The PLAN’s South China Sea patrols and exercisessince the rulinghave consolidated China’s widerstrategic footprint without adoptingunnecessarilyprovocative military postures.. Meanwhile,
Trang 3wATERS
TheSouthChinaSeaDi
spute and itsImplicationsforAsi
a
EditedbyAbhijit Singh
Trang 4LineintheWaters:TheSouthChinaSeaDisputeanditsImplicati onsforAsiaISBN:978-81-86818-27-5
Trang 7https://amti.csis.org/atlas/
Trang 8ArbitrationontheSouthChinaSea –ImplicationsforMaritime-Asia
ABHIjITS I N G H
AbhijitSinghisSeniorFellowandHeadofMaritimePolicyInitiativeatt heObserverResearchFoundation (ORF) in New Delhi A former Indian naval officer, he has edited two books onmaritime security - Indian Ocean Challenges: a Quest for Cooperative Solutions (2013) andGeopolitics of the Indo-Pacific (2014), and written extensively on India’s growing maritimereach, security of sea-lines of communication, Indian Ocean governance issues and maritimeinfrastructureintheAsianlittorals.
n2 0 1 6 , a s e r i e s o f d e v e l o p m e n t s i n m a r i t i m e
-A s i a d r e w i n t e r n a t i o n a l a t t e n t i o n t o t h e t e r r i t o r i a l disputesintheSouthChinaSea,nonemoresothanthePhilippinesvs.ChinaA r b i t r a t i o n o v e r maritimerightsandjurisdictioninthelittoralseas.On July12,2016,atribunalatthePermanentCourtofArbitration(PCA)atHaguepassedalandmarkonthemat
ter,rulingthatBeijing’sclaimsof dashlinearewithoutlegalbasis.ItfurtherconcludedthatBeijing’sactivitieswithinthePhilipp
historicrightswithinthenine-mileexclusiveeconomiczone(EEZ),suchasillegalfishingandenvironmentallydamagingartificial islandconstructions,constitutedand infringementofMa
ines’two-hundred-nautical-nila’ssovereignrights
In many ways, China had only itself to blame for the debacle Beijing’s firstreaction to the Philippines’legalappealhadbeentoignorethematteraltogether–asifnotacknowledgingthecasewouldeffectivelydelegitimise it Given the high level of internationalinterest in the affair, however, it was forced to makea course correction, issuing a position paper in December
2014 clarifying its official stance on the issue.1Unfortunately for Beijing, its contention that Manila had violated the United Nations Convention of theLaw ofthe Sea (UNCLOS) by filing a petition on a matter of ‘sovereignty’ and ‘territorialjurisdiction’failedtoconvincejudgesatthePCA,whoruledcomprehensivelyinfavourofthePhilippines.2
Trang 9Notwithstanding the maritime legalese surrounding the case, the technicalnuances of the points raisedreveal an underlying narrative It is important tonote that when Manila filed proceedings under AnnexVII of the UNCLOS inJuly 2013, it was smart enough to invoke only those provisions that allowforcompulsorya r b i t r a t i o n F u l l y a w a r e t h a t t e r r i t o r i a l d i s p u t e s a r e
b e y o n d t h e r e m i t o f U N C L O S , t h e
2
Trang 10At the heart of the Philippines’ submission werequestions about the legalvalidityofChina’snine-dashline’intheSouthChinaSea.Manilaframeditspe tition t
o se e k a c la r ifi c a ti on f r om th e c ou r tw h e th e r sta t
e r ig h t s and obligations in the waters, seabed, and maritime features ofthe
drawnlineonachart.Simplyput,ManilaassertedthatChina’smaritimemapoftheSCSwas of dubious provenance, and claims arisingfrom it were an outrightviolationof the law
SCScouldbedemarcatedbysomethingasarbitraryasahand-AFlawedLegalStrategy
China’s belatedly mounted legal defence was innatelyflawed
Beijingimplausiblyarguedagainstthetribunal’smandatetointerprettheapplication of the UNCLOS;erroneously invoked Art 298, citing itsvoluntaryopt-outofcompulsorya r b i t r a t i o n u n d e r t h e U N C L
O S ; andunconvincinglypetitionedforthedismissaloft h
e P h i l i p p i n e s ’ case, invoking the Declaration of the Conduct ofParties (DOC) in theSouth China Sea.4Nothing in the text of that agreement, the judgespointed out, imposed any obligation on astate to eschew legal remediesin pursuing a just redressal Yet,
Tribunalpasseditsfinaljudgment,fewhadbelievedthatChinawouldfacesuchahumiliating loss It came as a surprise that the tribunalruled in favor ofthe Philippines on almost every count,unanimously rejecting nearly allof China’s maritimeclaims in the region
The felicity with which the tribunal tackled legaltechnicalities
deservesacknowledgment.Thecourtr i g h t l y h e l d t
h a t a l l t h e t e r r i t o r i e s i n the contested SpratlyIslands are reefs or rocks, and not islands –animportantdistinction,asunderUNCLOS,reefscannotgenerateaclaimto the surrounding waters or airspace, and rocks serve asthe basis onlyfor a maritime claim of 12 nautical miles
