Religion and Reform in the City The Re Thinking Chicago Movement of the 1930s Wright State University Wright State University CORE Scholar CORE Scholar History Faculty Publications History 1986 Religi[.]
Trang 1CORE Scholar
1986
Religion and Reform in the City: The Re-Thinking Chicago
Movement of the 1930s
Jacob Dorn
Wright State University - Main Campus, jacob.dorn@wright.edu
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Dorn, J (1986) Religion and Reform in the City: The Re-Thinking Chicago Movement of the 1930s Church History, 55 (3), 323-337
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Trang 2Religion and Reform in the City: The Re-Thinking Chicago Movement
of the 1930s JACOB H DORN Historians have produced a rich and sophisticated literature on urban reform in the progressive era before the First World War It includes numerous studies of individual cities, biographies of urban leaders, and analyses of particular movements and organizations This literature illu- minates important variations among reformers and their achievements, the relationships between urban growth and reform, and the functional role of the old-style political machines against which progressives battled Similarly, there are many examinations of progressive-era reformers' ideas about and attitudes toward the burgeoning industrial cities that had come into being with disquieting rapidity during their own lifetimes Some of these works go well beyond the controversial conclusions of Morton and Lucia White in The Intellectual Versus the City (1964) to find more complex-and sometimes more positive-assessments of the new urban civilization.'
Substantially less is known about efforts to reform particular cities and about the ideas and attitudes of urban intellectuals in the interwar years, especially the 1930s Perhaps the nationalizing trends of the "Depression Decade" explain the shift of historians' attention to other subjects After all, whereas many of the most innovative and interesting progressive causes originated in urban communities, the indisputable source of experimentation under the New Deal was Washington This foray into the history of
"Re-Thinking Chicago," a cause whose leaders believed their city very much needed changing, suggests that we might profitably extend urban reform studies into the comparatively neglected later period.2
1 Two excellent examples of studies of reform efforts in individual cities are Zane L Miller, Boss Cox's Cincinnati: Urban Politics in the Progressive Era (Oxford, 1968), and Melvin G Holli, Reform in Detroit: Hazen S Pingree and Urban Politics (Oxford, 1969) Jean Quandt's From the Small Town to the Great Community: The Social Thought of Progressive Intellectuals (New Brunswick, N.J., 1970) is a model of judicious interpretation of progressive intellectuals' ambivalence about the meaning of urbanization for American life
2 The principal source for Re-Thinking Chicago is the Arthur E Holt Papers, Chicago Theological Seminary The Charles E Merriam Papers at the University of Chicago Library (Regenstein Library), though less complete, contain additional documents Shirley
E Greene, "Re-Thinking Chicago: An Experiment in Christian Community Building" (M.A thesis, University of Chicago, 1935), covers less than two years and, as the work of a participant, lacks detachment
Mr Dorn is professor of history in Wright State University, Dayton, Ohio
323
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Re-Thinking Chicago originated inauspiciously in a conversation in October 1933 among four clergymen Meeting at the Quadrangle Club at the University of Chicago, Arthur E Holt, Professor of Social Ethics at the Chicago Theological Seminary, Charles W Gilkey, Dean of the University Chapel, Rabbi Louis L Mann of Sinai Congregation, and Rabbi Solomon B Freehof of the Kehilath Anshe Mayriv Temple sensed a quickening interest
in the city's problems and agreed that religious institutions ought to be involved They extended their conversation to include Charles E Merriam, head of the University of Chicago's political science department, and Louis Brownlow, whose Public Administration Clearing House Merriam had helped bring to the university A professor at Chicago since 1900, Merriam was a veteran of reform who had served in the city council for six years, run as the Republican candidate for mayor in 1911, and worked with a host of municipal agencies and voluntary organizations.3 No more authoritative voice could have been added to the clerics' discussion In Merriam's view, lack
of information was not the principal barrier to urban progress; the university library's shelves contained enough studies to remake civic life, if they could attract the attention of city leaders The fundamental problem, he asserted, was the city's "lack of a 'soul.' " Given the religious leaders' predisposition to such judgments, it is not surprising that the political scientist's words "struck fire" with them.4
