business-friendly, urban regeneration strategies that curry favour with large-scaleglobal corporations by creating cocooned sites of luxury entertainment, shoppingand
Trang 1TheEvolvingSpatialFormofCities inaGlobalisingWorldEconomy
Trang 3The Democracy and Governance Research Programme of the Human SciencesResearch Council publishes an Occasional Paper series which is designed to offertimelycontributionstodebates,disseminateresearchfindingsandotherwiseengagewiththebroaderresearchcommunity.Authorsinvitecommentsandresponsesfromreaders
Trang 6of this particular kind of urbanity, they do constitute its central elements.
Concentrating on the extent to which these characteristic features of postmodern
‘global cities’ paradigm. Scholars operating within this framework have sought to
reassess the importance of large metropolises as key command and control centres
withintheinterlockingglobalisingdynamicsoffinancialmarkets,high-levelproducer
services industries, corporate headquarters and other associated business-services
industries (telecommunications, business conferences, media, design and cultural
Trang 7head offices.2 While globalisation has affected all kinds of geographical localitiesin a variety of ways, it assumes particular significance in those key urban centresthatscholarshavelabelled‘global’or‘worldcities’.Inshort,globalisationprecedesand largely determines urban spatial and sociocultural restructuring, inexorablytransformingemergentglobalcitiesbydisconnectingthemfromtheirlocalties.3
In its original formulation, the ‘global cities’ thesis laid particular stress on thehistorically specific functions of London, New York and Tokyo at the apex ofthe world-scale urban hierarchy. At the outset, discussion focused on clarifyingterminological disputes (‘world’ versus ‘global’ cities), refining initial definitions,and postulating about which cities might be included under the rubric of ‘globalcities’andwhatcriteriamightbeusedtodeterminetheirrankorder.Overtime,the
‘globalcities’debatehasmovedawayfromitsrelativelynarrowfocusonafewleadingurbancentrestoamuchmorenuanced,sophisticatedandbroadertheorisationofthechangingfunctionsofcitiesinaglobalisingworldeconomyincreasinglydominatedbyinformationalisedeconomicactivities(Castells1996;Lo&Yeung1998;Marcuse
&VanKempen2000a;Sassen2000a,2000c).Takenasawhole,the‘globalcities’model – with its particular stress on the evolving network of interconnected urbancentres–hassparkedagreatdealofsubstantiveresearchthathasgreatlyadvancedourunderstandingoftheplaceandfunctionofcertainstrategicallylocatedcitiesinthespatialgeographyofthecontemporaryworldeconomy.Bysituatinglargemetropolitanregions within a common ‘globalising’ framework, this approach has opened upuniquepossibilitiesforfruitfulcomparisonsthatpromisetoyieldnewinsightsintothechangingrolesofcitiesinthecontemporaryworldeconomy(Abu-Lughod1999;Abu-Lughod2001;Nijman1997;Portes&Stepick1993;Sassen&Portes1993)
Nevertheless, despite its considerable strengths as an orienting frameworkfor empirically grounded research, the ‘global cities’ approach is not without itstheoretical limitations as an overarching paradigm for studying contemporarycities.4Byidentifyingcertainkeyurbancentresasmaterialmanifestationsofthestructuralprocessesofglobalisation,the‘globalcities’approachhasincorporatedacertainfunctionalistandeconomisticbiasintoitstheoreticalreasoning.5Thiswayofthinkinghasinadvertentlycontributedtoanarrowingofthefieldofvisionforurbanstudies.Byanalyticallyprivilegingthefunctionalrolesandspecialisationsoflargemetropolitancentresintheglobalmarketplace,andbycategorisingcitiesintoarankedhierarchyroughlyinaccordancewiththeeconomicpowertheycommand,
Trang 8By directing attention primarily to transnational business and financial networksthatlinkleadingmetropolitancentresinaglobalhierarchydefinedprimarilybymarketrelations,the‘globalcities’literaturetendstodownplayoroverlooktheevolvingspatialdynamics of large cities that aspire to ‘world-class’ status. In contrast, urban theoristssuchasDavidHarvey,JohnHannigan,NanEllin,MichaelDear,StevenFlusty,DianeGhirado,MichaelSorkin,MikeDavis,ChristineBoyer,SharonZukin,EdwardSoja,ChristopherJencksandmanyothershavefocusedinsteadonthechangingmorphologicalcharacteristics of urban landscapes and, in particular, on the use, management andregulationofcityspace(Boyer1998;Davis1985;Dear2000;Dear&Flusty1998;Ellin1996;Ghirado1991;Harvey1989;Hannigan1998;Jencks1993;Soja1989;Soja1992;Sorkin1992;Zukin1998).InlookingatthefragmentationoftheurbanrealmintowhatDavidHarveycalls‘apatchworkquiltofislandsofrelativeaffluencestrugglingtosecurethemselvesinaseaofspreadingdecay’(Harvey2000:152),thesescholarshavedrawnourattentiontothespatialityofcontemporarycities.Byhighlightingsuchspatialfeaturesas
