Volume 12-4-2008 "...with liberty and justice for all": toward tolerant public discourse Zona Douthit Roger Williams University Follow this and additional works at: http://docs.rwu.edu/r
Trang 1Volume 1
2-4-2008
" with liberty and justice for all": toward tolerant
public discourse
Zona Douthit
Roger Williams University
Follow this and additional works at: http://docs.rwu.edu/rr
Copyright ©2-4-2008 by the authors
Reason and Respect is produced by The Berkeley Electronic Press (bepress)
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Recommended Citation
Douthit, Zona (2005) "" with liberty and justice for all": toward tolerant public discourse," Reason and Respect: Vol 1: Iss 2, Article
11
Available at:http://docs.rwu.edu/rr/vol1/iss2/11
Trang 2RE SPECT
Toward Tolerant Public Discourse
Zona Douthi t De pa rtment of Writin g S tu die s Every Amercan who hears the words Liberty ndjustice isinstinctively warmed b their rranscendent glow
These words make the patriotic bre st swellwith pride and conjure the image of th se RevolurionaryWar
veterans limping alo g playing their fifeand drum, flagrppling in the breeze The words f re edom , r ig hts ,
e qual y , de m o ra cy , andjustice , among others, havebeen elevated toan almost spiritual plane, evenasmeta
-phors for the United States
This paper wi examine the titles of several conservative and pro ressive religious and poli c l
organiz tions ro demonstrate how some rhetors are distortn the lexicon ofcivil religion to confate sectarian
beliefs with politc l ambirions While there isnothing inherently sinister about promoting sectarian belefs,
intentio aly failing to differentiate between religio and poltics muddies the p blic discourse and can be a
means to just Y intolerance toward opposing viewp ints The title ofan organization isperhaps the most
intentional rheroric itemploys Implying that "Go is on my side, an ifyou disagree with me, yo are
against God" sets up aneither/or choic that is inherently inrolerant
Furher, 1 wi review atheory of p l ical discourse fist proposed in 1986 It offers aframework fora
respectful public discussio that rob'ates diferences an builds asustainable diale tic dialogue
America's Civil Religion
In 1 67, Ro ert Bellah defined civil religio l to mean a religion of the polity that glor ies the politics and
history of aculture with patriotic rituals and quasi-religious imagery.2As Bellah ex lains, "[T]he American
civilreligion is not the worship oftheAmerican nation but an understanding of the American experience in
the lght of ultimate and universal re l y"(l3) I isevoked b venerarion ofpast leaders and w veterans, use
of public buildings for worship and todisplay symbols, and the in oc ton ofGod and use of religious texts at
-tive of deep-seated values and commitments" (Bellah 2)
American civil relgion celebrates past politic l leaders who embody the esence of the American ideal,
such asBenjamin Fran lin for hiswit and wisdom; George Washin ton and Martin Luther King for thei
co rage and leadership; andThomas Jefferson forhis curiosity and intelligence Traditio ally, stories about
such figures (thoug probably fictito s) are used to illustrate moralty Memorals toveterans and war
c sualties are fxtures in most American communities an the nation's capitol Civil relgion also requires
public display of symbols, forexample "Old Glory"-a symbol ofAmeric n ideals that beles a simple defini
tio While the Consttution protects against astate religio , Con ress begins every day with a prayer, and
every President since Washingto has sworn "so help me God" athis inau uration
But most importantly, Americ 's civilrelgion isnot tied to the creed of any particular taditional
religion Belah observes that "civilreligion atitsbest is agenuine apprehension of universal an tanscendent
relgio s re lity as seen in or,o e could almost say, asrevealed through the ex erience of the American people"
(9).But because it "servestomobilize support for the atainment of natio al goals," it iseasilymanipulated b
rhetors to induce a patriotic fe lng inthe p blc in order "to attack nonconformist and liberal ideas and
U7ehoLd th ese tr uths t o b e se/fe v id en t : th a t aLLm e n are c reat e d equ a l th at the y a re endo w e b
th e i r C rea t or with ce rt ain ina L ie nabLe ri g htj' , amo n th ese Lif t, L i b rt y an d th e u r u i t of hap p in ess U7e s o Lemn l y u bL i sh a nd d e clare , th a t th ese c Lo i e s a r e a nd o f right ought to b e fre e
a d indep e ndent s t ates .
