deliberately or by accident, ithad to be compensated by payments to the survivors

lead-178 Karok

Bibliography

Bright,William (1957) The Karok Language University of

California Publications inLinguistics, no. 13 Berkeley.

Bright, William (1978) 'Karok." In Handbook of North

American Indians Vol 8, California, edited by Robert F

Heizer, 180-189 Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian

Institu-tion

Kroeber, AlfredL (1925).'TheKarok." InHandbookof the

Indians of California U.S Bureau ofAmerican Ethnology

Bulletin no 78, 98-108.Washington, D.C

Kroeber, Alfred L., and Edward W Gifford (1980) Karok

Myths Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press

WILLIAM BRIGHT

Kaska

exchange for furs Traditional travel by snowshoes,

tobog-gans, skin and bark boats, dugouts, and rafts has generallygiven way tomotorizedscowsand trucks, althoughdogsledsandsnowshoesarestill used inrunning thewintertraplines.The local band-generally an extended family group

plus other individuals-was part of the amorphousregionalband Only the local band had headmen The Kaska"tribe"

as awhole, however, has agovernment-appointed chief whoexercises littlepoliticalcontrol.MostKaskabelong toone or

the other exogamous matrimoieties namedCrowand Wolf,whose main function seems to have beenpreparing for burialthe bodies of personsbelonging totheopposite moiety

Bibliography

Honigmann,JohnJ. (1949).Cultureand EthosofKaska

Soci-ety Yale University Publications in Anthropology, no 40.New Haven,Conn.:Department ofAnthropology, Yale Uni-versity (Reprint, Human Relations Area Files, 1964.)Honigmann, JohnJ. (1954) The Kaska Indians: An Ethno-graphic Reconstruction Yale University Publications in An-thropology, no 51 New Haven, Conn.: Department of An-thropology, Yale University

ETHNONYMS: Casca, Kasa, Nahane, Nahani

The Kaska, a group ofAthapaskan-speaking Indians

closelyrelatedtothe Tahltan, liveinnorthernBritish

Colum-bia and southeastern Yukon Territory inCanada Formerly

spread out thinly over a wide area, mostnowlive onseveral

reserves in the region There are four bands or subgroups:

FrancesLake, UpperLiard,DeaseRiver,and Nelson Indians

(Tselona) Most Kaska today are relatively fluent in English

There may beasmany astwelve hundred Kaska now living on

thereserves inthegeneral area

ContinuouscontactwithWhites began early in the

nine-teenth century when the Hudson's Bay Company established

trading posts at Fort Halkett and other locations Roman

CatholicandProtestantmissionizationhas beeninprogress

sincethefirst part of the twentieth century A Roman

Catho-lic missionwas establishedatMcDame CreekintheDease

River area in 1926 Today mostKaska are nominally Roman

Catholics,although they arenotparticularlydevout.Few

ves-tigesof theaboriginalreligionseemtoremain,mostof them

changed by exposure to Christianity

Traditionally,the Kaska built sod-ormoss-covered

coni-cal lodges made from closely packed poles, and A-frame

buildings made fromtwolean-tosplaced together Inrecent

timestheyhave livedinlogcabins, tents, ormodem frame

houses, depending onthe season and location Traditional

subsistence was based on the collecting of wild vegetable

foodsby the women while themensecured game by hunting

(including caribou drives) and trapping;fishing provided the

primary source of protein With the advent of the trading

postsand fur trapping,thetechnologicaland subsistence

sys-temschanged radically Traditional technology, basedonthe

working of stone, bone,hom, antler, wood, and bark gave way

to the Whiteman's hardware,clothing (except for that made

of tanned skins), and other material items, obtained in

Honigmann,John J (1981) "Kaska." InHandbook of NorthAmerican Indians Vol 6, Subarctic, edited by June Helm,442-450 Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution

Kawaiisu

TheKawaiisu live in the Tehachapi and Piute mountains tothenortheast of Los Angeles, California They speak a Sho-shonean language and probably number less than fifty

Keres Pueblo Indians 179

ETHNONYMS: Keresans,Qqueres, Queres, Queresans

OrientationIdentification Thename"Keres" refersto seven present-

day Keresan-speaking Pueblo Indian tribes of New Mexico

Acoma and Laguna are commonly designated as Western

Keresans ascontrasted with the EasternKeresanvillages, or

pueblos, of Santa Ana, Zia (Sia), San Felipe, Santo

Do-mingo,and Cochiti Eachpueblo, together withitssatellites,

constitutes anindependenttribe withits ownpolitical,

cere-monial, and socialstructures.

Location The Western Keresan villages, Acoma and

Laguna,lie, respectively, some sixtyandfortymileswestof

Albuquerque, inwest-centralNew Mexico Santa Anaand

Zia are located on the Jemez River some miles above its

confluence with the Rio Grande and twenty-seven and

thirty miles north of Albuquerque Cochiti, Santo

Domingo, and SanFelipeare ontheRioGrande and lie,

re-spectively, twenty-five, thirty, andthirty-five miles

south-westof Santa Fe

Demography The Keresan Pueblos, individually, have

variedin sizeand alsoin comparisonwithoneanotherat any

particulartime through the historic centuries. Duttongave

thefollowing population figuresfor the Keresan tribesasof

the census of 1980: Acoma, 3,592; Laguna, 6,233; Santa

Ana, 517; Zia, 645; San Felipe, 2,145; Santo Domingo,

2,857; and Cochiti, 918

Linguistic Affiliation The Keresanlanguage isregarded

asstandingalonebymostlinguists; connectionswith other

linguisticstocksare notgenerally accepted.Withinthegroup

ofsevenKeresanPueblos,therearesignificantdifferences

be-tweenthe Westernand Eastern subgroups.Communication

between the subgroupsiscommonly regardedasdifficultat

best Within each of thetwosubgroups,minordialectic

dis-tinctions are generally recognized Members ofthe several

tribes chide other Keresan speakers for speaking strangely

Under theimpactoftelevision, increasingnumbers of

mar-riageswithnon-Keresanspouses,and the overall influence of

outsiderelationships,the smaller Keresan tribesarecurrently

greatly concerned over the imminent loss of their native

language: without this language, the ceremonialorreligious

life of the tribe suffers, andwithoutaviablereligious life, the

way of life of the entire native culture is threatened with

extinction.