Convinced that "the time [was] ripe for the religious idealists of Chicago to bring to bear on the problems of the city their collective thinking," the four men invited fifty others, Protestants, Catholics and Jews, and both clergy and lay, to a meeting at the International House on 6 November The twenty-two who attended enthusiastically approved the idea of bringing together individ- uals and organizations committed to "re-thinking and building Chicago" and authorized Holt to appoint a committee to plan a cooperative project to that end To the original four he added Duncan H Browne, Rector of Saint James Episcopal Church, Paul Hutchinson, managing editor of the Christian Century, and Judge David F Matchett of the Illinois Appellate Court Thus Re-Thinking Chicago was born.5
From beginning to end, Holt and his associates emphasized educational
3 Barry D Karl, Charles E Merriam and the Study of Politics (Chicago, 1974), chap 4, "The Scholar in Politics." Merriam's role in municipal affairs is also recounted in his Chicago: A More Intimate View of Urban Politics (New York, 1929), chap 7, "Actual Government," and, more briefly, in Lloyd Wendt and Herman Kogan, Big Bill of Chicago (Indianapolis, 1953), pp 132-137, 152, 163-165, 236, 253
4 Greene, "Re-Thinking Chicago," p 4
5 Charles W Gilkey, et al., to Dear , 1 November 1933, and Arthur E Holt to
9 November 1933, Holt Papers; Greene, "Re-Thinking Chicago," pp 5-6 The records contain no indication of how the name was chosen, but, as Robert T Handy of Union Theological Seminary has pointed out to the author, there are striking resemblances to the Laymen's Foreign Missions Inquiry, which published its report, Re-Thinking Missions (New York, 1932), the year before Both Re-Thinking Chicago and Re-Thinking Missions
Trang 4and inspirational purposes They would disseminate the information on Merriam's library shelves, acquaint like-minded individuals and organiza- tions with each other and each other's work, and stimulate thinking about what the city might be Their primary instrumentality was the conference The three conferences they held by the end of January 1935 were "gener- al"-that is, located downtown and intended for citywide audiences The first, on 5-6 March 1934, covered local government, education, taxation, big business, gangsters and rackets, and the city's food supply Holt and Merriam supplied panoramic addresses on "Who We Are and Why" and "The Need
of a Philosophy and Social Statesmanship for This City." Subsequent programs on 23 April 1934 and 7 January 1935 focused on politics These meetings drew 92, 95, and 116 attendees, respectively Conference invitations went to "citizens" thought to be sympathetic to the aims of the cause; there seems to have been no systematic attempt to get the attention of city officials
or of leaders of business, labor, professional, or political organizations In fact, except for S J Duncan-Clark of the Chicago Daily News, a participant
in Re-Thinking Chicago affairs, the planners chose not to admit the press or
to seek publicity for the first conference.6
There were four more "general" conferences after January 1935,7 but then the emphasis actually shifted, following an address by Walter J Millard of the National Municipal League on the importance of local communities, to neighborhood meetings This change reflected the planners' own belief in decentralization and face-to-face relationships; it also seemed tactically wise
to marshall support for a civic awakening at the grass roots, rather than relying entirely on meetings in the Loop No fewer than six "local" meetings occurred in 1935: at the Englewood Baptist Church, the New England Congregational Church on the Lower North Side, the United Church of Hyde Park, and in Austin, Morgan Park, and Woodlawn Attendance at some of these meetings exceeded that at the downtown meetings, reaching about 250 in Hyde Park and 325 in Englewood There were minor disappointments-for example, the programs in Englewood and on the Lower North Side were too much identified with the churches in which they were held-but the educational quality was high, and the organizers believed
benefited from Rockefeller money and both incorporated contemporary social-scientific research techniques Except for possible copying of the name, however, the parallels seem accidental
6 Greene, "Re-Thinking Chicago," pp 6-8, 11, 13-14, 16-17; "Citizens Look at Chicago," Chicago Daily News, 8 March 1934, p 18 The author has found no other newspaper coverage of any Re-Thinking Chicago activities Programs for all of these conferences are in the Holt Papers
7 Program, "Fourth General Conference of Re-Thinking Chicago," 2 Dec 1935; flier, "An Open Meeting on Youth Facing Civic Evil in Connection with the Fourth General Conference on Rethinking Chicago"; Shirley E Greene, "Report on Inter-Racial Dinner";
