THE EXPERIENCES OF BLACK MALES IN HONORS COLLEGESby Sandra Greene Bachelor of Arts University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2012 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degr
B ACKGROUND AND S IGNIFICANCE
An examination of the existing research on Black undergraduate males reveals a saturation of literature on their challenges and underachievement, with comparatively little attention paid to high-achieving students Beginning in the late 1990s, scholars such as Fred Bonner, Sharron Fries-Britt, Kimberly Griffin, Shaun Harper, and Terrell Strayhorn laid the groundwork for studying successful Black males at predominantly White universities and small private liberal arts colleges There is a clear need to build on this foundation by centering the experiences of high-achieving Black males across diverse institutional types This study contributes to the scholarly conversation by exploring Black male experiences within an honors college at a large, predominantly White institution in the Southeast Beyond advancing the literature, the findings hold practical implications for higher education and honors programs, offering insights into the factors that most support success for high-achieving Black males and the challenges they may encounter, thereby informing strategies for student affairs and institutional practice.
S TATEMENT OF P ROBLEM
The dearth of research on high-achieving Black males and the dominance of deficit-laden studies contribute to a distorted narrative of Black male underachievement while erasing stories of achievement and success The deficit frame emphasizes the achievement gap and blames individuals and communities for underachievement instead of foregrounding how structural racism shapes unequal access to educational opportunities, effectively widening the opportunity gap This dual focus on failure and the paucity of attention to high-performing students yields three main consequences: it deprives educators of the resources, knowledge, and tools needed to best support this population; it leaves Black high achievers an understudied segment, with limited understanding of their academic, social, and psychological needs and experiences; and it overlooks the potential these students have to contribute to society, underscoring why they deserve targeted support The study aims to equip educators with evidence to better identify, nurture, and guide Black male students toward their goals.
Secondly, centering on the achievement gap risks shaping educators’ expectations downward for Black male students Fries-Britt’s (1998) analysis in Moving Beyond Black Achiever Isolation: Experiences of Gifted poignantly demonstrates the harm of emphasizing underachievement among Black males, showing how such framing can limit identification, support, and opportunities for gifted Black students.
Among Black collegians, the disproportionate emphasis on Black underachievement in the literature distorts perceptions of the Black student community and, perhaps unintentionally, lowers expectations for Black achievement The opportunity gap is real, but it stems not from individual characteristics of Black students but from an education system marked by structural racism and inequality This thesis demonstrates the power of high expectations and accountability by showing how elevated expectations correlate with the success of the participants.
Focusing solely on the academic challenges of a population while ignoring its successes is unethical and damaging Shaun Harper (2009) argued that there should be something embarrassing about publishing only deficit-laden scholarship that depicts Black men as 'at-risk' (p 709) To advance society, the literature must accurately reflect the lived experiences of all people, moving beyond deficit narratives to include both challenges and achievements.
Understanding the experiences of Black male students in honors colleges reveals how students and families navigate the higher education system, showcases successful narratives, and supports more accurate representation in the scholarly literature This thesis contributes a modest but meaningful addition to the research base, aiming to better reflect the lived realities of Black males in honors programs.
R ESEARCH Q UESTIONS
The following questions helped to guide this research study:
1 What factors have led to the success of Black males in honors colleges and how do these students perceive their success?
2 What challenges have Black males in honors colleges faced and how have they navigated these challenges?
3 What are the common experiences of Black males in honors colleges?
T HEORETICAL F RAMEWORK : C RITICAL R ACE T HEORY
This study uses Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a lens to understand the experiences of high-achieving Black males, highlighting CRT’s focus on the role of race and racism in the education system (Yosso, Villalpando, Delgado Bernal, & Solorzano, 2001) Originating as a response to Critical Legal Studies, CRT was later expanded into the field of education through the foundational work of Gloria Ladson-Billings and William Tate.
The purpose of this thesis fits with the five tenets of critical race methodology that Solorzano and Yosso (2002) described in Critical Race Methodology: Counter-
Storytelling can function as a robust analytical framework for education research, revealing how the intercentricity of race and racism with other forms of subordination operates in classrooms and society Grounded in critical race theory, this approach challenges the dominant ideology that sustains inequity, centers the experiential knowledge of students and communities, and commits to social justice in curriculum, policy, and practice It adopts a transdisciplinary perspective that brings together insights from multiple disciplines, expanding the analytic scope beyond traditional methods to illuminate how educational processes produce or mitigate disparities By privileging narrative voices and lived experiences, this framework offers a nuanced, equity-focused understanding of educational outcomes and informs more just teaching and learning environments.
This thesis examines race by presenting the experiences of high-achieving Black males in honors colleges who have successfully navigated the education system, and it also explores the intersection of identity to deepen understanding beyond race alone At its core, the study challenges the notion that educational success is purely merit-based and counters deficit-oriented research by foregrounding the stories of these students The aim is to serve as a call to action for further research, systemic reforms in education, and broader advocacy for equal access to education at all levels The achievements of the participants are intended to empower other students to pursue success and to guide faculty and staff in better supporting diverse learners As a qualitative study, the research is grounded in the voices and lived experiences of the participants, providing rich, insider perspectives on how race and identity shape educational journeys.