ofthefeaturesontheSpratlysas“lessthanIslands”negatedt
Trang 113
Trang 12onlyreefsor rocks, deflated Chinese claims China’s outposts in the Spratly
groupare now rendered isolated enclaves floating in the Philippines’
activitiesinsidethe Philippines’ exclusive economic zone Chinese
vessels, the judgesheld, were not only fishing in
routinelyengagedindangerouslymanoeuversbyapproach
ingPhilippineboatstooclose, preventing them from fishing, and
zone.Turningitsknifeinanalreadyachingwound,thetribunalth
encensuredChina for its construction of artificial islands in the region,
which itdetermined had caused severe environmental
damage and heightenedgeopoliticaltensions
China’sOperationalResponse
Despitetheclaritybroughtbytheverdicttomanycon
tentiousissues,it did not plug all loopholes Its biggest inadequacy is
the lack of anhonorable face-saver for Beijing.7China was perhaps
courtwouldpassanadverseruling,butwasstilltakenabackbyt
heseverityofthe final verdict Expectedly, it provoked an immediate
response fromthe PLAN that moves to expand its
SouthChinaSea.Withindaysofthejudgment, Beiji
ngupped thetempoof its reclamation activities and began creating
military infrastructure onislands under its control in the SCS
hadanydoubts,Chinamadeitclearthatthereisnoprovisioninin
ternationallaw to enforce a UN court’s binding judgment
Since then, Chinese military and non-military vessels
methodically expandingits regional military
avoidingriskymanoeuvresthatcouldtriggeranaccidentalclash.Besidessteppingup itsfortification of military outposts in the
opendefianceofthetribunal’sruling,Chinahasconstructedreinforcedaircrafthangars on
Trang 13Subi, Mischief and Fiery Cross Reefs These new
facilitieshavepotential militaryusageandexpandthe
PLA’s power projection
Despitetheclaritybroug htbytheverdicttomanyc ontentiousissues,itdidn otplug
allloopholes.Itsbigg esti n a d e q u a c y i sthelackofanhonora bleface-saver forBeijing.
capabilityintheSouthChinaSea.Incombinationwiththefirst,Beijing
4
Trang 14has moved to mobilise its massive coastguard fleet to
presenceandintimidatenon-ChinesefishermeninSoutheastandEastAsia,intheprocesssubstantiallyraisingtheriskofaninadvertentclash
The PLAN’s South China Sea patrols and exercisessince the rulinghave consolidated China’s widerstrategic footprint without adoptingunnecessarilyprovocative military postures Rather thanestablishing anairdefenceidentificationzone–whichwouldhavebeenhardtoenforce
–
Beijinginitiatedanewprogramof“aircombatpatrols”,flyingnuclear-capable H-6K bombers and Su-30 fighters over disputed island featuresinan intimidating display of its airpower andresolve.8Worryingly,
China’sjointmaritimeexerciseswithfriendlynaviesincorporated“island-seizingdrills”and anti-submarine warfare
Meanwhile, despite undertaking multiple FONOPS inthe South ChinaSea since the verdict, the US seems
to be at a loss of options in tacklingChina’s provocations.Despite warning from the Obama administrationandPresident-electDonaldTrump,Beijinghasrefusedtomenditsways.In
December 2016, a Chinese boat confiscated a US underwater dronein thewaters off the Philippines, challenging US operationalprimacy
intheSCS.9TheUUVwasreturneddayslater,butBeijingshowedhowit was taking unkindly to intrusive US maritimeoperations, as well asunconsideredremarks byTrumpandhistransition team
Ineffect,BeijinghasmanagedtoshifttheburdenofescalationontotheUSanditsallies,whomustnowdecidehowmuchprovocationisenoughto cross the threshold of tolerance With the ChineseSupreme
Court’srecognitionofa“clearlegalbasisforChinatosafeguardmaritimeorder,marinesafetyandinterestsandto“exerciseintegratedmanagementoverthe country’s jurisdictional seas”, USanalysts and policymakers knowBeijing could soon come upwith a domestic law to tighten its controlover theSouth China Sea.10If China declares base lines around theSpratlys,itwill set the proverbialcat out among the pigeons
India’sSouthChinaSeaInterests
A passive bystander through much of the dispute’srecent history, Indiatook a measured stand in the wake of the UNtribunal’s verdict NewDelhi issued a statement that urged
Trang 15all parties to show utmost respectfor the UNCLOS,and the international legal order of the seasandoceans.11The statement indicated India’s recognition of the legitimacyofthePer ma ne nt Courtof Arbitration ( PCA),but more importantly, it illustrated New Delhi’s willingness toacknowledge the need for allaffectedpartiesto upholdtheverdict.