History and Cultural Relations

Laguna Pueblo was founded by refugees from various Rio

GrandeKeresanvillages and from Acomainthe late

seven-teenth andearly eighteenthcenturies.The othersixKeresan

Pueblos oftoday, along withatleastsomeoftheir satellite

vil-lages, are in approximately the same locations where the

Spaniards first contacted theminthe sixteenthcentury.The

Keresans have occupied a central position along the Rio

Grande andtheJemezRiverbetweenother Puebloan tribesto

the north andalso thesouth;theyhave servedassomething

ofa cultural filter between these Rio Grande, or Eastern,

tribes and the Western Pueblos ofZuni in New Mexico andHopi in Arizona

Settlements As noted, the Keresans have remained, forthe mostpart, where the Spaniardsfirstfound them.Some

tribes have shownatendencytodivide and establishnewlagesas aresult ofabandoninganold site that had becomeunhealthful(bewitched)ordepleted of resources (deforested,

vil-orincreasinglydesiccated and unabletosupportthe needs oftheirrudimentary agriculture) Archaeological findingsreveal

aslow but continual reoccupationof sites where conditionshadimproved with the passage of years ordecades For thelate nineteenth andearly twentieth centuries, there are docu-mentedinstances inwhicheconomicand/orpolitical consid-erationshave caused segments of tribestomigrate en masse

tovillages where otherlanguages are spoken-for example,the Laguna migrationtoIsleta(Tiwaspeakers)and a group of

San Ildefonso Pueblo Indians (Tewa speakers) moving toCochiti Apparently, the overriding factor wasthe availability

ofarable landatthe newhome or a greatercompatibility inthepoliticalor someotherphaseof lifeinthenewcommu-

nity. Size of the migrant group, in itself, does not seem tohave been importantinarriving atthedecision either to move

or toreceive newcomers intothecommunity

Economy

Subsistence and Commercial Activities For centuriesprior tothe arrival oftheSpaniards in the area,the Keresansdepended for the most part on an agricultural economy.AmongtheWesternKeresans,herding was asignificant addi-

tion tothe economy; thiswas lesstrue oftheEastern

Kere-sans.AllPueblotribes,however,benefitedfrom the

introduc-tion ofsheepand cattle bythe Spanish Oxen, mules, andhorses werealsoinvolved, but in lesser numbers in the begin-ning Ofessentially equalimportancewerethe metal-tipped

agricultural implements-shovels, hoes, rakes, plows, andother tools-that enabled the Pueblo Indians to improvetheirrelatively primitive ditch systems and expand the acre-ageoffields served bytheseditches.Newcrops-a varietyofgrainsandalfalfa-were also important additions to the agri-cultural scene

Inthe years following World War 11, there has been a

steadygrowth in nonagricultural pursuits Some of these volvements have takenthe Keres to suchAnglo-Spanish cen-ters as Albuquerque, Santa Fe, Los Alamos, Grants, andother communities, some at considerable distances, wherewage-earning hasassumed increasingsignificance Anotherimportant economic development has occurred in the area ofarts andcrafts, or, as some observers havenoted, fine arts.This has involved painting and the making ofpottery, jewelry,drums, leather goods, and other creations Potters have ex-panded their products to include figurines such as the famous

in-"Story Tellers" introduced by Helen Cordero of CochitiPueblo and now widely made, both among other Cochiti pot-ters and potters elsewhere With the unexpected and disas-

trousseepage from the recently completedCochiti Damon

theRio Grande a mile north of Cochiti Pueblo, agriculture atthat pueblo has virtually ceased-being replaced by wage-earning and a variety of arts and crafts

Trade Through the centuries, thetrading of agriculturalproduce and other materialgoods-pottery, baskets, woven

180 KeresPueblo Indians

belts andblankets, jewelry, and other items-has served to

establish relations between pueblos and also to reinforce

theseties over timeby repeatedvisits,generallyreciprocalin

nature

Divisionof Labor Fromaboriginaltimesuntilatleast the

post-WorldWar11period, the division of labor between the

sexes was rigidly observed Inrecent decades, however, the

linebetween male and femaleactivitieshas been all but

oblit-erated Pottery making and decorating are nolonger

exclu-sivelythe bailiwick of women;jewelrymakingand othercrafts

havebecome essentially bisexual endeavors Artists of both

sexes have achieved wide recognition for their paintings,

sculptures, and other creations

Land Tenure Traditionsinlandtenure-land and crops

inthe field belonging to the man, and harvested produce and

the house belonging to the woman-have remained little

changed There hasbeen, nonetheless, a gradual shift away

fromthe old customs Insuch cases, there has been a

ten-dencytoswitchtoSpanish-Anglo practiceswhen the

situa-tion seems better served by such changes Rules of

inheri-tance, as an integral facet of land tenure, have shown a

similartendencyto switch when circumstances indicate the

advisabilityofmakingchanges

Kinship

Kin Groups and Descent The kinship systems of the

Western Keresansdiffer from one another and also from the

systemsof the Eastern Keresans.Matrilineal exogamous clans

prevailinboth theWesternandEasterntribes Both Acoma

and Laguna lack the patrilineal moieties, or kiva

organiza-tions, that are foundamong the Eastern Keresans Laguna

shows atendency to link clansinwhat can be considered

ru-dimentaryphratries Among the Eastern Keresans, clans and

kivagroups operateindependently;ithasbeen suggested that

thekiva groupswere onceendogamous, making the clansin

each moiety distinct.Today, where moieties, orkivagroups,

are concerned, each moietynormally contains anumberof

clans thatarealso present intheother group.Amajor

dis-tinctionbetween the Keresan clan and the moiety is the ease

with whichakivaaffiliation may bechanged;adoption from

one clan into another still involves considerable ceremony

The literatureon SantaAnaPueblo suggests aunique

rela-tionship between clan and kiva that is found in no other

Keresan tribe Kiva membership, because it may be easily

switched,is sometimesdiscussedunder theheadingof

non-kinassociations.Marriages can occur within thekivagroup; if

not, the wife shiftstothekivaof her husband Later, under

certaincircumstances, thecouple maychangetheir

member-ships totheotherkiva

Kinship Terminology The Western Keresans show

greatervariability between themselves and also when

com-pared to the Eastern Keresans Terms ofkinship tendto be

similar among the several Eastern Keresan tribes

Distinc-tions arecommonly made betweentermsofaddress usedby

the two sexes, and recognition of age-generational differences

has also been noted

Marriage and Family

Marriage Keresan marriages have always been

monoga-mous, and they have traditionally occurred in accordance

with the rule of clan exogamy Upon marriage, each spouseretains his orheraffiliation, and childrenbelong to her clan

Asnotedabove, the wife changes to the kiva ofher husband ifshe is not already a member of the samekiva group Childrentake their kiva affiliation from their father Occasionally,when aclan is numerically strong, a marriagebetween clanmembers mayoccur; here, the rules ofCatholicism concern-ing incest are followed Most marriages are performedby aCatholic priest, with native rites usually following With Ca-tholicism present in all villages and observed to varying de-grees of faithfulnessbyfamilies and individuals, divorce tends

tobe unusual When it does occur, it is commonly a matter ofthecouple no longerliving together rather than any formalprocedure Themanoften leaves thevillageand takes up resi-denceelsewhere

