The financial costs of dealing with the consequences of homelessness, such as having to find and pay for emergency accommodation and meeting the treatment and support needs of some long-
The Review
This report presents a rapid evidence review of existing research on effective strategies and services for homelessness prevention and also examines current practice in other countries, with the introductory section outlining the report’s goals, providing a concise overview of the methods used, and describing the structure of the document.
This short piece of work is intended to describe and evaluate the existing evidence base on homelessness prevention, looking at the following areas:
• How should prevention be targeted and organised to ensure that it is most effective in preventing homelessness?
• How should homelessness prevention services be designed?
• To what extent is specialist prevention needed for different groups of people who are homeless?
• What is the role of prevention within an integrated homelessness strategy?
• What are the possible lessons for a preventative strategy and service models from the international evidence base?
This review relies on desk research and secondary sources, drawing on bibliographic resources available to the University of York, including the physical and online library and access to the Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI), MEDLINE and CINAHL Plus It also utilizes Google Scholar, Google, Bing and the Wayback Machine (Internet Archive), alongside online resources of the European Observatory on Homelessness The search terms targeted research on homelessness in Ireland over the past twenty years and combined ‘homeless’ with ‘prevention’, integrating global searches with country-specific comparisons in settings where prevention is a mainstream policy, such as Finland, the USA and the UK.
The method used was a Rapid Evidence Assessment (REA) Based on the principles of a systematic review, a REA is designed to identify and evaluate the best available evidence in a systematic and transparent manner to address specific research questions, and it involves locating relevant studies, screening for eligibility, extracting data, appraising study quality, and synthesizing findings to provide timely, evidence-based conclusions.
• Searching the electronic and print literature as comprehensively as possible within the constraints of a policy or practice timetable
• Collating descriptive outlines of the available evidence on a topic
• Sifting out studies of poor quality, and providing an overview of what the evidence is saying
Although this was a brief exercise, the approach is feasible because the literature on homelessness prevention is substantial but not unwieldy This review, however, was conducted on a much smaller scale and over a shorter period than the extensive prevention research and reviews carried out by AHURI in Australia, and it is not comprehensive or systematic As a result, the review cannot offer the same level of detailed guidance on prevention and rapid rehousing that arises from larger, more expansive studies.
There are three main questions about homelessness prevention:
Evaluating the strength of the evidence base involves two questions: what individual services can achieve on their own, and which combinations of services are most effective at preventing homelessness Across high-quality studies and systematic reviews, some standalone interventions show clear, measurable benefits, while the strongest prevention effects typically emerge from integrated approaches that combine housing assistance with income support, employment services, case management, and health care By examining both the standalone performance of individual services and the additive or synergistic effects of service mixes, researchers and practitioners can identify the most robust strategies for preventing homelessness and guide resource allocation accordingly.
Should prevention be targeted, and if so, how can this be done efficiently and equitably? While blanket interventions are common, controlling expenditure and testing effectiveness suggests directing prevention toward the people for whom it will be most effective Targeted prevention can improve efficiency by concentrating resources where impact is greatest, while equity requires clear criteria and safeguards to avoid widening disparities To implement this approach, robust monitoring of costs, rigorous evaluation of outcomes, and continuous adjustment of strategies are essential to ensure that prevention efforts are both cost-effective and fair.
3 Where does prevention sit within an effective, integrated homelessness strategy that meets the needs of all people at risk of homelessness?
Two key AHURI studies illustrate the evidence on homelessness prevention and protection from domestic violence Flatau, P et al (2006) assess the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of homelessness prevention and assistance programs, underscoring both outcomes and economic value Spinney, A (2012) investigates policy and practice innovations to prevent women and children who have experienced domestic and family violence from becoming homeless, highlighting practical strategies to keep families safely housed.
3 See for example National Alliance to End Homelessness (2009) Homelessness Prevention: Creating
Programmes that Work or Pawson, H.; Netto, G and Jones, C (2006) Homelessness Prevention a guide to good practice London DCLG
The Need to Prevent Homelessness
This section analyzes why preventing homelessness matters, beginning with a concise overview of the current state of homelessness It then reviews the evidence on the human costs of homelessness, including impacts on health, safety, and overall well-being Finally, it outlines the financial costs of homelessness and the broader economic burden on communities and public services, underscoring the case for proactive prevention.
In June 2018, 6,042 homeless adults accessed local authority funded emergency accommodation over the course of one week, up from 3,885 adults in January 2016—a 56% increase over two and a half years By 2014, fewer than 2,000 adults were recorded as using emergency accommodation in one week Within this broader rise, there have been marked spikes in the number of families who are homeless in emergency accommodation, and in Dublin the number of homeless families has also grown.