In Tara Yosso’s 2006 work, critical race theory is presented as a robust framework for studying and challenging social inequality, with CRT concepts guiding both scholarly inquiry and community action A core element is the counter-story, defined by Solórzano and Yosso as the storytelling of those whose experiences are marginalized, used to expose and critique the dominant narratives of racial privilege This thesis adopts counter-storytelling to center the voices of Black males in honors colleges, addressing a literature gap and contesting the majoritarian story that centers underachievement.
P OSITIONALITY
As an undergraduate I developed an interest in educational policy and access to quality education, yet two experiences pulled in different directions: a one‑sided classroom narrative about the achievement gap and the underachievement of Black students, and, between 2012 and 2014, my work as an AmeriCorps VISTA in an honors college at a predominantly White institution, where I encountered high‑achieving Black males who were smart, motivated, and hardworking, challenging the earlier teaching and illustrating how policy, environment, and opportunity interact to shape educational outcomes.
AmeriCorps*VISTA prompted this inquiry into why college coursework doesn’t highlight the stories and successes of high-achieving Black males A review of the literature reveals an overabundance of deficit-laden research that ignores these achievements, motivating this thesis to counter the majoritarian narrative of underachievement by sharing the success stories of high-achieving Black men The aim is for future students in educational policy classrooms to encounter a more representative account of Black male experiences, so policy discussions are informed by evidence of achievement as well as need.
This literature review is organized into three sections: it first identifies themes from studies on the experiences of high-achieving undergraduate Black males; it then examines the education system for Black males, outlining educational inequalities and systemic obstacles encountered at every stage of schooling; and finally, it provides a history and overview of honors colleges in the United States to illuminate the characteristics of honors programs and how these environments shape the experiences of undergraduate Black males.
B LACK M ALES AND THE EDUCATION SYSTEM
Educational achievement and attainment, as defined by current educational standards, are closely linked to both individual success and the welfare of society There is a strong correlation between higher educational attainment and increased earnings and employment prospects (Baum, Ma, & Payea, 2013) While education can act as a catalyst for social mobility, in practice it often reinforces inequality, reflecting disparities in access and quality within the education system The impact of educational attainment on employment and earnings underscores the persistence of inequalities embedded in educational structures.
As education levels rise, employment rates climb, illustrating how access to education shapes job attainment The Condition of Education 2015 reports that adults aged 25–64 with a bachelor’s degree or higher have an 82% employment rate, compared with 73% for those with some college but no degree and 55% for individuals without a high school credential This evidence highlights the link between educational attainment and earnings, especially as the economy shifts toward higher-skilled roles However, the workforce faces a shortfall: in the next two years the United States will need 22 million new college degrees but will be about 3 million short The result is a misalignment between labor demand and education supply that hurts both the economy and individuals, underscoring unequal access and opportunity within the educational system.
Higher levels of education also correlate with higher earnings Similarly to the employment statistics, earnings increase with every additional level of education “In
In 2013, median earnings for young adults vary by educational attainment: $48,500 for those with a bachelor’s degree, $23,900 for individuals without a high school credential, $30,000 for those with a high school credential, $37,500 for those with an associate’s degree, and $59,600 for those with a master’s degree or higher, illustrating the earnings premium associated with higher education (Kena, Muou-Gillette & Robinson, 2015, p.43) Conversely, family income level is a major factor in access to educational opportunity.
By age 25, only about 10% of students from low-income families earn a bachelor’s degree, compared with roughly 50% of students from high-income families (Bailey & Dynarski, 2011) This gap helps sustain a cycle in which low-income students are less likely to complete a postsecondary degree, earn lower wages, and experience weaker employment outcomes, which in turn affects the educational attainment of their children Enrolling in and completing college has the potential to alter life trajectories and expand opportunities for individuals and their families, driving greater economic mobility and long-term social impact.
This section opens by examining Black men’s attainment of master’s degrees and then provides a concise snapshot of statistics at the undergraduate and K-12 levels In 2014, 4% of Black men and women ages 25–29 had earned at least a master’s degree, compared with 9% of White students in the same age range These figures set up the discussion of educational outcomes and disparities across the undergraduate and K-12 levels.
In the same year, 29% of Black people aged 25–29 attained at least a master’s degree, and 22% attained a bachelor’s degree; by comparison, 41% of White students aged 25–29 attained at least a bachelor’s degree The education opportunity gap between White and Black students also appears at the secondary level, with among male young adults Hispanics (28 percent) not completing high school, followed by Blacks (20 percent), Whites (16 percent), and Asians (11 percent), according to Kena, Muou-Gillette & Robinson (2015, p.16).
Scholars increasingly attribute the opportunity gap to structural racism within the education system, interpreting it through critical race theory In Toward a Critical Race Theory of Education, Gloria Ladson-Billings argues that “race is still a significant factor in determining inequity in the United States,” and that studying the intersection of race and property helps explain this inequity (1995, p.22) She identifies the “absolute right to exclude” as a key aspect of this intersection, highlighting how Black students have been, historically and today, excluded from access to quality education at all levels This framework shows how race-based exclusion underpins persistent educational inequities and the opportunity gap.
Across education, the absolute right to exclude has shown up first as denying Black students access to schooling, later in the form of segregated schools, and more recently through white flight, voucher schemes, public funding of private schools, and the rise of schools of choice Within schools, exclusion becomes resegregation via tracking and the creation of “gifted” and honors programs and AP courses So pervasive is this exclusion that Black students often arrive at universities as intruders—granted only conditional permission to be there.