Domestic Unit The nuclear family continues to be thebasic domesticunit.Inaddition, within thehousehold,thereareoften unmarried siblings of the couple, usually the wife,present Single grandparents are often included Extendedfamily units may occupy adjacentornearbyhouses, althoughthis practice isbeing followed lessand less

Inheritance The passing of realand/or personal propertyfromonegeneration orindividual to another continues to besomewhat traditional There is, however, an increasing ten-dency to pass possessions on by sexand by more personalconsiderations than strictly adhering to traditional ways.Socialization Incontrast to thepre-World War11period,when mostchildren were born at home in the pueblo with theaid of midwives or, indifficult cases, the assistance of medi-cinemen,suchbirths are almost unknown today, the motherbeing able to reach the hospitalinmost instances Upon ar-rival in thepueblo,infantstoday experience varying blends oftraditionalandmodem practices Cradle boards are still used,but cribs aresometimes favored bymothers or families with atendency to emulate modem ways Young children arecom-monlyraised by the extendedfamily, the members of whichstill enjoy participating in feeding, watching, and generallycaring forand interacting with these newest members of thehousehold

Sociopolitical Organization

SocialOrganization. Thetypicalfamily continues to sist, in most cases, of the father,mother, and children Varia-tions would include single-parent units, families with step-children and stepparents where remarriages have occurred,and households with relatives who share in much of the activ-ities As explained above the family's kin affiliations areshapedby thewife's (mother's) clan membership and by thecouple'skivamembership In families whereanon-Cochiti is

con-aparent, there are obviousdeviations, particularly when thespouse is notonly non-Cochiti but non-Indian Ifthe alienspouse is from another Pueblo, especially a Keresan tribe, theadjustments are easily made If the spouse is anon-Puebloperson, or even anon-Indian,accommodation is not as read-ily made

PoliticalOrganization For theEastern Keresans, the litical structure reflects the general Puebloan pattern ofdual-ism The political organization is balanced against thecere-

po-monial organization In the political organization, ably largely implanted by the Spaniards, there are the war

presum-Keres Pueblo Indians 181

captain, lieutenant warcaptain, governor, lieutenant

gover-nor,fiscale, and lieutenant fiscale The captainsareassisted

throughoutthe yearby eightyoung men, thealguacilitos;

sim-ilarly,the governors and fiscalesareaidedby eightfiscalitos

These assistants are chosen for theirpotentialand are

essen-tiallyontrial vis-a-vis theirpossiblefuture service as major

ficers A common feature of these offices is that the senior

of-ficers are all from the same kiva, and the junior ofof-ficers are

from the other kiva Senior and junior officers are

tradition-ally appointed by medicine men, who are prominent in the

ceremonial organization of each tribe The selections for

these offices aremade anew at the end of each calendar year

and announced to the tribe The seniorand junior positions

alternate every year, again a feature of the characteristic

bal-ance maintained between the two kivas.Traditionallythese

officers serve withoutmonetary compensation, their rewards

coming from the fact that each has served to the best of his

abilityand the communityacknowledgesthis fact But in

re-cent years, several of the tribes havebegun to pay some of

theseofficers for their effortsinbehalf of all thepeople

For many years, the tribal council was composed of the

major officers Once a man became a council member, he

served for the remainder of his life In recent years, younger

men who have some particular experience and knowledge

have been invited to serve on the council even though they

have not yet served in a major office Governing has long

been conductedbythe council Unanimous decisions once

were required, but majority votes have begun to be

recognized-aresult of the need to reach decisions more

rap-idly, time-consumingdebate nolonger beingaffordable

De-cisions by the major officers often are made in accordance

with council decisions made in past times Whenprecedents

are notfeasible,the matter inquestion is taken up by the

en-tire council Common law has been satisfactory over the

years, but some tribes have become increasingly interested in

thepossible advantagesof a written constitution Beyond the

boundaries of the respective tribes,there are such bodies as

the All-Indian Pueblo Council, in which the various

Pue-bloan tribes participate without exception

Social Control Traditionally, social controls have been

thoseemployedinmany small societies-gossip,ridicule,and

ostracism From time totime, more drastic measures such as

public whippingsorconfiscation of property have been

em-ployed.Trials held before the council convened to hear

alle-gations of misdeeds have led to suchpenalties as whippings,

or sentencesof so many hours ordays of community labor

Here, the larger pueblos have been able to be more rigid or

stringent In the smallervillages, however, matters must be

carefully weighed.Ifanimposed penaltyisdeemed tooharsh,

the guilty person may take offense to the extent that he leaves

thevillage,either alone ortakinghisfamilywithhim This is

somethingthetribal officers trytoavoid It isadelicate

bal-ancingact-making the punishment sufficient to serve as a

deterrent and yet not running the risk ofdrivingone or more

people from the tribe As acculturation progresses with the

changingtimes, maintaining the tribe's numericalstrengthis

agenuine concern The old ways ofdealing with deviations

haveprovedlessandless effective in recentyears; often the

officer attempting to enforce ajudgment is, in effect,

pena-lized asseverely as the wrongdoer

Conflict Asthe forces of acculturationgather momentumandmostof theKeresanPueblos becomeinvolved withresi-dents whose originsarefrom outside theparticulartribal cul-ture,there are increasing numbers and varieties of conflicts.Such clashes also arise when different generations are in-

volved More exposures to the mainstream educational

sys-temanditsdifferent values have ledtodissonance that

some-timesresults in alienation and at least a temporary departurefrom the tribal culture

Religion and Expressive Culture

Religious Beliefs The Keresan Pueblos, both Westernand Eastern, practiceablend of their nativereligious prac-tices and beliefs and those of Roman Catholicism SomeProtestant sects are present,but they have remained relativelyinsignificantinthe overall religious picture Because of strin-gent requirements intermsof time, energy, and dedication,the numbers of members in thevarious secret societies are

slowly declining rather than growing As these societies losemembers, there comes a time when one or another disappearsfrom theceremonial scene Subsequently, some of its prac-

ticesmaybe takenoverby another society If not, the tribesimply carries on without the services of the defunct society

Intime, however, if there is sufficient interest, members ofthat tribe may gotoanother tribe where thereissuchasocietyand learnwhatis necessary to reinstatethe society in their

owntribe Therearestillwidespread beliefs,especiallyamongthe olderpeople, inthesupernaturals traditionally respected

in the tribe These are commonly revered along with theChristian beliefsacquired throughcontactswith theFrancis-can priestswho have served the Keresan Pueblos sincethe