"Final Report of the Executive Secretary-Shirley E Greene," 3 March 1937, Holt Papers Charles W Gilkey to "Dear Fellow Citizen," 16 Nov 1935, and 13 Feb 1937; Program,
"Re-Thinking Relations Between Chicago and Illinois," 22 Feb 1937, Merriam Papers
Trang 5the method worth continuing.8 Records become fragmentary after 1935, but other local conferences were held before Re-Thinking Chicago gradually dissolved in 1937
Linked with the conferences was the preparation of literature Holt was the pivotal figure in Re-Thinking Chicago for several reasons: his influence among Congregationalists and within the Chicago Church Federation; his ability to tap his seminary's resources for research and other projects; his relationships with the Divinity School and the social-science departments of the university; and his pioneering record in religious field work.9 Conse- quently, the movement's literature emanated-as did much of the conference planning-from his department at Chicago Theological Seminary Before the first conference he enlisted five students, the most important of whom was Shirley E Green, to prepare materials for advance distribution This arrangement gave Re-Thinking Chicago its "staff." Supervised by Holt and his colleague Samuel C Kincheloe, a man notable in his own right for social research, the students wrote summaries of sixteen books on Chicago Mostly monographs produced by the "Chicago School" of urban sociologists, they represented, of course, the studies to which Merriam had referred in that initial conversation.10 Holt and Kincheloe also prepared "Readings on the City of God," a survey of the idea of the "holy community" from the Hebrew prophets through Christian writings to humanistic utopias and other modern expressions.11 For the conferees, these two hefty documents were a source book, partly informational (the contemporary studies) and partly inspira- tional (the visionary excerpts)
8 Program, "Rethinking Chicago and Chicago's South Side," 5 May 1935; Shirley E Greene
to "friends and representatives in Local Communities," [Jan 1936,] Merriam Papers
"Re-Thinking Chicago-Report of the Secretary for the Period January 7 to June 10, 1935"; Greene, "Report on Re-Thinking Southwest Chicago Conference," 8 Feb 1937;
"Final Report of the Executive Secretary," Holt Papers
9 After serving as a pastor from 1904 to 1919 and as secretary of his denomination's Social Service Commission from 1919 to 1924, Holt had come to Chicago in 1924 as successor to Graham Taylor For accounts of his substantial contributions at CTS, see Arthur C McGiffert, Jr., No Ivory Tower: The Story of the Chicago Theological Seminary (Chicago, 1965), pp 186-196, and Jacob H Dorn, "The Rural Ideal and Agrarian Realities: Arthur
E Holt and the Vision of a Decentralized America in the Interwar Years," Church History
52 (1983): 53-57
10 Holt to Gilkey, 21 Dec 1933; "Re-Thinking Chicago (Summaries of Sixteen Books on Chicago)," n.d., Holt Papers Additional titles were included in later lists of recommended books distributed through Re-Thinking Chicago
11 Greene, "Re-Thinking Chicago," pp 9-11 "Readings on the City of God" originated earlier and seems to have gone through changes of content as it was used for different groups
in the 1930s One version, prepared by Holt and Kincheloe for the Congregationalists' Tower Hill Convocation in Michigan, is dated for use in 1931 The version used at the first Re-Thinking Chicago conference is forty-two mimeographed pages and contains sections on:
"The City of God As Seen By the Hebrews," "The New Jerusalem of Early Christian Thought," "St Augustine's City of God," "The City of God After the Reformation,"
"Humanistic Utopias," "The City of Democratic Fellowship," and "The Meaning of the Search for the City of God." Other materials from Re-Thinking Chicago were later used at the Tower Hill Convocation See Holt and Kincheloe, "The Action of the Idealistic Forces
on the Government and Citizenship of Local Communities," 4-7 Sept 1934, Holt Papers
Trang 6Holt's "staff' added other educational materials by early 1935 Greene, who became secretary of the movement, interviewed officers and staff members of twenty-two public and private agencies and wrote descriptions of their purposes, methods, locations, constituencies, and attitudes toward cooperation in reform It probably also was Greene who summarized important speeches from the early general conferences.12 These basic documents-book precis, "Readings on the City of God," descriptions of agencies, and speeches, together with brief policy statements-seem to have circulated in various combinations and formats for the remainder of the movement's life
2
Re-Thinking Chicago was a remarkable attempt to unite religious ideals with the latest social-science research on urban life A "striving after an ideal community has been a constant factor in religious experience," wrote Shirley Greene Revived periodically by prophets and prophetic groups, the idea of holy community took different forms as social structures changed "Always giving [society] ideal expression, always critical of its failures and always looking beyond the present to a future 'day of the Lord' when the New Jerusalem shall be established," the conception of holy community expressed