Using Ladson-Billings’ work as a launch pad, this section will highlight the negative effects of tracking, gifted programs, and advanced placement classes
Tracking in education divides students into ability-based groups to reduce the range of academic skills within a classroom, making instruction more manageable for both teachers and students Proponents claim that tracking lets students work at their own pace, builds confidence, and enables high-achieving students to pursue a faster, more rigorous curriculum However, its implementation varies across the United States, and research shows that the effects of tracking on Black students are generally harmful, with underrepresentation in higher-level tracks creating a modern form of segregation that excludes Black students from the classes with the best teachers, resources, and comprehensive curricula (Ansalone, 2003).
A snapshot of tracking in the South Orange Maplewood School District reveals notable disparities in 2014: White students accounted for 44.1% of total enrollment, while Black students accounted for 47.4% of total enrollment By contrast, White students comprised 73.2% of Upper Level Math enrollment, with Black students at 11.6%, highlighting unequal access to advanced coursework (Ansalone).
A 2003 snapshot highlights how, within the same school district, White students typically have greater access to quality education than Black students, illustrating ongoing educational inequality Because tracking into honors courses often leads to enrollment in Advanced Placement (AP) courses, limited access to honors classes translates into reduced AP opportunities and, in turn, diminished college access.
Black students are disproportionately underrepresented in Advanced Placement (AP) courses, reflecting broader equity gaps in high school curricula AP courses are college-level classes offered in high school that can earn students college credit if they perform well, and participation and achievement in AP are key predictors of college admissions success and readiness for higher education Because AP access helps shape admissions outcomes and college preparedness, underrepresentation is especially problematic The scholarly literature documents disparities in school quality by race, noting that “students of color attend schools of lesser quality than White students” (Solórzano & Ornelas).
One aspect of this "lesser quality" is a reduced number of AP course offerings Griffin and Allen (2006) emphasize that urban schools with large populations of Black students are underfunded, under-resourced, and offer far fewer advanced courses Moreover, even when Black students attend a high-quality school with a challenging curriculum, they often do not have the opportunity to enroll in those demanding classes (Solórzano & Ornelas, 2002) According to the 10th Annual AP Report to the Nation, only a minority of Black students who have the potential to succeed in AP coursework actually gain access to those opportunities.
AP coursework actually enroll in AP classes (p.29)
Success in Advanced Placement (AP) courses is linked to college readiness, but unequal access to AP opportunities directly affects preparation for college-level coursework Rascoe and Atwater (2005) report a significant relationship between enrollment in advanced science courses and achievement in college science, underscoring how course-taking patterns can shape college performance for Black males Griffin and Allen (2006) note that AP courses are among the most challenging and valuable offerings, providing a way to strengthen academic records for college admissions and to earn college credits, even as inner-city urban schools often lack these rigorous options The underrepresentation of Black students in honors and AP courses, regardless of ability or potential, signals a structural issue that affects opportunities in both high school and college Colleges increasingly rely on AP enrollment in admissions, yet Black male students are not afforded the same access as White students, effectively excluding them from classes that contribute to college preparation and success This calls for closer examination of why Black male students aren’t tracked into honors and AP tracks.
H IGH -A CHIEVING B LACK M ALES
Within the literature on high-achieving Black students, two main trends emerge: research is more abundant for K-12 experiences than for higher education, and much of the undergraduate-focused work generalizes all Black students in higher education, overlooking the diverse experiences created by intersecting identities such as race and gender (Harper, Carini, Bridges, & Hayek, 2004; Harper & Nichols, 2008) That said, several scholars have published anti-deficit research that highlights the experiences of high-achieving Black undergraduate males (Bonner, 2001; Fries-Britt, 1997; Griffin, 2006; Harper, 2005, 2008, 2009; Herbert, 2002; Strayhorn, 2008, 2010) This section identifies three themes that recur in this literature: the prominence and importance of engagement both inside and outside the classroom, the significance of relationships between students and faculty and staff, and the challenges created by racism along with the strategies high-achieving Black males use to overcome these obstacles.
Qualitative studies show that high‑achieving Black males participate in educationally purposeful activities outside the classroom, and these experiences boost academic success along with personal and professional growth Today, college success is increasingly shaped by engagement inside and outside the classroom and by students’ ability to connect their diverse experiences into coherent learning trajectories.
George Kuh (2003) defines student engagement as the time and energy students devote to educationally meaningful activities inside and outside the classroom, along with the policies and practices institutions use to encourage participation in those activities This section investigates how engagement in out-of-classroom activities shapes the success of high‑achieving Black male students By examining experiences such as internships, research participation, mentoring, service learning, and involvement in student organizations, the analysis reveals how meaningful outside‑the‑classroom engagement can strengthen learning, develop critical skills, and support persistence and positive outcomes for this group, while also considering how institutional support and inclusive programming influence these engagement opportunities.
Student engagement is positively linked to persistence, retention, and graduation rates, and these experiences contribute to more successful and positive collegiate experiences In Black Male Student Success in Higher Education: A Report From the National Black Male College Achievement Study, Harper shows that many high-achieving students attribute a large portion of their college success to their engagement experiences, and she further notes that active engagement across multiple venues for learning significantly enhances the undergraduate experience for African American males.