While New Delhi’s choice of words seemed motivated
toappearbalanced,China insisted oninterpretingIndia’s standasbeing
5
Trang 16in support of its position The Chinese media noted
that New Delhi’ssigning of the Russia-India-China
oftheneedforallpartiesinvolvedinthemaritimedisputestosettl
emattersthroughdialogue rather than seekinglegal
recourse
Not that Beijing has ever believed that India’s South
China Sea standmatters Days before the start of the
China’sForeignMinister,heldwide-rangingtalkswithPrimeMinisterNarendraModiandExtern
alAffairsMinisterSushmaSwaraj.12Theagendaincluded a
number of contentious bilateral issues – China’s
perceivedoppositiontoIndia’smembershiptotheNuclear
SecurityGroup(NSG),Beijing’s opposition to UN sanctions on
Jaish-e-Mohammed Chief,Masood Azhar, and the China-Pakistan
nottheaffairsoftheSouthChinaSea.ThatthevisitingChinese
delegatehadthe South China Sea in mind all along was confirmed a day
later, whenthe Chinese media hailed India for being
“neutral on the South ChinaSea” – convinced that if
the matter ever came up at the forthcomingG-20
summit,NewDelhi wouldnottakesides.13
For its part, India realises that too much interest in
the affairs of theSCS has the potential to impact
bilateral ties Indeed, a week prior toWang’s visit to
India, theGlobal Times, a Chinese tabloid widely seen
edthanever.Under the ‘Act East’ policy, trade with ASEAN and the far-eastern
Pacificis expanding significantly Consequently, Asia’s
areincreasinglybecomingavitalfacilitatorofIndia’secono
micdevelopment.With growing dependence on the Malacca Strait for
the flow of goodsand services, economics is increasingly a
factor in India’s Pacific policy.The territorial conflicts in the SCS
ofIndia’seconomicdevelopment,creatinganunacceptableimpedimentforregionaltradeand commerce.15
Moreimportantly,IndiabelievesthatthedisputesintheSoutheastAsianlittoralsarealitmustestforinternationalmaritimelaw.IntheaftermathoftheHagueTribunal’sverdictontheSouthChinaSea,NewDelhifeelsobligatedtotakeaprincipledstandontheissueoffreedomofnavigationand commercial access
as enshrined in the UNCLOS
theguaranteesbeingsoughtbyBeijingfromIndiaaboutstayingneutralon
Trang 17retrajectoryofIndia’seconomicdevelopment,creat
inganunacceptabl eimpedimentforre gionaltradeandco mmerce.
6
Trang 18theSCS,NewDelhicannotbeseentobecondoninganaggressivestandby China inthe region
For all of China’s concessions on offer, New Delhi hasreason to continueviewing PLAN manoeuvres in theIndian Ocean Region (IOR) withsuspicion For onething, Beijing still yet to explain its rapidlygrowingundersea presence in littoral South Asia The
anti-piracyoperationstojustifythedeploymentofChinesesubmarinesintheIndian Ocean makes many Indian maritime analysts believe thatChinais preparing for a larger strategic thrustin theIndian Ocean.16
ImplicationsforSouthAsia
AnaggressiveChinesemaritimepostureintheSouthChinaSeaChinesealso has implications for the wider Asian commons – inparticular theSouth Asian littorals, where Indian
powerasymmetries.FormanyIndiananalysts,thereisaclearcorrelationbetweenaggressiveChinesepatrollingintheSCSanditsgrowingdeploymentsintheIndianOceanRegion.China’saggressiveresponsetotheUNArbitralTribunal’sverdictisinterpretedbymanyinIndiaasabroaderstrategytoprojectpower
theEasternIndianOcean,whereChina’sdistantwaterfishingfleetisalreadyasignificant presence
Beijing’s blueprint for maritime operations in the
mightinvolvet h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f m u l t i p l e l o g
i s t i c a l f a c i l i t i e s c l o s e w i t h i n India sphere ofinfluence China’s 10-year agreement with Djibouti in2015 for thesetting up of a naval replenishment facility in thenorthernObock region is widely seen by Indian experts as proof of the PLANavy’sstrategic ambitions in theIOR
Trang 197
Trang 20oblivious that it was the prime mover of legal proceedingsagainst China Rather than
hold China to account, President RodrigoDuterte appears keen to
play “political footsie” with Beijing.18In
thecircumstances, it appears only the US and, to a
arewillingtoconfrontChinaintheSouthChinaSea
America’s options are to either raise the frequency of
its freedom ofnavigation or conduct more aggressive
footing regional patrols Despitea resumption of FONOPS,
AmericanpolicymakersthatassertiveUSNpatrolsintheSouthChinaS