‘edgecities’,gatedresidentialcommunitiesandotherprivatopias,fortifiedofficecitadels,
downtown renaissance zones, festival marketplaces and other enclosed shopping mallextravaganzasastheyappearincitiesaroundtheworld,theseurbantheoristshavedrawnourattentiontotheevolvingpatternsofspatialrestructuringassociatedwithadistinctivekindofpolynucleatedandfragmentedcityform,onewhichsomescholarshavecalled
‘postmodern urbanism’.6Unlike the ‘global cities’ paradigm that takes urban politicaleconomyasitspointofdeparture,thetheoristsof‘postmodernurbanism’lookuponthecityscapeasacontestedterrain,wherespatialpoliticsinvolvestrugglesovertheuseofurbanspace,particularlyinregardtowhobelongswhereandwithwhatentitlementsorcitizenshiprights(Borden,Kerr,Rendell&Pivaro2001;Dovey1999;Harvey2000;Holston1999;Leach2002;Sandercock1998;Westwood&Williams1997)
As a distinct urban form, postmodern urbanism expresses the confluence of amultiplicity of macrosocial trends, including deindustrialisation of the metropolis(wherepost-Fordist‘flexiblespecialisation’hasreplacedFordistmassproductionasthe main engine of economic growth), the widespread middle-class abandonmentofurbanresidencecoupledwithrapidsuburbansprawl,thedevaluationofpublicspace(parks,plazas,streetscapes,sidewalks,collectivemodesoftransportandeasilyaccessible places of entertainment), and an awestruck love affair with an ‘inward-looking’ architectural style that ‘turns its back on’ the surrounding cityscape.Drivenbytherelentlesspressuresofglobalcompetitioninallitsguises,postmodernurbanism conforms to an inner logic of spatial partitioning that privileges andrewardscityscapesthatinsinuatethemselveswithintransnationalcircuitsoffinancecapital.Inaspiringtoachieve‘world-class’status,‘cityboosters’fosterthekindsof
Trang 9business-friendly, urban regeneration strategies that curry favour with large-scaleglobal corporations by creating cocooned sites of luxury entertainment, shoppingand leisure, while simultaneously leaving poor and working-class urban residentstofendforthemselvesincompetingforaccesstoaffordablehousing,todwindlingpublicspaceandtoprivatised(‘pay-as-you-go’)municipalservices(Connell1999;Fitzsimons1995;Kenny1995;Loukaitou-Sideris&Banerjee1998).
Postmodern urbanism represents a distinct phase of urban growth anddevelopment, one characterised by the shift from what Christine Boyer calls the(modernist-inspired) ‘city as panorama’ to the ‘city as spectacle’ (Boyer 1998). Itreflects the collapse of confidence in the holistic design of the urban landscape,a declining faith in comprehensive urban planning as a panacea for social ills, anostalgicfascinationwith‘smallisbeautiful’,aturntodecorativepastiche(orthefreeplayofstylesandhistoricistallusions)andagrowingmoralpanicassociatedwiththe fear of crime (Huxtable 1997; Jameson 1991; Judd & Fainstein 1999). Newkindsofsegregation–whethersocialorspatial,semioticorsymbolic–havebecomethe visible signs of postmodern urbanism. The main instrument through whichsocial and spatial segregation is organised is what Teresa Caldeira calls ‘fortifiedenclaves’,andtheprincipalrhetoricthatlegitimatesthemisthefearofcrime.Thenewpatternsofurbansegregationhavecreatednovelkindsof‘socialspace’–neitherfullypublicnorcompletelyprivate–incontemporarycitiesaroundtheworld,andthese congregating spaces no longer relate to the modern ideals of commonalityanduniversality.Instead,thisnewkindofsocialspaceoperatesontheprincipleofseparatenessandassumesthatsocialgroupsshouldlive,workandspendtheirleisuretimeinhomogenousenclaves,physicallyisolatedfromthosepersonsperceived(andstigmatised)asdifferent,threateningandunwanted(Caldeira1996b;Caldeira2000;Davis1992;Merrifield&Swyngedouw1997).