"man's constant desire for a coherent social relationship."'3 This ideal was one "root" of Re-Thinking Chicago The other was social research, centered
in the universities, but increasingly used by the churches since early in the century.14 The two sources often had been separated, to their mutual detriment Re-Thinking Chicago was to rectify this error by creating what Greene called "an alliance of the social scientists with the social idealists."'5 Chicago was the perfect place for such an alliance to prosper It was the home of the influential "ecological school" of urban sociology led by Robert
E Park and Ernest W Burgess Viewing the city as a laboratory, as the basis for a truly empirical social science, they and their students and colleagues in the other social sciences collected, charted, and analyzed enormous amounts
of data Much of their work was coordinated by the Local Community Research Committee, created in 1923 and supported by the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial Fund Dedicated in 1929, the university's Social Science Building was a grand landmark to this collaboration.16
12 Greene, "Re-Thinking Chicago," pp 14-15 "Report on Twenty-Two Non-Partisan Civic Agencies in Chicago," n.d., Holt Papers "Summary of Material Presented in Re-Thinking Chicago Meetings," n.d., Merriam Papers
13 Greene, "Re-Thinking Chicago," p 45
14 Social research was used, for example, by the rural-church movement, the Inter-Church World Movement in the steel strike of 1919, and H Paul Douglass in his studies of urban churches
15 Greene, "Re-Thinking Chicago," pp 78-79
16 T V Smith and Leonard D White, eds., Chicago: An Experiment in Social Science Research (Chicago, 1929), esp chap 1, "The City as a Social Laboratory," by Robert E Park, and chap 2, "The Local Research Committee and Social Science Building," by White See also Karl, Merriam and the Study of Politics, pp 143-155
Trang 7These Chicago scholars produced monographs of two types "Problem" studies focused on phenomena considered to be antisocial or asocial and explained their distribution in various areas of the city These studies constituted a kind of urban pathology They included Nels Anderson's The Hobo (1923), Ernest R Mowrer's Family Disorganization (1927), Ruth S Cavan's Suicide (1928), Clifford R Shaw's Delinquency Areas (1929), Paul
G Cressey's The Taxi-Dance Hall (1923), E Franklin Frazier's The Negro Family in Chicago (1932), and Walter Reckless's Vice in Chicago (1933) The second type, "community" studies, were fewer in number and focused on
"natural areas" in the city Louis Wirth's The Ghetto (1928) and Harvey W Zorbaugh's The Gold Coast and the Slum (1929) represented this type.17 The latest and best in scholarship, these books all were included in Re-Thinking Chicago's summaries or reading lists to inform the movement's religious idealism
Arthur Holt had received his Ph.D at Chicago in 1903 in the field of ethics, but he steered the social ethics department at CTS more in the direction of empirical research Practical field work became a key element in the seminary's curriculum Faculty and students at CTS conducted impor- tant research projects for the Chicago Congregational Union and the Church Federation, and Holt wrote laudatory articles on the contributions sociology could make to the churches, including one on "The Ecological Approach to the Church."18 In fact, Holt's importance for bridging the distance between social scientists and social idealists was as great as that of anyone in his generation
For their part, the social scientists were also idealists, despite Shirley Greene's compartmentalization As given as they were to quantification and description, they brought the values of their small-town, Protestant child- hoods to their urban investigations, and they saw their work as aiding reform and uplift.'9 Merriam's biographer, Barry Karl, has written that these scholars were trying "to communicate to the newer, urban generation they were training some of the essentials of their own sense of 'soul.' " Chicago supported their "small-community orientation" by providing examples of both evils to reform and successful attempts at reform The evils may have seemed greater than the victories, he observes, "but they shared a quality of idealism more characteristic of the middle American town of the early
17 Milton M Gordon, Social Class in American Sociology (Durham, N.C, 1958), pp 21-52, provides an excellent summary See also Smith and White, Chicago, chap 9, "Studies of Institutions," by Ernest W Burgess