Spanishreconquestinthe 1690s.The feastdays of the

vari-ouspatronsaintsassociated with the missions, the Christmasseason,and theEaster season areallcelebrated.Variationsin

the intensity of these observancesarefound whenpueblosare

compared; similarly,thedegreeof intensityvariesamongtheresidents of anyonevillage-the same as one would find in

mainstream communities oramongfamilies withinanity Amongthe Keresans, Christian practices are often com-bined with dances and otheractivities fromthe nativereli-gious life No conflict is seen in this blending of the tworeligious traditions

commu-Religious Practitioners As explained above, religious

du-ties arecarriedon atpresent much asthey have been

per-formed traditionally There are, however, continual lossesamongpersonnelwith the result that portions of the old wayshavebeen lost to the tribe Newcomers in the religious struc-

ture may have sufficient training to continue; inother stances, these apprentices may nothave had time to learntheir roles completely Accordingly, content is lost unless it

in-canbe made up with the aid of society membersinanothertribe

Ceremonies The ceremonial observances referred to in

the previous section may occur as separate and distinct ties, orthey may be combined, as noted Outsiders are usuallywelcome to attend and observe such ceremonies; exceptionsare inthe cases of secret dances or rites, at which time theperformers may be eithermaskedorunmasked.AlthoughtheHopiandZuniPueblosallow outsiders to witness aspects ofsuch maskeddances, the Keresans rarely, if ever, do Unlike

activi-182 Keres Pueblo Indians

theTewaPueblostothe north of SantaFe,the Keresans

per-mit no photography, sketching, recording, ornote-takingat

theirceremonies evenwhentheydo allow theceremonies to

be watched Ceremonial information is jealously guarded

from the non-Indian, or nonbeliever; one candetect some

erosion and loss ofknowledge overtheyears Itis claimed

thatif thereisknowledge oface"remonial,orany part of it,it

cannotbe termedextinct.Butthereareincreasing instances

inwhich thequalified personnelornecessary paraphernalia

can nolongerbe calledintoplay, despitethe fact that the

cer-emony,atleast in itsbroad outlines, canbe recalled

Arts As isthecase inessentially all cultureshaving a

non-technological base, the Keresans have made their material

itemsfromwood, bone,leather, clay,stone,feathers, and

var-iousfibers.For items noteasily handcrafted,trading networks

were established among the Keresans themselves or with

otherPuebloanand non-Puebloan groups.Attimes,trade

in-volvedtraveltotheGulf ofCalifornia, the Pacific coast, or

theGulf of Mexico; ifnotactually covering suchdistances,

tribeslivinginthe interveningareasoften servedas

middle-men,facilitating theexchanges between the Keresan villages

and the more distantsources of desiredgoods Inthe years

sinceWorldWarII, Keresan Indians have been among the

leaders from thepueblosingeneralintheconversionofthese

former utilitarianproductstoobjects aimedatthe tourist and

collector trade Many of these have been termed "objects of

fine artrather than 'arts and crafts.'"

Medicine Traditionally,illnessesandinjuries weretreated

by medicinemen ormedicinesocieties,usuallythosepresent

in the particular village If circumstances permitted, such

practitioners would be sought in neighboring pueblos In

cases ofchildbirth, midwives usually took careof matters;

however,if thebirthweredifficult, theassistance ofa

medi-cine man wassought.Inrecent times, sinceabout1950,more

andmore usehas been made ofhospitals,trainednurses,and

doctors.Atpresent,the health and healthcareenjoyed by the

people aregreatly improvedoverwhatexisted prior to

mid-century. Today,veryfewbabiesarebornawayfrom the

hos-pital and modem medical care. Older people still have a

tendency toconsultthenative medicine menformore

psy-chological problemsorwhat might be termed psychosomatic

ailments

Deathand Afterlife Whendeathoccurswith littleor no

warning,the bodyisprepared by the familyormedicinemen,

andburial (inablanket ratherthanacasket) takesplacein a

matterof hours.Timeusuallydoesnot permitthe

summon-ingof the Catholicpriest,and thesacristanwillofficiate The

priestblesses the gravewhenhe is next inthevillage.The

Keresan Indians, ifone maygeneralize, vary intheir beliefs

between the teachings of theCatholic churchorother

Chris-tianfaiths and the traditional ideas of the soulgoing tolive

with theancestorsand/orbecomingakachina,in some cases

returning tothepueblointhegenericform ofrain-bringing

clouds Muchof this hastodo with the degreeof

accultura-tion attained by individual Indians and by the pueblos in

whichthey live

Bibliography

Dozier, EdwardP (1983) ThePuebloIndians of Northica Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press Originally pub-lished, 1970

Amer-Dutton,BerthaP (1983).AmericanIndians of the Southwest.Albuquerque: Universityof New Mexico Press

Ortiz, Alfonso,ed (1979).HandbookofNorth American ans.Vol 9, Southwest.Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Insti-

by which they are known, however, demonstrates the extent

of their contacts with other groups, ranging from the GreatLakes region toMexico.These far-reaching migrations wereprobablyresponsible for an earlier translation that indicatedthatthe term Kiwikapawa meant'hemoves about, standinghere, nowthere," today known to be linguistically impossible.Location Because of their nomadic nature, the Kickapoocannot be assigned to a specific geographic area Aborigi-nally, they ranged throughout the southern Great Lakes re-

gion,eventually being pushed west and south in the wake ofEuropean contact Today they comprise three groups livingrespectivelynear Horton, Kansas; McCloud, Oklahoma; andMelchor Muzquiz, Coahuila, Mexico Many members of thelast group havedual residency near Eagle Pass, Texas, andcontinue a migratory life-style that takes them throughoutColorado, Utah, Wyoming, Montana, and North Dakota asagricultural workers

Demography Owing to theKickapoo's migratory

adapta-tionandtheirtendency to disperse and recombineinent groups,accurate population figures have always been dif-ficult to obtain It has been estimated that they numbered2,000 in 1650 This population was probably split into atleast three bands At present, all three groups are roughlyequal in population with between 650 and 750 memberseach

differ-Unguistic Affiliation The Kickapoo language is of theAlgonkian family It is mostcloselyrelatedtoSauk andFox