Student engagement supports academic achievement and also aids students’ transition out of college by strengthening professional development Studies show that activities outside the classroom build strengths and skills that students carry into their careers Herbert (2002) found that such experiences significantly developed students’ abilities, while Harper (2003) showed that high-achieving Black men developed practical skills through leadership in student organizations Participation in these organizations often yields transferable skills that will benefit future careers.
Participation in activities outside the classroom enhances the personal development of high-achieving Black males and other students In a 1996 study by Desousa and Kuh, involving 600 Black males at a historically Black institution and 600 Black males at a predominantly White institution (PWI), it was found that experiences beyond classroom instruction led Black students at PWIs to significant personal development Thus, student engagement supports the personal, professional, and academic growth of high-achieving Black males and contributes to their overall success.
Relationships between Faculty and Staff and Students
Current literature presents a nuanced picture of the relationships between high-achieving Black male students and faculty and staff While some studies report negative or non-existent relationships between Black males in general and faculty/staff (Fries-Britt, 1997, p 71), a substantial body of research highlights positive and influential connections for high-achieving Black males These positive relationships are attributed to their academic capabilities (Fries-Britt, 1994), their high engagement (Harper, 2005), and personal characteristics such as self-confidence and determination (Allen, 1992).
Positive relationships between high-achieving Black male students and faculty and staff are vital because they correlate with higher academic achievement, greater satisfaction, stronger motivation, and improved retention Research shows that robust student–faculty connections support both retention and intellectual development (Tinto, 1987), while informal interactions with faculty members are linked to enhanced educational outcomes for students (Pascerella, 1989).
Harper explains that a key driver of academic and professional success is the quality of faculty-staff and student relationships, particularly how high-achieving Black male students seek to impress faculty members outside the classroom Through these out-of-class interactions, they gain mentorship, guidance, and recognition that bolster their coursework performance and support their long-term career development.
Another factor that leads to success for these students is that through mentoring relationships with university staff, students are able to gain practical skillsets (Harper,
Studies show that relationships with faculty and staff can motivate high-achieving Black male students to pursue and secure additional academic scholarships and letters of recommendation (Bonner, 2001; Harper, 2005) The literature suggests that faculty and staff can connect these students to resources, provide professional development, and serve as mentors and role models who foster accountability and support ongoing academic achievement.
Research shows that student satisfaction is closely tied to the quality of relationships with faculty and staff In Strayhorn’s study, Black men who reported frequent and varied supportive relationships with faculty, staff, and peers were more likely than other Black males to be highly satisfied with college This finding highlights the importance of diverse, supportive campus networks in enhancing the college experience, especially for Black male students.
(2008, p 40) The relationships between faculty, staff, and students have a powerful impact on the experiences of Black males in college and beyond
Scholars who study the experiences of high‑achieving Black males note that these students still encounter negative interactions with faculty and staff, with several studies documenting the perception that professors question their academic abilities Fries-Britt (2007) found that Black students report professors questioning their abilities, and Fries‑Britt and Griffiths’ research suggests that Black students at predominantly White institutions face both overt racism and microaggressions from peers as well as faculty and staff, with overcoming these stereotypes adding extra burdens and harming achievement and self‑esteem In a qualitative study of nine high‑achieving Black students in an honors program at a state university, these students felt they had to dispel stereotypes and myths held by faculty members, illustrating how faculty and staff can either positively or negatively impact their experiences The literature also highlights the vast potential for faculty and staff to help high‑achieving Black students realize their goals.
Much of the scholarship on high-achieving Black male students centers on the challenges they encounter in college, including microaggressions, overt racism, and social isolation Research shows that Black students face hostility and stereotypes at higher rates than white peers, and Black males experience racism, discrimination, and social stigma at higher levels than their Black female counterparts These dynamics illuminate the persistent obstacles shaping the college experiences and outcomes for high-achieving Black male students.
Racism and discrimination extend beyond individuals to shape the campus climate across U.S higher education institutions In his 2011 work, Samuel Meseus notes that many students of color struggle to connect with the cultures of predominantly White institutions (PWIs), often facing alienation, marginalization, and an unwelcome campus climate These dynamics matter because a strong sense of belonging and a meaningful connection to the campus are pivotal to students’ academic success and persistence.
For high-achieving Black males, navigating stereotypes, racism, and isolation can take a serious toll on mental health and overall wellbeing McGee and Stovall (2015) argue that the grit and resilience required to navigate racist social structures and educational systems can mask the suffering and mental health concerns that arise from persistent experiences with racism.
H ISTORY AND O VERVIEW OF H ONORS C OLLEGES
This study examines the experiences of Black male students in an honors college at a predominantly White public university, exploring how race and academic opportunity intersect in selective higher education To situate the findings, the article traces the history and development of honors colleges in the United States and explains the typical components that define an honors college, such as enriched curricula, selective admission, mentorship, research experiences, and campus-wide commitments to scholarly excellence By linking these elements to Black male students’ lived experiences, the study highlights both barriers and opportunities for inclusion, retention, and success within honors settings The aim is to provide actionable insights for educators, policymakers, and researchers seeking to strengthen diversity and rigor in honors programs without compromising academic standards.