Trang 3With the first bre th ofindepen enc , America began the lexicon of civil eligion Not only did Jefferson
write of equality, inalienable rights, liberty, freed m an independence, he acknowledged that a Supreme
Being endowed those rights on man "Divine providence," stemming from au iversal g ardianship beyond
human experience, makes them inalienable.4
In ade laration even more deviant from the 1 'hcentury n rm of divine sovereignty, the Preamble to the Constiuto states:
We the Peo le of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Unio , establish Justice,
insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establsh this Constitution for the United States of Amerca
Thus the Co stitution steps further awayfrom divine sovereignty Here, the source ofauthority forliberty
and justice isthe Union of the People
Durng the Second Great Awakening, an evangelical revival movement of the early 1 'hCentury, the
concept that the Declaration ofIndependenc and the Constitution were inspired by the Christian u der
-standing ofGod swept over America When the great orator Daniel Webster created a"narrative of nat
ion-hood," calling the Founding Fathers our "spiriual fathers" (6 ), his lsteners, who would havebe n almost
entirely ofEuropean descent, connected that spirituality wih Chrstianity Webster's goal was to preserve the
Union of the United States against parochial secessionism Tod this he glorifed the my tho sofAmerica as an
idea rather than aplace and gave it aspiritual, and for him a Christian, patina
Since the Civil War, "the theme ofsacrifice [has]been added to American Civil religio " (Pierard 112) "The ideathat sacrifice was 'sacred' because it urthered America's God-given purpose as a model of
h man liberty and equality" (Pierard 112) has been apowerful rhetorical tool of every politician advocating
war since Glorifying sacrifice in war has alsobeen used to silenc questioning the justness of the war
The 20'hcentury civil rights movement was "morallybasedand politicaly in ependent" (Walis 64), but appeared to be a Chrstian movement because i arose from the pulpits of so many Blackchurches Itsgreat
spokesman, Rev Martin Luther King, Jr., famously used the imagery and cadence of the pulpi toexpress
universal ideals about freedom and equality In"Letter from Birmingham Jail"he declared that "the goal of
America is freedom," and coupled freed m with God's tanscendent will:"We willwin our freedom because the
sa red heritage of our nation and the eternal willofGod are embo ied in our echoing demands" (qtd in Carson
2 2) The letter was intended to prick the consciences ofhisfellowclergy and make them recogniz that equality
was sacred,and therefore the right to freedom wasimmediate an just He wasa Christian minister who wanted
to change specificlaws,but his rhetoric was straightforward and intentional, never ambiguous or de eitful
In 1979 Rev Jerry Falwell launched "n organization with a mission of organizing evangelical leaders"
to "boldly engage the culture." Calling himself "the father of the modern 'religious right' political movement,"
Falwell establshed the Moral Majority topromote "a pro-life, pro-traditional family, pro-national defense and
pro-Israel platform" ("Moral Majority") The rhetoric of this movement added the term "family values" to the
civil eligion lexicon For apolitician to ay to announce opposi on tofamiy values would be asshocking as
taking a stand against freedom and liberty or any ofthe other sacredwords ofthe lexicon
InM or aL P o Li t o ' cognitive linguist George Lakoff explains what "family values"means toconservatives and liberals Because politics hasa"moral, mythic an emotional dimension," conservatives have turned family
into ametaphor forg vernment (19) While all politicians describe their policies aspro-family, theymean very
different things b the term Lakof says conservatives think ofthe family/government asahierarchy, led by a
strict father who imposes discipline inorder to raisechildren wh are obedient, self-sufficient and respect
"legitimate authority" (33).Althou h not necessarilyarticulated as such, liberal policyis alsobasedon a £.'lmily
model, which Lakoffcalls the Nurturant Parent model because "[ ove,empathy, and nurturance are primary,
and children become respo sible, self-disciplined andsel reliant through being cared for,respected and caring
for others, b th in their familyand in their communities" (33) Lakoff's analysisilluminates why the "culture
war" has been fo ght with one sideslingin apples and theother oran es, leaving both sidesbewildered at the
other's response-particularly when considered within thecontext of civil religion'sev lution
The Fo nding Fathers' senseof freedom, equal y, independence, and inalenable rights wasbased in Enlightenment philosophy, out of which arose the concept that church and state be separate Not until the
19'hcentury did the ideals espoused in the Declaration ofIndependence and the Constituton become linked
with rhe pred minate relgion of the day, Christianity During the Civil War, the Christian principle of
sacrifice was added tothe vocabulary of civil discourse In the mid-20'h century, the civil rights movement
returned to the universal morality of the 18'h century b tying arguments for legal changes to the concepts of
Trang 4justice, freedom, and equaliy to conscience rather than doctrine Thus has rhetoric evolved toshape public
discourse and policy
To ay, however, some poltically ambitious organizations are using the vocabulary of civil religion to
infer that patriotism and religion areinseparable They identify themselves with the words liberty, freedom