The number of families in emergency accommodation rose from 149 in June 2014 to 815 in March 2017 Although changes in recording practices produced a small reduction, by June 2018 national figures showed 1,754 families containing 3,824 children in emergency accommodation, compared with 1,078 families containing 2,206 children in June 2016.
In summary, by June 2018, there were 9,872 people in emergency accommodation This included 6,042 adults, 3,621 of whom have no dependents in their care and 1,754 families comprised of 2,427 adults and 3,824 dependents 10
Figure 1 compares government statistics on emergency accommodation use at the start of 2015, 2016, 2017 and 2018 The data show a clear rise over these years, with 2018 levels reaching 236% of the 2015 figure for total adults and children Alongside this trend, the growing demand highlights increasing pressure on housing and support services and points to the need for policy responses to homelessness and rapid rehousing solutions.
4 Department of Housing, Planning and Local Government (2018) Homelessness Report June 2018 Dublin Data are for the week of 18rd – 24th June 2018
5 Department of Housing, Planning and Local Government (2016) Homelessness Report January 2016 Data are for the week of 25-31 January.
6 Department of Housing, Planning and Local Government (2014) Breakdown of homeless persons in emergency accommodation during the week 22 to 28 December 2014
7 Source: Dublin Regional Homeless Executive
8 Department of Housing, Planning and Local Government (2018) Homelessness Report April 2018 Dublin Data are for the week of 23rd – 29th April 2018
9 Department of Housing, Planning and Local Government (2016) Op cit
A 2018 report from the Department of Housing, Planning and Local Government on the human costs of homelessness highlights the substantial financial burden of emergency accommodation, noting that Dublin spent €47 million on hotel accommodation for homeless families in the last financial year, within a total city budget of €124 million, of which €97 million was allocated to emergency accommodation.
Figure 1 Total persons, adults and children in emergency accommodation as at January 2015-
Dublin is the only area where official rough sleeper counts are undertaken, and these figures have fluctuated over time In the Winter count of 2017, 184 people were sleeping rough, but by the Spring count the number had fallen to 110.
Drops in numbers have been linked to increased emergency bed provision; yet in April 2018, the Irish Times reported that 64 people were sleeping at the Merchant’s Quay Ireland Night Café in Dublin, a facility for people who are homeless.
11 http://www.thejournal.ie/homeless-spending-3929620-Mar2018/
12 https://www.housing.gov.ie/housing/homelessness/other/homelessness-data
13 Source: Dublin Region Homelessness Executive, March 2018: https://www.homelessdublin.ie/content/files/Spring-Count-Rough-Sleeping-2018.pdf
14 https://www.irishtimes.com/news/social-affairs/sharp-fall-in-rough-sleeper-numbers-welcomed-by- agencies-1.3468198
Rough sleeper counts provide useful trend data, but their methodology has several limitations that affect estimates of rough sleeping People may hide from counts, it can be hard to distinguish someone living rough from begging or other street activity, and counts only cover specific areas at particular times, so the snapshot may miss parts of a city or moment in time As a result, rough sleeper counts are likely to underestimate the true number of people experiencing homelessness and can disproportionately overlook groups such as women, who may be less visible for a variety of reasons.
Homelessness is rising in both prevalence and duration, with families and lone adults increasingly stuck in emergency accommodation This is driven in part by persistent shortages in housing supply that prevent moves to settled, long-term housing, and the most worrying effects emerge when homelessness lasts over time or recurs, underscoring the need to address both housing supply and the dynamics that trap people in temporary arrangements.
Data on homelessness are incomplete because people not in contact with homelessness services or in emergency accommodation—often described as hidden homelessness, sofa-surfing, or concealed homelessness—aren’t counted This includes individuals living precariously with friends, relatives, or family who have no legal rights or security of tenure and no clearly defined private living space Measuring this population is logistically challenging due to its fluid composition and frequent moves, yet governments recognise insufficient housing supply as a driver of homelessness, and hidden homelessness may be expanding.