Kickaboo 183

and is also similar to other central Algonkian languagessuch

asShawnee, Potawatomi, Menominee, andOjibwa.Virtually

all Kickapoo in Mexico and Oklahoma, and a significant

number in Kansas, retainthe aboriginal language, although

there areslight dialectical variations to be found among the

three groups

History and Cultural Relations

TheKickapoo may have beenseenasearly as 1612 by Samuel

de Champlain, but continuous contact canbe traced only

fromthe mid-seventeenth century The present existence of

three decidedly different bands isrepresentative of the

cul-tural pattern of the tribe since precontact times For over

threecenturiestheKickapoo haveundergone a seriesof

mi-grations, fragmentations, and reassociations During the

sev-enteenth century, constant attacks by the Iroquois, who were

expanding their territory farther west to maintain their fur

trade with the French, sentthe Kickapooand other tribes

fleeing tothe west and south In their attempts to secure their

own territory and interest in the fur trade, the Kickapoo

shiftedloyalties and alliances with other tribal groups as well

astheFrench, British, and Spanish

After the American Revolution, increased pressures to

settle created divisions among the Kickapoo Those who

fa-vored a more acculturated life-style became known as the

"Progressives," whereas those who wished to maintain the

traditionallife-wayswerecalled the"Kicking Kickapoo."The

Progressives became associated with an Indian prophet,

Kenekuk, and settled on reservation land in Kansas in about

1834.That reservation remains the home of the Kansas

Kick-apoowith whom the Potawatomi merged in 1851 The more

traditional Kickapoo moved south into Texas, at thattimea

partof Mexico, wherethey settled amongacombined group

of Cherokee, Delaware, and Shawnee

The anti-Indian policy that was established after Texas

won independence,and ultimatelybecamea state, drovethe

Kickapoo, along withacontingent ofSeminoles and escaped

African-American slaves, into Mexico In 1852 they were

givenland by the Mexican government in return for

protec-tion againstthe Apache and Comanche During the next two

decades, the Kickapoowererepeatedly chargedwithraiding

Texasranches from their settlements across the Rio Grande

In 1873the Fourth U.S Cavalry crossed the Mexican border

todecimate an undefended Kickapoo village Captiveswere

taken to Indian Territory (now Oklahoma) Eventually,

ap-proximatelyhalfthe tribe agreed to remainintheirvillage of

El Nacimiento, Coahuila,Mexico.This last group becamea

tribe recognized by the U.S.governmentin1983and,in

addi-tion totheir holdings in Mexico, now haveareservationnear

Eagle Pass, Texas In the United States they are officially

known as the Kickapoo Traditional Tribe of Texas, and in

Mexico, where theyspend most of their time,astheMexican

Kickapoo(TribuKikapu),thetermbywhichtheystill referto

themselves

Settlements

Inaboriginal and early historictimestheKickapoowere

semi-nomadic and thisremains truefor theconservative Mexican

group today Aboriginally, the Kickapoo summer villages

were semipermanent, being associated with nearby

agricul-tural fields After cropswereplanted,afewresidents, usually

elderly,remained to care for them while most of the

popula-tion setout oncommunalhunts Inwinter, the village

resi-dents broke into smaller band units and established rary hunting camps The semipermanent villages wereassociated with an areafordancing and games andaburialplace The houses(wiikiaapi) were constructed of elm bark orrush matsplaced over a vertical framework of saplings Theywereusually rectangular in shape with a covered, butopen-sidedextension on the front The domed winterhouses wereovalinshape and covered with the same mats.The mats werereadily transportable so that new camps could be constructedwith ease

tempo-Bark is nolonger available, but the same constructiontechniques for both summer and winter houses are utilized inthe Mexicanvillage of Nacimiento today A few of the tradi-tional houses are still constructed by members of the Okla-homa Kickapoo, although this is rare and even rarer in Kan-

sas InMexico,compounds are small and arranged in a closecommunal pattern A typical compound consists of at least

onewiikiaapi, a cook house, a menstrual hut (nianotegaani),andperhapssomefacility for storage Women build and ownthehouses, and several related women and their nuclear fami-lies often share a compound There may also be a Mexican-

style house in the compound In Oklahoma, settlement ismoredispersed as the reservation land wasallotted in 1894and many of theKickapoopeople havesincelost anyrightto

land ownership In Kansas, the pattern is generally thatcommon to arurally fixed reservation that is agriculturallyoriented

Economy

Subsistence and Commercial Activities The Kickapoopracticed a pattern of subsistence that combined a preferredhunting and gathering adaptation with less favored horticul-tural activity Deer and bison were the major sources of meat,but other game animals, such as bear, elk, and small animals,werealso utilized Wild plants and nuts were supplemented bythe maize, beans, and pumpkins they planted in the spring Inthe wake of European contact, the Kickapoo became in-volved in the fur trade and later dealt in othergoods as well,ultimately becoming known as shrewd traders

Allthese activities remain evident to some degree in theeconomyof the Kickapoo who live in Mexicotoday A signifi-cantportionof their food still comes from hunting, gathering,andhome-grown products, although somecommoditiesare

purchased Cash income is provided primarily through theiremployment as agricultural laborers in the United States, anactivity thatallows them to maintain their pattern of seasonalmigration Many of those who maintain a residence intheUnited States also receive Department of Agriculture foodstamps and Aid to Families with DependentChildren Stillothers are eligible for Social Security benefits as a result oftheir seasonal employment These government benefits are

alsoavailable to members of the Oklahoma andKansasapoo Among these more acculturated groups, subsistenceactivities are more varied and there is a greaterdependence

Kick-on wage labor Unemployment and underemployment

re-main a problem, especially in Oklahomawhere many apoolack formal education and some do notspeak English.Thosewho own land generally leaseit toWhite farmers ratherthanworking it themselves Onthe Kansas reservation,devel-