eawillchangeChinese behaviour Yet, if Beijing crosses the “red-line” by
reclaimingScarborough, it is likely the US Navy will
offer strong pushback.19Washington will be keen to leverage diplomacy in
preventing tensionsfrom rising But it knows Beijing is
unlikely to offer any guarantees thatit willscale backits
aggressionin theSouth ChinaSea
Even so, there are ways in which regional states could
reinforce the recentruling without militarily confronting
China The first is to encourageboth China and the
Philippines to abide by the UN court’s decision.Other
claimants too must discuss ways in which the ruling
theirownpositionvis-à-visthemaritimedisputes.Allpartiesmustdesistfrommilitary
activities and allowtensions to cool
In the meantime, it is better to keep talking – for the
theproblemsintheSCSmightactuallylieinaccelerateddialo
gue.SoutheastAsian states must encourage Chinese officials to negotiate
with otherclaimants in the South China Sea, and also
make progress on a bindingcode of conduct (CoC)
with ASEAN A clear set of guidelines
downifChinaresortstoassertivemoves,suchasconstructionatScarboroughShoal
ForIndia,itisimportanttodisplaysolidaritywithSoutheastAsianstates
Trang 21islittleconsensusa mong
Americanpolicymak ersthatassertiveUS NpatrolsintheSouth ChinaSeawillchangeC hinese
behaviour.
topressforapeacefulsolutiontothe SCSdisputes.NewDelhimust
8
Trang 22encourage both China and ASEAN to undertakegreater confidence-building measures and to reducethe risk of an accidental clash It isinnobody’sinteresttoseegreat-
powerconflictovertheSouthChinaSea
NewDelhicanassureChinathatitdoeshavereasonableoptionsavailable to it With or without the UN court’s interventions,resolvingthe impasse in the South China Sea peacefullyand legally would be ineveryone’sinterests
Againstt h i s l a r g e r b a c k d r o p , t h e f o l l o w i n g
c h a p t e r s o f t h i s p r i m e r attempt to evaluate the prospects
SouthChinaSea.Thecontributorsarguethateventhoughthevexednatureofthe dispute has prevented all sides from reaching aworking consensus,the search for diplomatic solutionshasn’t ended Undoubtedly, as JeffSmith points outs,the only way in which the seriously contested issueoffreedom of navigation (FON) in the SCS can beresolved is throughgreater diplomatic dialoguebetween the US and China Yet, asTengJianqunsuggests,therearemanywaysofinterpretingnavigationalfreedoms – each one meant to servespecific political agendas, and shapedby auniquelynationalist historicalperspective
Ristian Supriyanto points to the need for greaterconfidence
buildingmeasuresintheSCS.WhiletheadoptionofanavalCodeforUnplannedEncountersatSea(CUES)asacrisismanagementmechanismcountsasa p o s i t i v e m o v e ,
Trang 23that regional states remainincreasinglydependentontheUSfortheirsecurity.HaAnhTuanoutlinesVietnam’sprincipalmotivationsinabstainingfrompubliccriticismofChina.Making predictions about the SCS, heargues, is fraught with risk forHanoi because future outcomesare likely to be dependent entirely onevolvingvariables Finally, Satoru Nagao brings out Japan’sneed for aspecial partnership with India in the
Asgreat-powerp o l i t i c s b e c o m e s m o r e i n t e n s e i n t h e S
o u t h C h i n a S e a , he proposes a deeper India-Japan operationalcompact in the regionallittorals
9
Trang 24Clearly, the old certainties that brought prosperity
and stability to theWestern Pacific for over three
decades are under threat The US-ledsecurity system
undergirding Asia’s maritime strategic order is
beingdismantled.Moredisturbingly,theinstitutionaledificeo
nwhichpoliticalconfidence in the system was built is being decisively
undermined Thisprimer is an attempt to have a reasoned discussion of the
consequencesofcontinuinginstabilityintheSouthChinaSea
Against this backdrop, the following chapters of this
primer attempt toevaluate the prospects for peace
and stability in the South China
Sea.Thecontributorsarguethateventhoughthevexednatur
eofthedisputehaspreventedallsidesfromreachingaworki
ngconsensus,thesearchfordiplomatic solutions has not ended
Undoubtedly, as Jeff Smith pointsouts, the only way in which US
– each one meant to serve specific political agendas,
historicalperspective
Meanwhile,t h e r e g i o n ’ s m i d d l e p o w e r s r e m a
i n c o n c e r n e d o v e r t h e deterioratingse c u r ity dy n a