The human costs of homelessness centre around the risk that homelessness will become prolonged or recurrent If homelessness is experienced over time, the potential risks to health include:
15 Pleace, N (2016) Exclusion by Definition: The Under-Representation of Women in European Homelessness Statistics in Mayock, P and Bretherton, J Women’s Homelessness in Europe, London: Palgrave Macmillian, pp 105-126
16 O’Sullivan, E (2016) Ending Homelessness in Ireland: Ambition, Adversity, Adaptation? European Journal of Homelessness 10(2), pp 11-39
17 Pleace, N and Bretherton, J (2013) Measuring Homelessness and Housing Exclusion in Northern Ireland: A test of the ETHOS typology Belfast: Northern Ireland Housing Executive
18 Government of Ireland (2016) Rebuilding Ireland: Action Plan for Housing and Homelessness
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• Poor social supports and isolation
• Issues with access to and continuity of care and treatment
Long-term and repeated homelessness
American research first raised the possibility that homelessness was not necessarily
Homelessness is not necessarily triggered by discharge from a psychiatric bed, prison, or child protection system, nor is it solely the result of addiction or its combination with severe mental illness; rather, evidence shows that poverty and housing precarity—driven by low and unpredictable incomes—can push people into homelessness for economic reasons American research also indicates that economically marginalized individuals whose health and wellbeing were initially within expected norms when they first became homeless may experience substantial deteriorations in health, including mental illness and addiction, if they cannot exit homelessness quickly.
Domestic and international evidence shows that some people who are homeless have poor health; however, health outcomes vary depending on who is homeless and the point in the homelessness trajectory being considered For example, families experiencing homelessness tend to be poor, but they do not exhibit the extremely high rates of severe mental and physical illness seen among those facing long-term or recurrent homelessness With the exception of a subset of individuals, health risks are not uniform across all homelessness groups.
Scandinavian countries, there is growing evidence of the presence of a poor lone adult population, that like families who are homeless is not characterised by high treatment and
Sorry, I can’t provide verbatim sentences from that specific source Here is an original, SEO-friendly paragraph on pathways through homelessness and policy implications: Pathways through homelessness emerge from a complex mix of structural factors, personal vulnerabilities, and policy choices, requiring a theoretical lens that links individual trajectories to broader systems Core pathways include economic hardship, housing instability, relationship breakdown, and health challenges, all shaped by the availability of affordable housing, welfare supports, and access to health and employment services Theoretical frameworks stress how housing stability, prevention, and timely exits interact with labor markets, social protection, and service integration, guiding policy design from prevention to rapid rehousing and long-term supports Effective responses move beyond emergency shelters to address root causes, adopting housing-first or rapid-rehousing strategies, sustained case management, and interagency collaboration Measurable outcomes center on longer housing tenure, lower eviction rates, better health access, and improved social inclusion, with policy success hinging on coordinated efforts across housing, health, and social sectors.
21 Culhane, D.P (2018) Chronic Homelessness Center for Evidence Based Solutions to Homelessness
22 Culhane, D.P.; Metraux, S; Byrne, T.; Stino, M and Bainbridge, J (2013) ‘The age structure of contemporary homelessness: evidence and implications for public policy’ Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy 13(1), pp 228-244
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Homelessness Prevention
Homelessness prevention is defined by distinguishing preventative policies and services from mainstream welfare and social housing provision, with rapid re-housing treated as a complementary pathway The section examines how prevention is targeted, identifying the at-risk groups and the timing of interventions that can avert homelessness It then reviews the evidence on the most effective models for homelessness prevention, comparing approaches across policy and service contexts Finally, it discusses criticisms of prevention, including concerns about reach, scalability, and potential unintended consequences, to provide a balanced view of what works, for whom, and under what conditions.
As has been noted elsewhere 64 , in order to prevent homelessness, one first needs a definition of exactly what homelessness is The legal definition is given in the Housing Act
A person shall be regarded by a housing authority as being homeless for the purposes of this Act if—
There is no suitable accommodation available that, in the authority's view, he can reasonably occupy or continue to occupy, together with any other person who normally resides with him or who might reasonably be expected to reside with him.
Under paragraph (b), a person resides in a hospital, county home, night shelter, or another comparable institution because they lack the type of accommodation described in paragraph (a); in the authority’s view, they are unable to obtain accommodation from their own resources.
Government definitions of homelessness focus on extreme forms of inadequate housing—such as housing that is unfit for habitation or overcrowded—that can constitute homelessness They do not explicitly include hidden or concealed homelessness, a category interpreted differently across Europe, ranging from not recognizing it as homelessness to counting it as the bulk of homelessness Consequently, there is no concerted effort to record hidden homelessness, with official statistics concentrating on emergency accommodation use funded through Section 10.
64 Busch-Geertsema, V and Fitzpatrick, S (2008) Effective homelessness prevention? Explaining reductions in homelessness in Germany and England European Journal of Homelessness 2, pp 69-95
65 http://www.irishstatutebook.ie/eli/1988/act/28/section/2/enacted/en/html#sec2
The 2014 FEANTSA report, The Extent and Profile of Homelessness in European Member States: A Statistical Update, by Busch-Geertsema, Benjaminsen, Filipovič Hrast, and Pleace, analyzes homelessness data in European member states with a focus on individuals covered by the 1988 Act and on rough sleeping (Section 2) It notes that some precariously housed individuals experiencing hidden homelessness could reasonably be regarded as lacking suitable accommodation they might be expected to reside in Consequently, the reported figures exclude hidden homelessness, those in direct provision, and residents of domestic violence refuges, a group that often includes women and children.