18 Dorn,"The Rural Ideal and Agrarian Realities," pp 54-57 Arthur E Holt, "The Contribution of Sociology to the Making of the Minister," Crozer Quarterly 3 (1926): 423-439, and "The Ecological Approach to the Church," American Journal of Sociology 33 (1927): 72-79 For testimony to Holt's significance from the university scholars, see Smith and White, Chicago, pp 148-152
19 For statements by Park and Burgess that their research would benefit social and civic agencies, see Smith and White, Chicago, pp 14-15 and 138
Trang 8twentieth century than of the older cities of the east coast."20 In these respects, their outlook was fundamentally similar to that of Holt and other Protestant leaders
Chicago suffered, the scientists and idealists agreed, from a lack of loyalty
to the whole Though they used different words, their basic terms of reference were remarkably similar In the small community, loyalty to the whole had been easy Face-to-face relationships supplied, in Holt's words, both "neigh- borly control" and " the social imagination by which a man puts himself in the other man's place." In contrast, the city was a collection of self-centered units or groups with no common purpose; as Merriam had put it, it had no
"soul." Holt spoke of a "tangled mass of old world loyalties" and a "towering pyramid of vocations" which perverted the city's functions from service to profit and kept it from fulfilling its promise.2' Echoing Holt, Greene saw as the central need an understanding of the city as a "collection of functions integrated around the principle of mutual service": "the sin of selfishness and self-seeking" must yield to an "organic social unity." Though listing needed structural reforms, a seven-point "civic creed" drafted by Holt for Re- Thinking Chicago affirmed this preoccupation with the ideals of service and citizenship.22
Charles Merriam's diagnosis was not much different Asserting that "the typical difficulty is that arising from disorganization," he described "a competition among races, religions and classes for first place in the citizens' affections which push[ed] the city into a secondary position." He continued,
"The city is in constant struggle with these group symbols, not to destroy them, but to make them a part of a common group, to integrate them in the life of the community, to induce men to think in terms of the common enterprise of which they are a part; to develop personalities, policies, symbols that cut across the lines of other loyalties and raise the flag of the City itself, supreme for local purposes over all others."23 Another Chicago scholar, the philosopher T V Smith, linked the work of description and analysis with the creation of a sense of community in the 1929 volume commemorating the achievements of the Chicago social scientists Himself a participant in Re-Thinking Chicago, he further demonstrates that idealists and social scientists stood on common ground Only by knowing the various processes that made up the life of the city, he wrote, could one "sense it as one process" and thereby gain "sensitive appreciation" and "moral devotion."24
This movement was a remarkable union of science and moral vision,
20 Karl, Merriam and the Study of Politics, pp 16-17, 143-144
21 Arthur E Holt, "Our Common Perversion," Christian Century 52 (1935): 850-852, and
"The City of God in Chicago," Chicago Theological Seminary Register 26 (1936): 11-12
22 Greene, "Re-Thinking Chicago," pp 28-29, 71, 74-75
23 Merriam, Chicago, pp 171-172
24 Smith and White, Chicago, chap 12, "Social Science Research and the Community," esp
pp 244-246
Trang 9evocative of an earlier Protestant hegemony in American culture In the religious camp, people like Arthur Holt paid homage to the scientific method
as applied to society by Chicago's pioneering scholars For their part, the social scientists wove moral and cultural values throughout their work They shared much by way of background, training, professional and civic affilia- tions, and political perspective Moreover, they seemed to represent, a potentially influential combination of forces as they undertook to uplift their city to a higher quality of life than it had formerly known
3
Defining their mission as deliberative rather than activistic, the move- ment's leaders hoped that Re-Thinking Chicago would lead to action, but they did not want the conferences as such to spearhead crusades against this
or that evil Though there was "some disposition" at the first conference on 5-6 March 1934 to "strike into immediate civic action," the group held back for several reasons Shirley Greene's reconstruction of the discussion is instructive Specific objections to an activist stance included the need for further information, a desire for greater clarity of purpose, the predominance