Modern honors colleges and programs began forming in the 1920s and expanded in two waves during the second half of the twentieth century Honors education at the college level was established by Frank Ayddelotte in 1922 at Swarthmore College ( Rinn,
2003) In his inaugural address introducing the idea of honors education, Frank
Perhaps the most fundamentally wasteful feature of our educational institutions is the lack of a higher standard of intellectual attainment We are educating more students up to a fair average than any country in the world, but we are wastefully allowing the capacity of the average to prevent us from bringing the best up to the standards they could reach Our most important task at the present is to check this waste The method of doing it seems clear: to separate those students who are really interested in intellectual life from those who are not…(Wood, 2011, p.43)
At the time of Ayddelotte’s inaugural address, an increasing number of students were enrolling in institutions of higher education thereby widening the spectrum of
Ayddelotte was motivated by the belief that every student should have the opportunity to maximize their intellectual potential, a point noted by Rinn (2003, p 33) This conviction helped launch the honors education movement, which soon spread from its original setting to other institutions.
In 1928, Joseph Cohen founded the Honors Council at the University of Colorado, a move that launched the spread of honors colleges to large public institutions Cohen is recognized for promoting the idea that honors education can benefit institutions as a whole (Guzy, 2003, p 21).
The Inter-University Committee on the Superior Student (IUCSS) was established to support the development and expansion of honors programs and colleges As the reach of honors education grew, social and political developments at national and global levels increasingly shaped the priorities and focus of expansion efforts.
In 1956, the Soviet Union launched Sputnik, an event that prompted U.S institutions to expand the number of honors colleges across the nation, thereby improving the quality of education (Guzy, 2003, p.19) Cosgrove (2004) notes a second wave of honors college expansion in the latter half of the twentieth century as a strategy to attract high-achieving students (p 46) The National Collegiate Honors Council (NCHC) was founded in 1966 to create a structure and network for honors colleges, and it supports honors education nationwide by facilitating conferences, publishing literature on honors education, spreading information about honors education, promoting honors associations, and implementing special projects.
Honors colleges are now present in roughly 60% of four-year institutions in the United States (Achterberg, 2004) As their footprint has expanded, a substantial body of literature has emerged to describe the characteristics, components, and structures that define honors colleges This literature review section identifies the common components that comprise honors colleges, examines the benefits these programs offer to students, and analyzes the distinctive characteristics of honors college students.
Honors colleges offer small classes, increased faculty interaction, opportunities for research and independent study, an enriched curriculum, specialized honors advising, and optional honors housing—features that collectively enhance student experience and achievement (Campbell, 2006, p 27) Evidence shows that small class sizes increase opportunities for individualized attention from faculty (Fischer, 1996) A study of 172 students by Shushok (2006) found that honors-college students are more likely than their non-honors peers to meet with faculty and discuss their aspirations, highlighting the positive impact of the honors environment on student outcomes.
Shushok’s longitudinal study of 172 honors students from 2000 to 2004 shows that gender shapes the quality and quantity of faculty–student relationships, with male honors students demonstrating greater engagement than their non-honors peers Specifically, male honors students are 4.7 times more likely than non-honors males to meet with a faculty member during office hours, a finding that highlights the intensity of faculty contact in this group This increased interaction matters because strong faculty–student relationships are linked to higher student involvement and motivation to succeed, aligning with Chickering’s framework on student development and persistence.
Research on the impact of honors colleges is limited, but multiple studies show honors programs can enhance academic performance and engagement beyond the classroom In a longitudinal study by Cosgrove, the academic performance, retention, and degree completion of students who completed an honors program were compared with those who did not, underscoring the potential benefits of honors education for student success while signaling the need for further research.
Research shows that students who complete an honors program have higher graduation rates, graduate more quickly, and achieve stronger academic performance (2004, p 45) The literature also indicates that honors college students are more likely to be engaged and involved on campus In a 2006 longitudinal study, Shushok found that male honors college students are more likely than their male non-honors peers to participate in activities beyond the classroom.
A review of honors college websites shows a common positioning: many institutions describe themselves as “the best of both worlds,” delivering the personal attention and high-quality education of a smaller school while leveraging the resources of a large public university (Loftus, 2015) These honors colleges integrate the campus climate and culture of the parent university, yet provide additional academic and personal support that enhances the overall student experience.
This section surveys the literature on high-achieving Black undergraduate males, the experiences of Black students in the education system, and the history and overview of honors colleges It synthesizes theoretical perspectives and empirical findings to illuminate how academic distinction, identity, and institutional structures intersect for these students The twofold aim is to provide readers with a context to interpret the study's findings and to situate this research within the broader landscape of related scholarship.
Chapter 3, Research Methods, equips readers with the tools and information needed to replicate this study across diverse institutions, thereby expanding anti-deficit research on this topic, and it explains why qualitative methods were chosen while outlining the researchers' positionality and the study's limitations to provide transparency and context.
O VERVIEW OF S TUDY
This study aims to gain a deeper understanding of the experiences of undergraduate Black males in honors colleges, highlighting their successes, challenges, and personal narratives while ensuring these voices are heard and documented It seeks to answer key research questions about how they navigate rigorous honors curricula, access mentorship and support, overcome barriers, and shape their academic and professional identities within higher education, with implications for practice and policy to enhance inclusion, retention, and outcomes for Black male students in honors programs.
1 What factors have led to the success of Black males in honors colleges and how do these students perceive their success?
2 What challenges have Black males in honors colleges faced and how have they navigated these challenges?
3 What are the common experiences of Black males in honors colleges?
Q UALITATIVE M ETHODS
Qualitative methods fit naturally with the study’s aims by enabling a deeper understanding of how people interpret and give meaning to their lived experiences They allow researchers to draw on participants’ own words, producing a rich narrative that foregrounds voice and perspective These methods create a flexible research setting where participants can share experiences and pursue relevant tangents without being constrained by rigid protocols When framed within Critical Race Theory, qualitative approaches further empower participants to tell their stories, revealing race-related dynamics and structural contexts that shape meaning-making.