mic in th e r e gion R ic h ar dH a y da r ia n giv e s an
excellent account of Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte’s
agementmechanismcounts as a positive move, he notes, the
absence of consensus in resolving thecontroversial uses of
white-hull vessels and ‘maritime militias’ in enforcingmaritime
claims For Koh Swee Lean Collin, the balancing game
in
theSCScanhaveunintendedconsequencesforallsidesseeking
tomaximisegains Even with closer diplomatic and economic links with
China, heavers, doesn’t change the reality that regional
increasinglydependentontheUSfortheirsecurity.HaAnhTuanoutlinesVietnam’sprincipalmotivationsinabstainingfrompubliccriticismofChina.Making predictions about theSCS, he argues, is fraught with riskforHanoi because futureoutcomes are likely to be
onevolving variables.Finally, Satoru Nagaobrings out Japan’s needfor aspecial partnershipwith India in the regional
powerp o l i t i c s b e c o m e
Asgreat-s m o r e i n t e n Asgreat-s e i n t h e S
o u t h C h i n a S e a , heproposes a deeper India-Japanoperational compact in theregionallittorals
Trang 25Thecontributorsarguethateventhoughthevexednature ofthedisputehasprevented
allsidesfromreachingaworkingconsensus,thesear chfordiplomaticsolutionshasnotended.
10
Trang 26Clearly, the old certainties that brought prosperityand stability to theWestern Pacific for over threedecades are under threat The US-ledsecurity systemundergirding Asia’s maritime strategic order isbeingdismantled.Moredisturbingly,theinstitutionaledificeonwhichpoliticalconfidence in the system was built is being decisivelyundermined Thisprimer is an attempt to have a reasoned discussion of theconsequencesofcontinuinginstabilityintheSouthChinaSea
1 PositionPaperoftheGovernmentofthePeople’sRepublicofChinaonth eMatterofJurisdictionintheSouthChinaSeaArbitrationInitiatedbyth eRepublicofthePhilippines,MinistryofForeignAffairs, Republic of China July
12, 2014http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/t1217147.shtml
2 Julian Ku,It is Beijing’s fault that China lost big in the South China
Sea ruling,The Quartz,
July17,2016http://qz.com/733012/it-is-beijings-fault-that-china-lost-big-in-the-south-china-sea-ruling/
3 Abhijit Singh,End of Maritime Innocence, The Asia Times Online, July
10, the-china-vs-philippines-arbitration-saga//
2016,http://www.atimes.com/article/end-of-maritime-innocence-4 JayBatongbacal,Arbitration101:Philippinesv.China,AsiaMaritimeTra
nsparencyInitiative,Jan21,2015https://amti.csis.org/arbitration-101-philippines-v-china/
5 Alex Linder,China swiftly rejects Hague Tribunal ruling against its
South China Sea claims,TheShanghaiist, Jul 12,
2016http://shanghaiist.com/2016/07/12/china_rejects_hague_ruling.p hp
6 Philippines to Declare Marine Sanctuary in South China Sea, The
November21,2016http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/22/world/asia/phi lippines-rodrigo-duterte-scarborough-shoal-china.html?_r=0
Joint exploration in South China Sea legal, The Business Standard,
south-china-sea-legal-philippine-official-117010500978_1.html
http://www.business-standard.com/article/news-ians/joint-exploration-in-7 Mira Rapp-Hooper,Parting the South China Sea,Foreign Affairs, Sept /
9 Chinese warship seizes US underwater drone in international
December16,2016,https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/dec/16/c hina-seizes-us-underwater-drone-south-china-sea
10 Amanda Macias,China’s top court issued an ‘ominous’ message
Sea,TheBusinessInsider,August4,2016http://www.businessinsider.in/Chin
as-top-court-issued-an-ominous-message-about-the-South-China-Sea/articleshow/
53532697.cms
11 Jayanth Jacob,India for peaceful means to resolve South China
Trang 27
for-being-neutral-over-south-china-sea-says-ties-developing-smoothly-2245998
14 Hu Weijia,Indiashould focus on preserving good economic
ties with China, rather than onthe South China Sea, The Global
Trang 28china-like-it-is-about-the-south-china-sea/
OrganisationOnline,http://www.orfonline.org/expert-speaks/telling-16 China Defends Its Submarines In Indian Ocean,NDTV, July 7,
ocean-says-they-are-legitimate-1429068
2017http://www.ndtv.com/world-news/china-defends-its-submarines-in-indian-17 Jason Miks,Obama: Consequences if China violates rules and
zakaria-interview-miks/