of members of the clergy at the conference, the existence of many civic-reform agencies already in the field, and the fear that the group's fortunes might fall with those of any issue or candidates to which it attached itself Some of these reasons were justifications for postponing a program of action, while others (such as the existence of other reformist organizations) would be permanent barriers to an activist posture The decision was reached-and never significantly altered-to play a reflective and philosophical role in relation to the city as a totality Re-Thinking Chicago would seek to develop a "general philosophy of the city" which would aid other, more narrowly focused groups in their work.25
The second and third conferences dealt with politics, and hence with a more manageable range of issues than the first In each instance, the participants nearly endorsed a course of political action but drew back The second conference, held on 23 April 1934, shortly after a primary election, featured Henry Bentley of Cincinnati, chairman of the Cincinnati Charter Committee.26 He portrayed a Cincinnati which, run almost continuously for forty years by an oft-corrupt Republican machine, had transformed itself by simple changes in its charter Under the home rule allowed in Ohio,
25 Greene, "Re-Thinking Chicago," pp 12-13
26 Merriam, who had helped locate the International City Manager Committee at the University of Chicago, may have introduced Bentley to Holt and other Chicagoans Karl, Merriam and the Study of Politics, pp 144-145 Holt had Bentley speak to a small group at CTS before addressing Re-Thinking Chicago Holt to Henry Bentley, 4, 11 April 1934; Bentley to Holt, 6, 16 April 1934; Typed notes for CTS speech, April 1934, Box 12, Henry Bentley Papers, Cincinnati Historical Society
Trang 10Cincinnatians in 1924 reduced their council from 32 to 9 members, replaced ward representation with at-large elections, established a nonpartisan ballot
in city races, and introduced a city manager with full administrative authority The Charter Committee won control of the council in the first election under the new system and repeated its victories in 1927, 1929, 1931, and 1933, establishing unique continuity for reform.27
Bentley's principles of nonpartisanship, efficiency, and an honest ballot were self-evident truths to this audience, and he echoed their Social Gospel assumptions about the bearing of religion on public affairs as well Both he and Murray Seasongood, Cincinnati's mayor from 1926 to 1930 and then president of the National Municipal League, had spoken in Chicago before; that occasion had given birth to a Chicago City Manager Committee Though the sequence of contacts and influences between organizations is unclear, it appears that Bentley's appearance before Re-Thinking Chicago was signifi- cant not only for introducing ideas that surfaced again in that forum, but also for drawing some of its leaders into the city manager movement In 1935 the City Manager Committee's advisory board included Holt, Rabbi Mann, and
at least five other persons connected with Re-Thinking Chicago.28 And, once begun, the relationship between Bentley and Holt continued for several years.29 Yet, for all the interaction, there is no indication that Re-Thinking Chicago as a group organized support for the city manager plan
Political concerns remained in the forefront of the movement as the Democratic party consolidated its power in Chicago The local Republican party had once been formidable, and Re-Thinking Chicago people had usually been affiliated with that party's progressive wing But Republican fortunes had plummeted Part of the explanation lies in the corruption and chicanery of William Hale Thompson, mayor in 1915-1923 and 1927-1931
He had vitiated civil service, played to ethnic, racial, and religious prejudice, politicized the school board, and connived at making Chicago a wide-open town Thompson-era scandals damaged the GOP nearly beyond repair, and
27 Henry Bentley, "The Story of Cincinnati," in "Summary of Material Presented in Re-Thinking Chicago Meetings," pp 97-103, Merriam Papers; "How Cincinnati Did It," Men and Events: The Bulletin of the Union League Club 11 (March 1934): 16-17
28 Men and Events 11: 4, 15; Bulletin of the Chicago City Manager Committee 1 (June 1935): 1-4 The five other members known were: Duncan Brown; the Rev Hugh Elmer Brown, First Congregational Church, Evanston; the Rev Ernest G Guthrie, Director, Chicago Congregational Union; and professors James G Kerwin and Paul Douglas of the University
of Chicago See also H Barry McCormick, chairman, Chicago City Manager Committee, to
"Dear Fellow Member," 13 January 1937, Holt Papers; and Greene's glowing remarks about Bentley and nonpartisanship in "Re-Thinking Chicago," pp 13-14, 61-64
29 Bentley to Holt, 26 April 1934, Box 12, Bentley Papers After the untimely death of Arthur
M Barnhart, a Chicago philanthropist, Bentley explored the possibility that Barnhart's family might underwrite Re-Thinking Chicago Bentley to Stuart Haydon, 29 May 1936; Haydon to Bentley, 17 May and 2 July 1936; Walter J Millard to Bentley, 28 May 1936, Box 13, Bentley Papers