and American side-by-side with creedal words of raditional relgio , implying alink by mere proximity
without further explanation Thei intent seems clear: \YJeareright because God ison our side
Rubric Rhetoric
The examples below compare the titles of conservatives and liberal organizatio s and demonstate how
consetvatives combine words in their titles to imply aconnection between teligion, specifically Christianity,
and conservative poliical policy while liberals do no
Jerry Falwellfou ded Liberty Universiy with the goal of producing "Chrst-centered men and
women with the values, knowledge, and skillsrequired to impact tomorow's world" ("Liberty University")
Currently he heads the "Libery Alliance, o e of [his]affiliate organizations that is dedi cared to promoting
Judeo-Christian values inthe political realm thro gh lo bying effons"("Alliance") The websites do not define
"libery," leaving its connection with the Christian mission implied, but they do provide electronic links to
each other Bynaming hisorganizations "Libery" Falwellseemingly suggests that Christianity and libery, a
core value inAmerican's civil religion, are the same thing
Compare this to the progressive Christian organization, Sojourners, a"Chrstian ministry whose
mission is to proclaim and practice the biblical calltointegrate spiritual renewal and social ustice" ("
Sojourn-ers") Itsname is derived from "[the biblical metaphor 'sojourners' [hat identifes God's people as
pil-grims-fully present in the world but committed to adifferent order " The name isintended to reflect
expanding "exploration of is ues offaith, poltics, and culture as well asministry to the poor ("Sojourners")
Sojourners uses the word "justice" to define their misio , but i is modified by"social." Socialjustice
is a moral concept sometimes ato ds with legal justice, which is about following accepted laws (The death
penalty debate is astark example ofthis dichotomy.) In civi religio , the word "justice" isusually used
witho t a modifier, leaving ito en to ambiguity That the Sojourners defines its mission asone ofsocial or
moral justice clearlystates its intent
Two prominent conservative organizations that exist to influence the p litic l agenda alsosuggest a connection between the words ofcivil and taditional religion The Family Research Council isan organiza
-tion dedicated to "Defen ing Faih, Family and Freedom" by shaping "public debate and formulat[ing] public
policy" (FRe) Amercan Valuesis"a non-prof organization committed to unitin theAmerican people
around the vision of our Founding Fathers" with the subtitle "Your Voic to Help to Protect Life, Marriage,
Famiy, Faith, and Freedom" (American Values) Both organizatons link "freed m" with family and faith
Ton Perkins ofFRC and Gary Bauer ofAmeric n Values areboth pol icians, n t theologians.5
In contrast, the titles oft"vo prominent lberal political organizatio s make no religio s connection
The rubric of MoveOn.org is"Democra y in Action" (MoveOn) People for the American Way defines itself
as "an energetic advocate for the values and institutions that sustain adiverse democratic society" (PFAW)
Both are clearlynot affiliated with any relgio s organizato , nor do they atempt toalgn themselves with
any par cular relgious creed
Donations to both liberal groups are not taxdeductble, while d nations to b th conservative groups are The websites offerno explanation for their deductible statUS (FRC "Contribute," Americ n Values"Contrib
-ute") Rev Falwell'sLibertyAlliance is,h wever, "a not forprofit educational and lobb ing organization It isan
IRS recognized 5 1 (c)(4) corporation charered inWashingto , D.C that isallowed tolobby Congres and
influence legislation" ("Alliance") The titles and taxstatus oftheco servative organizations are confusing,
making itdifficult to discern which is areligio s group, i.e., a char able one, and which ispolitical
The firstg arantee in the Bil of Rights is that Congress wil n t establish a state-sponsored religion
Grou s that commingle the words of traditonal and civilreligion evoke in those wh disagree with their
p litical philosophy Orwellian visions of intolerance and control It is time to consider amethod ofpublic
policy debate that clearly distin uishes public issues from perso al beliefs
"Fr om C ivi l Re l igion t o Publ i c Ph il osophy "
In his 1986 esay "From Civil Religion to Public Philosophy," Christian theologian Richard John Neuhaus
suggested that our civil religion be repla ed by anew public philosophy His proposal isas vigorous an
imperative to ay as it was almost twenty years ago.6 He suggests apublic p ilosophy where we"canprevent
our just c usesfom turning into h ly wars an our public philosophies from turning inco civil relgions"
Trang 5(109).His model would require a democratic, pluralistic, religio sly auuned, critcally affirmative debate with
realistic expectations for resolving conAict (105)
The first requirement, democratic ptinciples, should be"marked byp pular, even populist
sympa-thies," but a democracy cannot function ifsome of the people "habitually cultvate contempt for the values of
the people whose livesthey would more ratio ally order" (105) Neuhaus argues that we sh uld relyon the
common wisdom of the "ordinary people (0 create a "normative ethic bywhich extreme propensities, inc
lud-ing populist pro ensities, can beheld incheck" (105) In other words, he en isio s ademocracy where every
voice is valued and heard
Further, this p blic philosophy requires pluralism in "which diferenc s areengaged in civilcontesta
-tion," embracing the idea that weare a"society of many societies, a community ofmany communi es," a