P ARTICIPANT SELECTION
To identify participants, the study team collaborated with upper-level administrators at the site, using criterion sampling to recruit the first three participants and snowball sampling to recruit three additional participants Eligibility required undergraduates who identified as Black males and were enrolled in the Honors College during the 2014–2015 academic year Participants were positioned as high-achieving, reflected both by their admission to and persistence within the Honors College and by standards of the education system They demonstrated exceptional incoming characteristics—SAT/ACT scores, GPA, and enrollment in AP and IB courses—and further evidence of college-level achievement, including persistence, GPA performance, and leadership.
S ITE
Situated in an urban center of a large public research university in the southeastern United States, the Honors College is recognized as one of the nation’s top public honors programs, earning the highest overall ranking in the 2014 Review of Fifty Public Honors Programs The entering class of 2014 posted an average GPA of 4.69 and an SAT range of 1390–1470, signaling academically high-achieving students by U.S standards, while retention stands at 97.4% and the six-year graduation rate at 91.67%, rates comparable to Ivy League institutions Although the college has historically struggled to enroll a diverse student body, it remains committed to diversifying its student population, even as the surrounding area carries a history of tense race relations.
D ATA C OLLECTION
Guided by the stated criteria and with assistance from Honors College faculty, staff, and interview participants, the researcher located six Honors College students who met the study criteria and were willing to participate The researcher sent an initial email to seven students describing the study and inviting volunteers; six agreed to participate, while one declined.
Six participants were interviewed by the researcher using semi-structured interviews with open-ended questions, guided by an interview protocol (Appendix A) The protocol was developed with guidance from the field’s existing literature and input from mentors with expertise in the topic to ensure rigor and relevance Specifically, it incorporated insights from Shaun Harper’s 2012 report on Black Male Students to shape the framing and content of the interview questions.
Success in Higher Education, offered guidance for using an anti-deficit framework to research this population
Prior to each interview, participants were provided with a copy of the informed consent (APPENDIX B) and were briefed on the steps to protect their privacy To safeguard privacy and data security, all data were stored on the researcher’s password-protected laptop kept in the researcher’s locked house The researcher used her personal password-protected cellphone to record the interviews and immediately transferred the recordings from the cellphone to the laptop after each interview.
D ATA A NALYSIS
Emergent themes were identified through a rigorous process of data analysis and immersion in the data After completing data collection, I transcribed every interview and read the transcripts twice to develop first impressions I employed constant comparative analysis to code the data, resulting in 112 codes Reviewing the code list three times allowed me to consolidate overlapping codes, and the final step was to group these codes into seven distinct themes, which are described and discussed in Chapter 4 and Chapter 5.
To ensure that participants’ experiences were represented as accurately as possible, this study used member checking, giving participants the opportunity to review the original transcript, the emergent themes, and the thesis outline to verify that their lived experiences were captured faithfully I also employed peer debriefing to sustain critical reflection on the study, drawing on Creswell and Miller (2010), who state, "A peer reviewer provides support, plays devil’s advocate, challenges the researchers’ assumptions, pushes the researchers to the next step methodologically, and asks hard questions about methods and interpretations" (p.129) The external feedback obtained through peer debriefing proved integral to the study, helping to challenge assumptions, refine analyses, and strengthen the credibility of the findings.
RESEARCHER ’ S P OSITIONALITY
Two contrasting experiences drive my research into Black male student experiences: as an undergraduate I focused on educational inequality, access to high-quality education, the achievement gap, and the school-to-prison pipeline, learning a largely one-sided narrative about the challenges Black men face in education In contrast, from 2012 to 2014 I served as an AmeriCorps*VISTA in an honors college, where I worked with a cohort of high-achieving Black male students who were smart, personable, and ambitious Those two years prompted me to ask why their stories and successes weren’t part of my earlier educational narrative and why the lessons I learned as an undergraduate felt incomplete My goal now is to share the other side of the story—highlighting the talent, resilience, and accomplishments of Black male students in college and contributing a more balanced perspective to discussions about educational equity.
Entering this research, I carry deep concerns about being a white person telling the stories of people of color, identifying as a White female Yet I care deeply about this topic and am committed to letting my participants’ voices shine through I view myself as a tool to compile their stories, acknowledging that I am not giving anyone a voice—the participants already have voices My aim is to give their voices a metaphorical megaphone so their experiences can be heard by faculty and staff in the field I believe that all people deserve to be celebrated for their identities and warrant an equal opportunity not only to succeed, but also to have their successes shared.
L IMITATIONS
This study has limited generalizability due to a small, specific sample: Black male undergraduate students at a single honors college within a predominantly white institution in the Southeast; consequently, the findings cannot be generalized to all Black males in honors colleges, though they may inform strategies for student affairs professionals seeking to support Black male students in honors programs.
Moreover, many of our findings corroborate the work of Harper, Bonner, Fries-Britt, Griffin, and Strayhorn, highlighting consistent patterns across studies of high-achieving Black males As the volume of literature on high-achieving Black males in diverse institutional settings grows, researchers can draw more robust conclusions about the experiences, challenges, and outcomes of this population.