Kick-184 Kickapoo

opment projects have providedsome jobs,butmany of the

sameproblems foundamong the Oklahoma Kickapoo exist

there as well

Industrial Arts Inaddition toweapons, aboriginalcrafts

included manyskillfully made wooden objects such as deer

calls, cradleboards,and ladles Baskets andmats weremade

fromrushes With the introduction ofEuropeanbeads,the

Kickapoo began to produce ornately beaded moccasins

Thesecraftsarestillcommonly practicedamong theMexican

Kickapoo

Trade Tradeamong theKickapooandneighboringtribes

was wellestablishedprior to and after European contact The

Kickapoo traded with Europeans as well, but avoided the

strongdependencyobserved among other Indian groups As

the importance of fur trading decreased and the Kickapoo

movedsouth, emphasis shifted to thetradingof horses and

livestockduringthe nineteenth century Theirabilityto

sup-ply these and othertradeitems was a valuable asset after they

settledin Mexico Some MexicanKickapoo still carry on a

brisk tradeinusedclothingand other itemspickedup at flea

markets along their migrant route

Division of Labor Aboriginally,allKickapoofollowedthe

traditional division oflabor,whichplacedhuntingactivities

aswell as theprotection of thevillageorcampinthecharge

of men Men also cleared new fields for planting Women

were primarily responsible for gathering wild plant foods,

planting and tending crops, buildinghouses, cooking, and

child care On large hunting campaigns, everyone

cooper-ated, the women processing the meat and later the hides of

the animals that the men killed

The division of laborchanged for the Kansas and

Okla-homaKickapoowhentheysettled.Sedentaryagriculture and

eventually wage labor tookprecedenceoverhunting, and it

was menwho began tofulfillthese tasks Forthe Kickapoo in

Mexico, thetraditionaldivisions haveundergoneless change

Hunting remainsimportant,althoughithas been replaced to

somedegree by agricultural wagelabor.Nonetheless, it has

al-lowed thecontinuation of the seasonal migratory patternin

which the malecontribution to subsistence has been

empha-sized Women takeprimary responsibility for the subsistence

crops planted in thevillage at Nacimiento During the

migra-tionsthey work in the fields whenever childcareand cooking

allow But it is the role of men, who cooperate in patrilineal

crewsjust as theytraditionallydid forhunting,that is

para-mount.Religious rituals remain primarily the responsibility of

men inboth Oklahoma and Mexico, although healing

prac-tices areconducted byboth men and women

Land Tenure Prior to European encroachment, the

no-madic movements of the Kickapoo precluded emphasis on

land tenure Tribalgroups had traditional hunting territories

over which they ranged and their fields were planted near

theirsemipermanentvillages The Kansas Kickapoo now live

on communally held federal reservation lands The

reserva-tionlands of the Oklahoma Kickapoo were allotted

individu-ally in 1894 and excess lands sold, so that there is no actual

Kickapoo settlement The Mexican Kickapoovillageof

Naci-miento isclassifiedas an ejido andadministered according to

the MexicanCodigo Agrario Theoriginalfamilies who settled

there still maintainrights to the land, but in general,

usufruc-tory rights are respected The reservation provided for thisgroup in Texas is federally administered

Kinship

KinGroups and Descent Kickapoo social organizationfeatures thirteengroups that direct the inheritance of per-sonal names Thesenonunilineal,nonexogamousgroups mayhave constituted patrilineal clans in the past Association isnowbased on a personal name, or eponym, which is con-ferredbya namerwho is of the same naming group These ep-

onymousunits aregroups in a system that determines rocalobligationsamong them There arealso dual divisions,

recip-which were probably true moieties in the past The variousname groups are divided into one or the other of these:kiiskooha is symbolized by the color white and the directionnorth, and oskasa is associated with black and south Thedualdivisions provide rivalteams for ball games and contests,and thereby redirect competitions and rivalries away fromfamily, lineage, and name group The Kickapoo are also di-videdintofour bundlesocieties, which areessentiallydiffer-ent 'denominations" of the Kickapoo religion

Kinship Terminology Traditional kin terms follow the

es-ily on the following morning establishes the marital union.There is still a de facto period ofbride-service The newlymarried couple resides with the bride's family, usually untilthe first child is born, at which time the wifebuilds a housefor them in or near thecompound of her maternal femalerel-

atives During the period of migratory agriculturallabor, ever, matrilocal residence gives way to temporary residencyestablished aroundpatrilineally organized bands, which alsoform field and orchard work crews

how-Domestic Unit Thehousehold was traditionally the basicunit of production, with women tending togathering andag-

ricultural activities and men hunting This pattern, which ternated matrilocal compounds with patrilocal camps, effec-tively created extended cooperative groups, although thenuclear household was the norm This same pattern can beobserved among the Kickapoo in Mexico today Nuclear fam-ilyhouseholds are more customary in Kansas and Oklahoma,but extended families are also common

al-Inheritance Mostproperty is passed on according to thewishes ofthe deceased This includes realproperty,vehicles,

Kickapoo 185

livestock, andso on.The traditionalKickapoo houseisbuilt

and ownedbywomen, andonawoman's death, ownership

usuallypassestoher oldestdaughter.Personalbelongings are

dividedamong those whodig the grave and prepare thebody

for burial

Socialization Children are raisedina permissive fashion

andareallowed tomake decisionsfor themselves even at an

early age Fear of witches andsupernaturalphenomena are

used byadults to control and sanction behavior, particularly

among theKickapooinOklahoma and Mexico Children in

Kansasand Oklahoma attend school,somegoingon to

voca-tional training orcollege Until recently, members of the very

conservative MexicanKickapoo have sought to avoid the

ac-culturative effects of formal education and have purposely

prevented their childrenfrom attending school This attitude

is changing owing to a closer association with the United

States, which resulted fromthe newly established reservation

in Eagle Pass, Texas, madeavailable to them in 1986

Sociopolitical Organization

Social Organization Traditionally, the Kickapoo were a

nonstratified society inwhichboth material wealth and

co-gentauthoritywerelargelynonexistent Areligiously

conser-vative people, individual Kickapoo acquire influence and

prestigeprimarily fromskills,accomplishments, and religious

devotion and knowledge Although ritual activities are

pri-marily organized by and around men, women also have

re-sponsibilities throughwhich their devotion and competence

canbe observed.Asreligionis anintegral part of all aspects of

Kickapoolife,carryingoutany taskin anappropriate and

re-sponsiblemanner constitutesperformance of religious duties

Thiscondition isstill characterized by the Mexican

Kicka-poo Increasedstratification, whichisdue to socioeconomic

factors andacculturation, is moreobvious among individual

members of the Oklahoma and Kansas Kickapoo

Political Organization Historically, the Kickapoo had a

hereditary chief, who operatedthroughinfluence rather than

power, andaloosely structured council This civil chief was

primarily responsible forestablishinghunting territories and

deciding alliances In time of war, control of the village

passed to another chief who directed a council ofwarriors

known for their military success This group also acted as

camp police, maintaining order and carrying out

punish-ments Today, politicalleadership for both the Kansas and

Oklahoma Kickapoo comes from an elected tribal council

There is alsoacouncil, much morelooselystructured, among

the Mexican group Business decisions notwithstanding,

major influence comes from thereligious leader

Social Control Fearof retribution from supernatural

be-ings hasalways been a strong deterrent ofdisapproved

behav-iors among the Kickapoo This remains so, particularly in

Mexico and Oklahoma, where fear of witchcraft is strong

Fear ofgossip and ostracism alsoplaysanindirectrole in

so-cialcontrol, butinthecaseofseriouscrimes, direct control is

now left to localnon-Indian authorities, whetherinKansas,

Oklahoma, Texas, or Mexico

Conflict The Kickapoo are a remarkably cohesive group

despite an almost inherent factionalism that has persisted

since contact The Kickapoo have traditionally been very

fluid, withbandsbreaking away andrecombining.This

pro-tean pattern has served as a pressure valve to preserveintragroupsolidarity Sincecontact,there have been two per-manentsplits, however, and athird isdeveloping These divi-

sions areformed betweenprogressives and conservatives Theprogressives are characterized by a tendency to settle perma-nently and atolerance for cultural change and intervention

by the Bureau of Indian Affairs Theconservativesareated with a tendency to migrate as well as a stringently selec-

associ-tiveacceptanceofoutsidecultural elements and a rejection ofoutside interferencebynon-Kickapoo.On acontinuum, theKansas Kickapoo are at the progressive end, the MexicanKickapooat the conservativeend, and the Oklahoma Kick-apoo in between It is importantto note that the Kickapooidentity is so strong that, except for disputes between individ-uals, there isno record ofviolent discord between factions.Groups ofindividuals whobecome sufficiently discordant intheir culturalgoals simplybreak away and form a newcom-munity without severing tieswith the old