"people in their astonishingly diverseparticulariries" (106) The duty of the democratic state is to respect and
serve the multitude of its constituent communites The majority may rule, but itcannot silence the minority
Neuhaus reminds us that the United States is essentially "religiously attu ed" and warns against adopting an Enlightenment conceit "that religion either is withering away or could beneatly co fined to the
private sphere oflife" (106).7 Instead our public philosophy must be "historcally and socially rooted" because
spirituality elevates usabove the personal and material and lends moral authority to our political philosophy
(108) He invites traditional religions to engage "in the development of a mediating language, acommon
moral vocabulary to beshared bythose who are not of shared religious conviction" (107) AsLakoff's analysis
suggests, acknowledging that "family values" is amoral issuefor both sides would help toestablish such a
common moral vocabulary
In addition, public philosophy must also be "critically affirmative-that is,a cording to Neuhaus,
able to "both affirm and criticize this [American] experiment, prodding it ever so slowly and erratically (Oward
the fulfilment of its promise (108) Simply put, dissent gave birth to America and nourishes its growth
Dissent is an American value
And finally, Neuhaus cautions that o r public philosophy must be"modest in the ex ectatio s that it
raises.I will speak religiously of the American experience but itwil not make the American ex erience a
religion" (108) He warns against "social gospelers" at both ends of the political spectrum claiming to be
building a"Kingdom of God on earth" (108) Instead "[ he only religion that will help construct the public
philosoph that we need is the relgion that knows that all of our politics and all of our philosophies are, at
best, faint imui tio s of the City ofGod towhich we areall called" (l 09) He urges usn t tothink weare
creating perfection as we dabble in democracy We must "not besurprised bytimes oftesting but rather
recognize that testing is in the verynature of being an ex eriment" (108) Only through "ashared moral
discourse about rhe meaning of the social experiment of which weare part" can we hope to survive (108)
The single theme that underlies allcomponems of Neuhaus's public philosophy istolerance His paradigm
wo ld replace the malleable symbolsm ofcivil religion with a model in which respecr and tolerance are
integral because they are inclusive and acknowledge tradition while leaving room for criticism Rational debate
does n t occur without respect for the right (0 dissent
Intolerance does more damage to democra y than an weap n that merely destroys physical matter
On March 8, 2005 President Bushaddressed the Natonal Defense University about Islamist terrorism:
Itshould be clear that the best antidote toradicalism and terror is the tolerance and hope kindled in freesocieties And that goal is within reach, if allthe parries meet their responsibilities and if
terrorism isbrought (0an end Arab states must end incitement in their own media, CUtoff publc
an private funding for terrorism, stop their support forextremist education
America must assume the same responsibility In his recent book God's Politics,Christian theolo ian Jim Wal s
warns that President Bush "seems to make this mistake over and over again of confusing nation, church, and
god The resulting theology ismore an American civil relgion than Christian faith" (142) We cannot be a
beacon of democracy in the word bymaking faith a litmus test for patriotism Bydiscarding the ambigu us
terminology of civil religion, wec n debate issues,n t personalities or faith, and remain "one nation under
God"-even with those who disagree with us
Trang 6IIn T h e S oc i al Con t r a ct, Jean-Jacque Rousseau was the fist to use the term "civil religion," but its meaning
has ev lved since 1762
2"This concept sometimes goes b other names-public, poli cal orsocietal religion; public piety; civic
faith; the common faith; theistic humanism; or inthe case ofthe United States, secularized Purianism, the
relgion ofthe republic, the Americ n Way,American Shinto, and often 'the Americ n Democratic Faith.'
Whatever o e calls it it refers tothe Widespread a ceptance by a people ofperceived politcal traits r
egard-ing their nato 's history and destiny" (Pierard 22)
3The author in noway intends to imply that this isan ex austive history of the evolution of the lexicon
of Americ 's civil religion
4For a concise, impartial history ofthe role relgion has played in American politcs, see "the Faih of Our
Fathers" in the 28 June isue of US News a n d W o r l d R e port, which quotes abook by the head ofthe
manuscript division of the Library of Congress, "[W]hether they were old-line Calvinists or liberal deists, the
Founders believed divine wil legitimized their instituto s and lawsand made citizens more wi ing to respect
them Even Thomas Jefferson, who thought most Americans would be ratio alist Unitarians within a
generation or two, considered the acknowled ment of providental authority essential topublic virtue"
(Tolson, 55-56)
5For Bauer biographical information see http://www.o ramericanvalues.org/bauer main.php For Perkins biographical information seehttp://www.frc.org/ger.cfm?i=BY0 H27
GIn February, 2005 Timemagazine caled Dr Neuhaus one ofAmerica's most influential Christian evangelicals (Van Beima 37)
7Cleary the political rise ofthe Religious Right in the last twenty-five yearsproves hispoint
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