In any qualitative study, the researcher functions as an instrument in the analysis, and the researcher's own identities and biases can influence study results As a White female researcher, I acknowledge that participants may have felt less comfortable sharing candidly about their experiences, which could shape the data collected My own experiences as a White woman may also affect how I analyzed the data To help ensure that the findings reflect participants' realities as fully and accurately as possible, member checking was employed, though it is not possible to completely eliminate the researcher's role from the study.
Before this study, the researcher had previously worked with three participants in a professional context, which could introduce pre-existing assumptions into the research process The prior relationship and the researcher’s former staff status might create power dynamics that deter students from sharing fully Conversely, those same ties could serve as a strength, facilitating rapport and making participants more comfortable and likely to disclose information openly.
Chapter 4 presents the study results, starting with a descriptive overview and then outlining the seven emergent themes that arose from the data This chapter is the heart of the thesis, centering the six study participants and sharing their stories to provide the voices and context needed to understand their lived experiences and the meaning of the findings.
O VERVIEW OF P ARTICIPANTS
Kenny: Kenny is an in-state student from a mid-sized city in the southeastern United
Kenny, identified as gifted and talented in the third grade and placed in gifted programming from fourth grade, often felt unchallenged and disengaged in elementary and middle school He graduated from the Honors College in 2015 and is now in graduate school pursuing a career as a teacher; in high school he attended a magnet school that ranks in the top ten nationally according to US rankings.
News and World Report notes that Kenny faced a new set of expectations as he prepared for the transition to college He says his high school experiences prepared him for that transition Kenny was not in the Honors College when he began at Southeastern University, but transferred into the Honors College.
With the encouragement and support of Honors College staff, Kenny assumed leadership roles during his sophomore year He served as president of multiple service organizations and has earned national and campus-wide awards recognizing his service to the community Kenny is deeply committed to his own education and to supporting the education of other students He maintains strong relationships with multiple faculty and staff members and has developed mentor/mentee relationships with several upper-level administrators at the university.
Patrick: Patrick is an in-state student whose hometown is 30 minutes away from
Patrick chose Southeastern University for its strong ranking, convenient location, and in-state tuition, making it an appealing option for affordable, quality higher education He expected to receive one of the best educations his home state could offer, and he believes the university has delivered on that expectation This satisfaction stems from the brilliant professors and the opportunities opened by the Honors program.
Patrick is starting college after completing a rigorous high school curriculum that included AP courses, which prepared him for the transition to higher education He stays engaged with organizations related to his chosen career field, where he has built leadership and people skills through his involvement Having participated in gifted programming since middle school, he attributes his academic success to his family’s strong commitment to giving him the best possible education.
Seth: Seth is an out-of-state student from a city in the southeastern part of the United
Seth chose Southeastern University for its location—far enough to feel independent, yet close enough for his mom to feel comfortable—and because of the scholarship package it offered During high school he enrolled in International Baccalaureate courses, which he found more challenging than his college classes, a reminder that learning and knowledge are important to him and that he thrives in a structured learning environment He is exploring several career paths, with a particular interest in working with LGBT homeless youth At the university, he has built strong relationships with faculty and staff and hopes to develop friendships with them as he continues his education.
Stewart: Stewart is an in-state student who was born and raised in the same city as
Stewart graduated from the Honors College at Southeastern University in 2015 with a science major and a foreign language minor, and he plans to attend graduate school next year Growing up in a predominantly white private school, he has been in honors programming since middle school and took AP courses in high school At Southeastern University, his goals were to pursue intellectual curiosity, enjoy his college experience, meet new people, and pursue his dreams While in college, Stewart participated in cultural student organizations and studied abroad, describing many involvements as part of a journey toward finding his identity and building self-esteem In an interview, Stewart emphasized learning from history as a means to drive lasting structural changes in society.
Charlie is an in-state student who has moved around a lot as a child but has lived in a major urban center in the southeastern United States since he was in the sixth grade He is a science major with a humanities minor and aims to attend medical school after graduation Prior to Southeastern University, Charlie attended public middle-of-the-road schools, and a Southeastern University summer camp for pre-medical students helped him acclimate to college life He participates in a variety of organizations, including several service groups, and he serves as the president of a service organization, reflecting his belief that success means giving back to others Describing himself as friendly, he has developed relationships with many faculty, staff, and peers He is a role model for his cousins and feels responsible for setting the bar for younger family members As a first-generation American, he credits some of his educational success to the priority his immigrant parents placed on education.
Don: Don is an in-state student who lives 30 minutes away from Southeastern University
Don chose the university for its strong ranking, convenient location, and especially its abundant scholarships, promising “lots and lots of scholarships.” For his senior thesis he plans to explore identity politics, focusing on contentious and non-traditional identities while factoring in race He began honors classes in seventh grade and took AP courses in high school, giving him college flexibility to satisfy his major requirements Coming from a predominantly White high school and church, college is his first opportunity to explore his racial identity He currently leads a campus social justice and advocacy organization, and after graduation he aims to become a filmmaker making socially conscious films A self-described perfectionist, Don has worked incredibly hard to achieve the best for himself.