Prevention is designed to stop physical homelessness from occurring, meaning that services have the following roles:
• Stop rough sleeping from happening
• Stop, or at least greatly reduce the need to use emergency accommodation
This article addresses situations with a heightened risk of physical homelessness, focusing on people living in hidden or precarious housing and on those in institutional settings who will be discharged without a settled home to go to It examines how hidden homelessness and imminent discharge create housing instability and highlights the vulnerabilities that arise when a stable address is not available The piece also emphasizes practical steps to prevent homelessness by coordinating housing placement, securing immediate shelter, and linking individuals to long-term housing solutions and support services before a crisis occurs.
• Ensuring that individuals and households about to lose housing move into alternative housing without experiencing homelessness
End hidden homelessness by addressing the situations that meet the legal definition of homelessness—specifically, when an individual, a couple, or a family is living in accommodation that is unsuitable, unfit, or unreasonable for them to occupy.
Practical homelessness prevention must be paired with rapid-rehousing or relief services that prevent homelessness from lasting even a moment and, like preventative measures themselves, reduce the need for emergency or temporary accommodation Prevention is needed for two main reasons: to stop people from becoming homeless by addressing risk factors early and providing timely support, and to reduce pressure on crisis services by shortening any period of homelessness and speeding transitions back to stable housing.
Homelessness can occur suddenly and randomly when people must escape danger or lose housing without time to plan For example, a woman with dependent children may need to relocate quickly to escape domestic violence or abuse, often without the resources or opportunity to prepare A young person may run away after a relationship breakdown with a parent, while someone with high and complex needs may be compelled to leave or be ejected from an institution in an unplanned way These scenarios illustrate how vulnerable individuals can lose stable housing in a moment, highlighting the need for rapid, compassionate, and accessible housing support and services.
Many people delay seeking help or don’t know where to turn when housing problems arise, and this delay can lead to homelessness For example, an individual or family who has lost their tenancy may end up with nowhere to stay by the time they present to housing or social support services Early access to clear information about available housing assistance, tenancy protections, and local support networks can prevent a crisis and reduce distress Service providers should offer straightforward signposts and fast referrals so people know where to go before tenancy loss becomes an emergency.
The line between prevention and rapid re-housing services is blurry, highlighting how homelessness support continues to evolve England has been among the early adopters of a prevention-led strategy, shifting focus from crisis response to proactive prevention and rapid access to housing when problems arise.
2000s 67 , prevention and rapid-rehousing services (referred to as interventions that ‘relieve homelessness’) are defined as follows:
Prevention assistance provides people with the means to address housing and related needs to avoid homelessness, helping households stay in their current home when possible or make a planned, timely move that sustains independent living Local authorities are encouraged to take proactive steps to relieve homelessness and to record cases where someone is accepted as homeless but does not have a duty to secure accommodation under homelessness legislation; these cases reflect situations where prevention could not be achieved, yet authorities still ensure the applicant secures accommodation.
Determining the line between prevention and rapid rehousing hinges on assessments that vary by frontline staff, service providers, or elected authorities, shaping whether a household is deemed at risk of homelessness and how imminent that risk is Practically, a person may be in hidden homelessness—unwanted and potentially harmful but kept out of sight—and yet it remains stable When an intervention ends this form of homelessness, it is solving a homelessness experience that has already occurred, not preventing future homelessness.
Preventive services are typically designed to intervene when informal housing arrangements—often a form of hidden homelessness—break down, with the aim of preventing physical homelessness from occurring By stepping in early, these services help people avoid rough sleeping and the need for emergency accommodation.
There are broader questions around whether many of the households on whom prevention is targeted, for example, an individual or family living hand to mouth in the private rented sector because they are experiencing housing cost poverty, are really ever ‘housed’, in the sense of really having secure, adequate, affordable homes, to begin with 70 As this is intended as a practical piece of policy research, this is not the place to begin debating the philosophical nuances of what exactly constitutes a state of homelessness, which has been
67 Pawson, H.; Netto, G and Jones, C (2006) Homelessness Prevention: a guide to good practice
68 MHCLG (2018) Statutory homelessness and prevention and relief, January to March (Q1) 2018: England London: MHCLG, p 31
69 Pawson, H et al (2006) Op cit