2016http://edition.cnn.com/2016/09/04/us/obama-china-response-18 AndrewBrown,RodrigoDuterteThrowsaGrenade in Washington’s
China Strategy, WallStreetJournal,Sept7,2016http://www.wsj.com/
articles/duterte-throws-a-grenade-in-washingtons-china-strategy-1473239479;TheReal Reasons Rodrigo Duterte Flip-FloppedOn
South China Sea, Forbes, January 4, 2017
Disputeshttp://www.forbes.com/sites/panosmourdoukoutas/2017/0 1/04/the-real-reasons-rodrigo-duterte-flip-flopped-on-south-china- sea-disputes/#2baf2b8b6361
19 Report: China May Cross Obama’s ‘Red Line,’ Reclaim Scarborough
Shoal, Sputnik News, August15, 2016 https://sputniknews.com/asia/20160815/1044267318/china-red-line- scarborough-obama.html
Trang 2912
Trang 30hatadifferenceeightyearscanmake.InJanuary2009,theSouthChinaSea(SCS)wasbarelyon the world’s collective radar ‘Land reclamation’ was still an exotic term China
tosubmitits‘NineDashLine’claimtoanininternationalbodyorseizeScarboroughShoalfrom
thePhilippines.TherewerenoChineseaircraftcarriers,noartificialislands,no‘maritimemilitia’,andno‘military alert zones’ in the Spratlys
After 30 years of comparative stability from 1979 to 2009, the SCS began
eightyearsago.Dormantterritorialdisputes intheSpratlyshavebeeninflamedatopanemergingfaultlinein great power competition as a separate, unrelated disputebetween the US and China over Freedom ofNavigation (FON) has migrated to the SCS,and grown progressively intertwined with the sovereigntydisputesthere
Meanwhile, Beijing seems increasingly determined to construct and operatewithin a parallel set of lawsand norms governing FON and maritimeentitlements gradually abandoning its commitment to the UNConventionontheLaw oftheSea (UNCLOS)andcustomaryinternational law
For the US, the most concerning aspect of these developments relates to an
ChinesechallengestoFONintheSCS.Iftheseverityofthosechallengeswasnotclearbefore,inDecember2016theUSwasconfrontedwithablatantprovocationwhenthePeople’sLiberationArmyNavy(PLAN)stoleasovereignUSdroneinwatersbeyondevenChina’sso-calledNineDashLine.1
Trang 31As with the EP-3 incident three months after President George W Bush’sinauguration, the drone thefttwo months before the inauguration of theDonald Trump presidency, set an ominous tone for bilateralrelations.2It alsoconfirmed what has become increasingly evident in recent years: China andthe US—indeed, China and all nations committed to FON, UNCLOS, and arules-based maritime order—have afundamental conflict of interestin theSouthChina Sea.
13
Trang 32USInterestsintheSouthChinaSea
It is ironic that there remains so much confusion
about Americaninterests in the South China Sea,
given how Washington’s position hasbeen remarkably
consistent for over 20 years In 1995, the US
StateDepartment identified USinterests in theSCS as
• Freedomo f n a v i g a t i o n i s a f u n d a m e n t a l i n
t e r e s t o f t h e U n i t e d States
On the critical questions related to sovereignty over
the disputed rocksand LTEs in the SCS, America
streatyobligationsapplytodisputedfeatures More recently, violent
shifts in the geopolitical dispensation ofregionalpartnershave
furthercomplicated matters
Yet, these considerations pale in comparison to the one
nationalinterestundergrowingthreatintheSCS:Freedomof
NavigationandtheUS commitment to practice and uphold FON
forcivilian and militaryvesselsas defined by customary
international law and UNCLOS
FreedomofNavigation
While the US-China dispute over Freedom of
Navigation is complexand multi-layered, it revolves
WheredoChina’swatersbeginandend,andwhatis
Chinaentitledtodoin the maritime space under its jurisdiction On
both questions, the USposition generally aligns with
Trang 33UNCLOS and customaryinternationallaw.DespitesigningandratifyingtheConvention,China’spositiondoesnot The US Congress has not ratifiedUNCLOS since it was signed bythen President Bill Clinton in
1994 but has upheld its provisionsonmaritimeentitlementsandjurisdiction
Broadly speaking, UNCLOS grants nations a 12
(nm)territorials e a s t r e t c h i n g o u t f r o m t h e i r c o n
t i n e n t a l s h e l f w h e r e t h e y
14
Trang 34enjoyexpansivesovereignrights.Beyondthat,nationsaregrantedmorelimitedrightsoverthingslikeresourceexploitationina200nmExclusiveEconomicZone(EEZ).Uninhabitablerocksandnaturalislandsalsogetentitlements: a territorial sea for the formerand an additional EEZ forthe latter Features below sea level