Religion and Expressive Culture

ReligiousBeliefs Traditionally, the Kickapooreligion hasbeen an intrinsic part of everyfacet of life The religion is ani-mistic andincludes a belief in manitous or spirit messengers.The supreme deity is Kisiihiat, who created the world andlives in the sky Kisiihiat is assisted by a pantheon ofmanitous, or manitooaki (plural), who are embodied in theearth, objects of nature, and natural forces, and who serve asspiritmessengers There isalso a culture hero, Wisaaka, thesonofKisiihiat, who created the Indian world and taught theKickapoo tobuild theirhouses, which are a vital element oftheKickapooreligion Religious practice is organized aroundsacredbundles, misaami, forclans and herbal societies Thereligion isprotected and practiced almost fanatically amongthe MexicanKickapoo, whereas the Kansas Kickapoo havebeenstrongly affected by Christianity Most Oklahoma Kick-apoo practice the traditional religion, but some other reli-gions, such as the Native American church and Protestantdenominations, have made some impact

Religions Practitioners Eachbundle societyand clan has

aleader to perform the various rituals associated with its spective sacred pack Religious leaders have long years oftraining inorder for them to attain the knowledge necessary

re-to theperformance of rituals, and they exercise considerableinfluence socially andpolitically

Ceremonies Ahighly ritualizedcycle ofceremoniesplays

apart inmaintainingthecultural integration of Kickapoo

so-ciety in Mexico andOklahoma, but lessso inKansas.Aplay oflightning and thunder, usually in early February,signi-fies the beginning of the New Year and hence the cycle ofceremonies Festivalsinclude clan and bundle rituals as well

dis-as ceremonies and dances that encompdis-ass allvillage

mem-bers Special ceremonialfoods play a role in these feasts andare eatenwith ceremonial ladles

Arts Dancing and singing are importanttoKickapoo monial life as are the instrumentsofaccompaniment such asdrums,flutes, and rattles Somedancesandsongs are owned

cere-by individuals and may be performed onlyat theirinvitation.Medicine Religious ritualand herbal treatments arecom-

bined in traditional medical practices A wide variety ofplants are used in curing rituals and may be conducted by

186 Kickaboo.

clan leaders, members of bundle societies, and individuals

The BuffaloDanceandWoman's Danceareoften associated

with treatmentofillness andinfertility Modem medicineis

accepted byall threeKickapoogroups,sometimesin

combi-nationwith traditionalhealing

Death and Afterlife Death isacceptedwithsome

equa-nimityandissurrounded with littledisplayofemotion or

pro-longed mourning The spirit will journey to a place in the

Westand reside therehappily.Thereis somefear of the

spir-itsof thedead, however, and children and surviving spouses

are considered at risk Burial takes place afteran all-night

wakeduringwhich chants and prayersareperformed Several

times a year,clanmembers gather to 'feed theghosts" of

de-ceased relatives inthe belief thatthey, too, gethungry

Be-tweenfourdaysand four years ofdeath,aspecialfriend of the

samesexand approximate age will beadoptedintothe role of

the deceased among hisorherconsanguineal kin

BibliographyCallender, Charles, Richard K Pope, and Susan M Pope

(1978) "Kickapoo."InHandbookofNorthAmericanIndians

Vol 15, Northeast, edited by Bruce G Trigger, 656-667

Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution

Latorre, Felipe, and Dolores Latorre (1976) The Mexican

Kickapoo Indians Austin: University of Texas Press

Nunley, Mary Christopher (1986).The MexicanKickapoo

In-dians: Avoidance ofAcculturation throughaMigratory

Adapta-tion AnnArbor: University Microfilms International

MARY CHRISTOPHER NUNLEY

Kiowa

ETHNONYMS:Caigua, Kioway, Manrhoat,Watapahato

Orientation

Identification "Kae-gua" (Kiowa plural) is an inflected

form ofanunanalyzable base;mosthistoricappellationsare

variantsof this form Othertraditionaltermsofself-reference

include "Kwu' da"and'Tepda," both translatedas "coming

out, emerging"; and 'Kompabianta," 'big tipi-flaps"

(ex-plained as a reference to large smoke-hole flapson Kiowa

tipis)

Location Throughout their recorded history, the Kiowa

heartland has been between 350 and 37° N and 98° and

100°Winpresent-dayOklahoma, theTexasPanhandle, and

southernKansas.Thisterritory,intersected bytributaries of

the Arkansas, Canadian, and Red rivers, was the region

within which tribal summer encampments were located; at

othertimes,bands could bemorewidely dispersed, and

hunt-ing, trading, andwar partiestraveledfar from theheartland

Most Kiowa still live in this region of Oklahoma, centeredaround the townsofAnadarko and Carlisle

Demography Population may have been from 2,000 to

2,500 before contact The first census, in 1875, reported1,070 members, and numbers remained low in succeedingdecades, reaching 1,699 in 1920 A 1970 tribal count of6,250 included persons of part-Kiowa ancestry and the de-scendants ofnon-Kiowaindividuals whowereaffiliated withthetribeinthe treaty period; it islikely that no more than half

of this number are of predominantly Kiowa descent The

1980 censuslists 7,386 individualsclaimingKiowadescent

History and Cultural Relations

The Kiowaareidentifiablebynamebeginningaround 1800;earlier evidence is complicated by the uncertainty of someidentifications (for example, the "Manrhoat" of 1682).Kiowacultural identitywasforgedinthe GreatPlains aftertheadoptionof the horseintotheregionalculture andpossi-bly after the entry of European traders The time,place, andcircumstancesofethnogenesispresentproblemstoscholars.Tradition points to a northernhomeland, located inthe Yel-lowstone region of theRocky Mountains;legendary accounts

ofemergence fromanunderworldand a longsouthward gration continue to have strong emotional appeal to theKiowapeople.But seriouseffortsto traceKiowa originsmustalso take into account theirlinguistickinship to the Tanoan

mi-peoplesofNewMexico, a connectionthatisechoedintural traits, includingfolklore motifsand details of ceremo-nial life On the other hand, sociopolitical organizationshows convergenceto aPlainstype,with strongest pointsofsimilarity to northPlains and Plateau tribes such as the TetonDakota, Kutenai, and Sarsi A preliminary model of Kiowaethnogenesis must locate the ancestral population in thesouthplains,adjacent to related Tanoans of the Rio Grandevalley, at a time prior to the entry of Apacheans into the re-gion, about A.D 1 100 to 1300

cul-Subsequent expansion ofthe Apache in the plains hadthe effect of separating the ancestral Kiowa from theircogeners, forcing their retreat eastward and northward Apartof thispopulation remainedasfar southastheArkansas-