E MERGENT T HEMES
Six high-achieving Black male students at an honors college within a predominantly White public institution in the southeastern United States were interviewed to examine their college experiences Seven prominent themes emerged: the importance of supportive relationships with faculty, staff, and fellow students; the role of civic engagement, social justice, and advocacy; how Advanced Placement and International Baccalaureate courses prepare students for college; the influence of personal and familial expectations; the impact of opportunities beyond the classroom on identity development; issues of visibility and representation; and the navigation of stereotypes, microaggressions, and racism Taken together, these themes illuminate both the successes and challenges faced by this population and show how relationships, academic preparation, identity development, and external perceptions intersect to shape their college experiences.
Faculty, staff, and student relationships
Across these interviews, the most powerful theme is the essential role of strong relationships between students and faculty and staff This analysis investigates how these connections influence college success, how participants form them, and how they perceive their value Although faculty and staff have different roles on campus, participants often used “faculty and staff” as a single, interchangeable term, guiding us to treat these relationships as a unified support network that encompasses mentorship, guidance, and daily interactions We will examine the mechanisms by which relationships are formed—such as accessibility, responsiveness, and trust—and how these factors shape academic engagement, persistence, and overall outcomes.
Participants describe faculty and staff at the university as essential resources, role models, and mentors who actively connect students with research opportunities, help them find and apply for internships, and point them toward additional scholarships Charlie highlighted that when his mentors found him extra scholarships to apply for, he felt they were “truly looking out for me at all times.” These mentor relationships have opened doors for students and pushed them to reach their highest potential Kenny, describing his relationship with an upper-level administrator, also emphasized the clear benefits of these supportive connections for student development and success.
She has consistently encouraged me to pursue multiple opportunities and continually improve myself, while holding me accountable for taking the steps I need and want to take As an Upper Level Administrator, she embodies a senior leader who pushes me to grow, keeps me aligned with my goals, and holds me to high standards—something I’m fortunate to have in my professional journey.
Interviews reveal that students value faculty and staff support, access to opportunities, and accountability to ensure they follow through They build relationships with mentors who believe in them enough to invest in their development These mentors know the students well and can point them to resources and opportunities that align with their passions and interests.
Many of the faculty members who were instrumental to the participants' success worked in the fields the participants hoped to join, and participants underlined that their faculty and staff mentors were helpful as professional and personal role models Patrick noted that his science advisor not only helped him pick the right science classes but also provided tips for entering the workforce as he heads into the next year In a similar fashion, Seth described the impact one of his professors has had on changing his career aspirations, illustrating how mentorship can shape students’ futures.
Though I first met her last semester, she’s become a major source of inspiration this semester, and I plan to visit her office hours next week to talk about my future and a potential career in public health These mentors not only advise participants on career choices but also serve as professional role models, and Seth’s account of a mentor interaction illustrates the profound impact these relationships can have on students’ lives.
While talking with Dr Redik about how busy and discouraged I felt, she handed me the letter of recommendation she wrote for me, and reading it in her office nearly brought me to tears I'm not great at accepting compliments, even though I've gotten better, and praise from respected academic professionals who see my potential can feel overwhelming Still, it means a lot when faculty and staff relationships are strong, because that validation reinforces my sense of ability and helps me stay focused on the academic career I’m striving to build.
Many students are guided by mentors who are professionals in their potential career fields, and affirmations can significantly shape their self-perception This anecdote highlights the importance of creating a safe, welcoming space where students feel comfortable to learn and grow, while ongoing support and encouragement empower them to pursue their goals.
Charlie notes that his mentors view career paths he aspires to, and he hopes to reach a point where he loves his job as much as they do, because mentors who genuinely love what they do can serve as powerful models For students, seeing positive examples is crucial, and these faculty and staff members do more than just offer role models; they actively mentor participants Stewart underscores the impact of these relationships, describing the faculty‑student connection as one of the most important aspects of university life and noting mentors who have cared about his growth as both a person and a scholar Across the study, participants report that mentors encouraged them, provided a safe space, showed genuine care, and believed in their potential.
Mentoring relationships developed organically, with three core student qualities driving them: curiosity about faculty and staff as people, a desire to develop connections, and honors student status Seth, Stewart, and Kenny noted that these traits help explain why they have formed meaningful relationships with a broad range of faculty and staff, reflecting their curiosity about people and their general intellectual interest.
Every faculty member has a unique journey to their current role, but many people don’t take the time to learn what truly drives them I chose early on to get to know the people I’m investing in and who are investing in me That approach opens up conversations about their interests, and I often find I share similar passions with them When shared interests emerge, it naturally leads to me getting involved and pursuing collaborative opportunities with those colleagues.
The mentor-mentee relationship grows from a shared understanding that faculty and staff are more than their titles; they are people with diverse interests, experiences, and backstories Recognizing this builds trust, openness, and genuine connection between mentors and mentees, laying the groundwork for effective guidance and meaningful professional development.
Effective mentor-mentee relationships rely on student initiative Seth notes that although he deeply values his rapport with faculty and appreciates their genuine care for his success, he feels responsible for investing time and energy into these connections He believes faculty will make an effort and reach out, but ultimately it’s the student’s responsibility to drive the relationship and ensure progress.
Students in higher education have a choice about pursuing mentorship from faculty and staff One participant who did not actively invest in broad relationships still reported a solid connection with his advisor and felt comfortable seeking help when needed, explaining that he’s not the type of student who needs to be in the professor’s face all the time and prefers to ask questions while keeping interactions professional Although this stance has not produced obvious negatives, some could argue that it may cause him to miss out on the broader benefits of mentorship.