at high tide (LTEs) get no sovereignentitlements
The US also upholds UNCLOS provisions on thecreation of maritime‘baselines’.Seized from Vietnam
in 1974, China has drawn straightbaselines aroundthe Paracel Islands, claiming all the maritimespacewithina s ‘ t e r r i t o r i a l w a t e r s ’ , a r i g h t U
N C L O S g r a n t s e x c l u s i v e l y toarchipelagicstates.AndAmericanpolicyalignswithUNCLOS’unambiguous treatment of artificial islands: namely, an LTE or rockcannot be
‘upgraded’ to a rock or island simply by blanketing itwithsandfromtheocean floor
Artificial islands, installations and structures
do not possess the statusof islands They have no territorial sea of their own, and their presencedoes not affect the delimitation of the territorial sea, the
exclusiveeconomiczoneorcontinentalshelf.4
Bycontrast,Chinahasclaimedmaritimespaceandentitlementsbeyondthose granted by UNCLOS, with its ill-defined Nine Dash Lineclaimover nearly the entire SCS serving as the mostnotorious, but by nomeans only, example Legalscholars have long viewed the basis forthisnebulousclaim—China’sso-called‘historicrights’—
asinconsistentwithUNCLOS Their skepticism was confirmed by a July
TribunalrulingwhichdeemedtheNineD a s h L i n e i n v
a l i d andinconsistentw iththe Con ve ntion Inasw
e epin g decision,it also
Maritimejurisdictions
TerritorialS
ea
Upto12nauticalmilesfromacountry’sbaseline(low-water coastline)
Sovereignt e r r i t o r y o f t h e s t a t e Foreigncivilianandmilitaryvesselsright toinnocent passage
fi s c a l , i m m i g r a t i o n o r
s a n i t a r y l a w s
Trang 35HighSeas AllpartsoftheseathatarenotincludedintheEEZ,theterritorialsea,orintheinternalwatersofa state.No exclusiverights.
Source:TheNationalOceanicandAtmosphericAdministration(NOAA)
15
Trang 36confirmedw h a t m a n y s u s p e c t e d : n o n e o f C h i n a ’
s s e v e n o u t p o s t s i n the Spratlys—indeed, no feature in the
Spratlys—was a ‘natural island’beforelandreclamation
its territorial sea—including ‘innocent passage’—
require priornotification and consent from Beijing
From a legal perspective, international experts and
law scholars haveconvincingly debunked China’s
minority interpretation of UNCLOS,demonstrating
that the Convention does not grant the coastal
stateexpansive powers to regulate foreign military
activity in the EEZ.5Thatis why China has increasingly downplayed
UNCLOS in defending itsposition, arguing that its domestic
thesemattersorthattheyarebeyondthescopeoftheConve
ntion
Fromapracticalstandpoint,EEZsaccountforsome102milli
onsquarekilometersoftheroughly335millionsquarekilometers
ofoceansurface.Under China’s interpretation, the US and other foreign
militaries couldbe barred from operating in nearly
one-third of the world’s oceans, anoutcome unacceptable
to Washington and one never envisioned by
thedrafters of UNCLOS
FONwithChineseCharacteristics
At first glance, FON is a peculiar issue to quarrel
over: every nation,including China, is a vocal
proponent “There has never been any problemwith the
freedom of navigation and overflight; nor will there ever
beany in the future, for China needs unimpeded
commerce through thesewaters more than anyone else,” Chinese
President Xi Jinping explainedin 2015.6
Chinese officials are less eager to publicly discuss how
Beijing’s definitionof FON extends only to commercial
vessels and not military ones.Beijing has traditionally
avoided articulating this directly but Chineseofficials
have grown less coy in recent years In August 2015,
ChineseAmbassador to the Philippines Zhao Jianhua
bluntly stated: “No freedomof navigation for warships
and planes.”7Two monthslater, an article inthe
”8
opposition to military FONhas been evident forsometime.WhileseveralcapitalsshareBeijing’spositionthatforeignwarshipsmustreceivepriornotificationandconsenttooperateintheirEEZor
Trang 3716
Trang 38peacefullytransittheirterritorialsea,theiroppositionhasbeenlimitedtodiplomaticprotests.China,bycontrast,hasoperationallychallengedtheUSNavywarshipsandaircraftoveronedozen‘unsafeencounters’sincetheturn of the century
Until recently, this cat-and-mouse game largelyunfolded off China’s mainland coast and HainanIsland In 2014, however, China begananunprecedentedspreeoflandreclamationandartificialislandconstructionatopsevenrocksandLTEsunderitsadministrationintheSpratlys