Canadian drainage, within or marginal to their aboriginalhunting range, while others, either as refugees or in pursuit oftrade, traveled as far as theYellowstonevalley.Historical re-cords, including the journal of Lewis and Clark, confirmKiowa claims of contacts with the Crow, Sarsi, and Chey-enne, and an associationwiththe Black Hills region early inthenineteenth century During the same years, Kiowa furthersouthformed an alliance withthe Comanche, who had dis-placedthe Apache in the New Mexican borderlands regionand were able to reestablish contacts with New Mexico.Throughout historic times, the Kiowa had a closerelation-shipwith the Kwahadi band of Comanche; they also main.tained friendlytieswithTaosandother New Mexican Pueb-los inthe west, and with the Wichita and other Caddoans inthe east.They traded with most Plains tribes, claiming a spe-cial tiewith the Crow Although closely associated with the

Kiowa Apache, relations were usually hostile withwestern

Apachean groups, including the Navajo In the east, theOsagewerelong-time enemies with whom the Kiowa finally

madepeace in 1837 under U.S government pressure Theirgeographical position enabled the Kiowa to deal with White

Kiowa 187

tradersinNew Mexicoandinthe Mississippivalley; however,

both huntingandtrade declined before the treaty period

In 1867, the Treaty of Medicine Lodge was made

be-tween the United States and the Comanche, Kiowa, and

KiowaApache,who received combined reservationlandsin

Oklahoma Despiteoutbreaks of violence during the

follow-ingdecade, and thearrestand imprisonment of their leaders,

theKiowaremainedsettledonlands within their traditional

heartland In 1892, under the Jerome Agreement, they

ac-ceptedindividual allotmentsof 160acresplusatribal bloc of

grazing land; the agreementisunique inmaking provisions

fornon-Kiowaattached to the tribetoreceive a shareintribal

lands

Settlements

The nineteenth-centuryKiowafollowed a pattern of seasonal

nomadism which was, at least in part,determined by the need

for pasturage fortheir horse herds From fall to early summer,

the tribedispersed; extended family groups formed the nuclei

ofbands, led by influentialmen or attimesby brothers The

bands were flexible; smallfamilies and isolated individuals,

whether related or not, might join the camp of a successful

chief During the summer months, the bands camped

to-gether for a period of several weeks;duringthis time, theSun

Danceceremony was held.Thesite was always on asizable

streamand was chosen for its access to grass, firewood, and

game-especially bison.At anappointed time, the subtribes

arrived in aprescribedorderand tookdesignated placesinthe

camp circle In the 1880s there were five Kiowa subtribes,

with the Kiowa Apache occupying a sixth placeinthe circle

Until bison became scarce, theSunDancewasthepreludeto

acommunal hunt Plans for the coming yearweremade

dur-ing the summer encampment; bandmovements must have

been coordinated, since messengers were able to travel

quickly and directly between the scattered wintercamps; a

circuit to announce the time and place ofthe Sun Dance

could be completedinaboutthree days

Economy

Subsistence andCommercialActivities The earlyKiowa

were hunters on alarge scale and processed products of the

hunt (robes, leather, horn, sinew, meat) both for subsistence

useand for trade They also raised and bred horses,

supple-mentingtheir herdsbyraidsintoalienterritories.Thediet

in-cluded bison, deer, and other game; wild plant foods suchas

berries and wild potatoes; and asubstantialamountof maize,

dried pumpkin, and other foodsobtained in trade from both

Indian and Hispanic populations ofNewMexico

Industrial Arts The mostnotable traditional craftwasthe

processingof leather, mainly performed by women Clothing,

moccasins and boots, and parfleches and other containers

were made ofbison and deerskins, and decorated with paint

and beads

Trade TheKiowawereactivetraders and could be

consid-ered asemispecialized trading group Trade partiestraveled to

New Mexico and all parts of the Great Plains, and are known

to have gonefrequentlyintoCanada andMexico.The

natu-ral pastures of the Kiowa provided a source of horses for

northern tribes suchastheBlackfoot, Sarsi,andCrow From

the timeof La Salle, horsesweredelivered to White

purchas-ers; in the nineteenth century, the Kiowa often dealt withU.S military parties Raiders returned from Mexico withhorsesand mules to supplement the herds and with other

goods Mexicantextiles, weapons, and musicalinstruments

werevalued and became important as ceremonial attire; ther, the Kiowa were known as purveyors as well as users ofpeyote, which they transported from Mexico In 1835, theKiowa in Oklahoma had a relationship with the Chouteautrading company of St Louis, which built trading posts inKiowa territory inthe next decade It is possible that an ear-lier tie to U.S orBritish trading companies in the Missouridrainage led the Kiowa tothenorth, explaining their tradi-tional claim to the Yellowstone country

fur-Division of Labor Traditionally, men were hunters,horsemen, warriors,and traders; women collected plants, pro-cessed foodstuffs and hides, made clothing, and erected andmaintained theskin lodges In reality, male and female rolesprobably overlapped, and many men werefrequently away forwar ortrade Numerous captives did not form a servile class,but wereadopted by Kiowa families; they did haveaspecialceremonial status, given the task of handling sacred artifactsthat were taboo to full tribal members

Land Tenure Like other nomadicpeoples, the Kiowa had

astrongidentification with their land but did not edge individual tenure The subtribes were essentially re-gionaldivisions; there is no indication that their territorieswereexclusive or strictly delimited Private ownership of landbegan when treatylands were apportioned in 1892

acknowl-Kinship

Kin Groups and Descent There are indications of anearlyshift from patrilineal to the bilateral descent that hasprevailed since the nineteenth century The kindred, as de-fined by prohibition of marriage, extended to third cousins orbeyond There isnoindication ofthe existence of corporatedescent groups

Kinship Terminology EarlyKiowakinship terminologyis

not welldocumented.Alist published in 1923 revealsaeral system withHawaiian cousin terminology In the first as-cending generation,bifurcate merging terminology suggests

bilat-anoriginal Iroquois system Certain sibling and in-law termswere differentiatedfor male and female speaker; grandparentand grandchildterms wereidentical; andsiblingterms were

used between great-grandparent and great-grandchild Kin

terms wereextended to allbandmembers

Marriage and Family

Marriage Bands were, in effect, exogamous, since riagewas prohibited toall classedaskin. Polygyny (usually

mar-sororal) was practiced; important chiefs often had severalwives The levirate was common,butnotobligatory Horses

were the usualmarriage gift, the number signifying the wealthand status of thegroom Divorce was common: awife'skinmight, with cause,remove her from the husband's household,

or a marriage could end with absconding or elopement, lowed by payment of compensation

fol-Domestic Unit Residence was normally patrilocal; as oneexception, achief would give awayadaughterto apromisingyoung man, who then joined the campofhis father-in-law