These actions raised fears China would a) seek to claim
andEEZsforitsartificialislandsbeyondwhat’spermittedunderUNCLOS,and b) seek to illegally restrict US military FON around theoutposts.Those fears were confirmed in May 2015 when
a CNN crew aboard aUS surveillance aircraftoperating in international waters near China’sSpratlyoutposts captured a Chinese radio operator warningthe aircrafttoleave China’s‘military alertzone’
GiventhatChinahadnosovereignj u r i s d i c t i o n o v e
r t h a t a i r s p a c e , and since a ‘military alert zone’ has no basis inUNCLOS, the Obamaadministration came under a wave ofpressure to conduct Freedom ofNavigationOperations (FONOPs) around China’s artificialislands tochallenge Beijing’s illegal action
FONOPsandDoubleStandards
Since the late 1970s, the US Departments of Stateand Defense havebeen jointly operating a The USFreedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) program
is designed to challenge excessive maritime claimsbyany state, partner and adversary alike Between 12 and 28 times ayear,
US military vessels fly and sail in ways that affirmAmerica’s non-adherence to unlawful claims.Between October 2015 and October2016, the Obama
publicly-acknowledgedFONOPsintheSCS.ThefirstthreeweredesignedtochallengeChina’sopposition to ‘innocent passage’ through its
foreignwarships.TwoofthoseoperationswereconductednearChina’soutpostsin the Spratlys, bookending one near Triton Island
in the Paracels Thefourth, launched near Woody Island, wasdesigned to challenge China’screation of illegal baselines around
Trang 39the Paracels in 1996, when it illegally“encompasses [ed] the entire group ofParacel Islands within a ring ofsovereignwaters.”9
Beijing has been highly critical of both ‘close-in’surveillance operationsand FONOPs in the past and the most
nodifferent.Theyhave“gonebeyondthescopeoffreedomofnavigation.ItisapoliticalprovocationandthepurposeistotestChina’sresponse,”10
17
Trang 40arguedC h i n a ’ s f o r e i g n m i n i s t r y “ R e c o n n a i s s a n c e c o n d u c t e d b y t h eU.S military aircraft poses a potential threat to the
security of China’smaritime features, and is highly
likely to cause miscalculation, or evenuntoward
maritime andaerial incidents.”11
A December 2016 report by the National Institute for
SeaStudies(NISCSS)arguesthatFONPOSaredesignedto“
assertnavalandaerial supremacy across the global, protect [America’s]
global interestsand maintain its global hegemony.”
Perhaps most comically, Beijingclaimsthe innocent
passage of US Navy vesselshas “jeopardized
nofitslongstandingexercise of navigational freedoms
as a ‘provocation’ deserving of abelligerent response
Second, FONOPs are the opposite of ‘biased
anddiscriminatory’,conductedagainstnoshortageofUSpa
rtners,includingIndiaandTaiwan,andUStreatyalliesliketheP
hilippines.TheUSdoes,for obvious reasons, conduct more surveillance
operations near Chinathan other regional states but these
FONOPsand,critically,compliantwithUNCLOSandinte
rnationallaw
Finally,C h i n e s e o ff i c i a l s h a v e r e p e a t e d l y a c c u s
e d t h e U S o f a p p l y i n g a double standard, insisting Washington
would not accept the PLANoperating in America’s EEZ.This
claim rings particularly hollow Notonly has the
Chinese military been operating in Japan’s EEZ for
years,but in 2013 PLA Navy warships began doing so
in America’s EEZ Atthe Shangri La Dialogue in
Singapore that year, a “Chinese participantconfirmed
that the PLA Navy had conducted unspecified
activities inAmerica’s EEZ around Guam and Hawaii,
perceivedinBeijingasillegalorhypocritical.”13WhenAdm
SamuelLocklear,thenheadofUSPacificCommand,wasask
edwhetheritwastruethePLANhad begun such operations, he replied:
“They are, and we encourage theirability to do that.” Washington
responded in similar fashion when fiveChinese warships
transited America’s territorial sea off Alaska in
October2015 “This was a legal transit of U.S territorial
inaccordancewith[UNCLOS],”thePentagoncalmlyexplaine
d.14America,inthiscase,haspracticedwhatit’s
preached
AFlagrantProvocation
On 15 December 2016,the US-China FON
itmaneuveredtoretrievean‘oceanglider’UnmannedUnderwaterVehicle(UUV)gatheringhydrographicdata.B
eforetheBowditchcouldr
ecover