Spacematters:post-modernurbanismand
the‘LosAngelesschool’
TheurbantheoristJanNijmanhasproposedthenotionof‘paradigmaticcity’asaheuristicdevicethatcanassistusindiviningfuturetrendsinurbanrestructuring.The ‘paradigmatic city’ may be defined as the exemplary metropolis that displaysmoreclearlythanotherurbansitesthedistinguishingfeaturesandgeneraltrendsthataresymptomaticofbroadersociogeographicaltransformationsofcitiestakingplaceonaworldscale.Inshort,itanticipates,inagenuinelyprescientway,evolvingand
Trang 10sprawling urban polyglot was not only symptomatic of wider sociogeographical
transformations of metropolitan regions throughout the United States, but also
a ‘prototype of our urban future’.7 Despite their loose affiliations and somewhat
differing orientations, these urban theorists became known as the ‘Los Angeles
School’ (LA School), primarily because the vast urbanising sprawl of southern
Californiawasnotonlythesiteofmuchoftheirresearchbutalsothesourceoftheir
inspiration. The scholarly literature clustered around the LA School is filled with
allusions to, and suggestions about, the paradigmatic qualities of the Los Angeles
megalopolis.8 The focal point of the LA School is the two-sided claim that the
greater Los Angeles metropolitan region not only is emblematic of more general
urbandynamicsthatarecurrentlyreshapingprominentcitiesaroundtheworld,but
also represents the quintessential exemplar of a ‘“mature” postmodern landscape’
(Dear 2000; Dear 2001; Scott 2000; Scott & Soja 1996; Soja 1989; Soja 1996;
Soja 1999; Soja 2000). By making a strong ‘case for moving Los Angeles from a
Trang 11Thedangersoffacilegeneralisations
Justlikethe‘globalcities’approach(withitsfocusonglobalurbanhierarchies),theLASchool–withitsstressonfragmentationandperipheralurbanisation,culturalhybridisationanddecentredsuburbansprawl–hassignificantlyreshapedthefieldofurbanstudies.Nevertheless,whetherornottheLASchooloffersanewkindofpathbreakinganalysisforstudyingurbandevelopmentsaroundtheworldhasbeenthesubjectofintensedebate.9Tobesure,uncriticallyapplyingtheinsightsderivedfromtheLASchoolandpostmodernurbanismtoallcitiesaroundtheworldmaybenotonlyoverextendingwhatthisconceptualframeworkcanreasonablybeexpectedtoaccountfor,butalsounnecessarilyconflatingdivergentprocessesof‘citybuilding’linkedtohistoricallyspecificsocialandmaterialcircumstances,andflatteningouttherichdiversityofwhatconstitutestheurbanexperience.Indeed,theterm‘postmodernurbanism’ has been invoked in analyses of cities that are as radically different asKualaLumpur,LasVegas,LosAngeles,PhoenixandBuenosAires.Toavoidsuchhomogenisingtendenciesthatcollapseavarietyofheterogeneousexperiencesarisingfromverydifferenthistoricalprocesses,itisnecessarytobeginwithunderstanding
that the revanchist features of postmodern urbanism are never simply imposed, as
part-and-parcel of the current phase of globalisation, on unsuspecting cities ‘fromabove’ and ‘from outside’ without the active participation of local agents on theground.Whatpostmodernurbanismreallymeans(i.e.thehistoricallyspecificformthatittakesinparticularcities)mustbeteasedoutonthebasisoftheanalysisofspecific historical and social circumstances, for ‘city building’ is everywhere theproduct of the historically specific intersection of global processes, trends andrelationsthatcometogetherinlocalsettings.10
Inresponsetotheaggrandising,universalisingclaimsthattheurbanformofLosAngeles is the paradigmatic exemplar of current urban developments around theworld, numerous urban theorists have cautioned against ‘the dangers of commongeneralisations’ or, more precisely, the alluring temptation to adopt uncriticallythemodelof‘postmodernurbanism’asthetemplatewithwhichtoassesscriticallyevolvingspatialformsofcontemporarycitiesaroundtheworld.Thesescholarsarguepersuasively that the causes and spatial consequences of growing urban inequality
Trang 12the tendency in both the ‘global cities’ and LA School to let a city (whether it is
London, New York, Tokyo or Los Angeles) become a theory (Crang 2001: 665–
669).Thereisaninherentdangerofassuminguni-directional,genericpatternsof
urbantransformationfromsuch‘paradigmatic’cities.Onemustbesensitivetothe
warningthat‘evocationcannotalwaysbeasubstituteforsystematicanalysis’(Amin
& Thrift 2002; Thrift 1999). Put in another way, what is needed are not
ready-made, deductive urban theories that employ ‘covering laws’ to generalise across
Trang 13‘fortified’,authoritarianorrevanchisturbanlandscapes,characterisedbythepartitionofcitiesintogentrified‘renaissancesites’ofprivatisedluxury,ontheonehand,andimpoverishedspacesofconfinementwherethepoor,the‘sociallyexcluded’,andthehomeless are forced to survive, on the other (MacLeod 2002; MacLeod & Ward2002; Mitchell 2001; Robins 1993). Neil Smith, for example, goes so far as toarguethatthegentrificationofurbanspace–oneoftheprincipalcharacteristicsof
revanchisturbanism–‘isnowvirtuallyglobal.Itsevolutionhasbeenbothvertical
and lateral’ (Smith 2002). The experiences of postmodern urbanism are highlyvaried and unevenly distributed in cities around the world. The spatial dynamicsassociated with postmodern urbanism spring from historically specific situations,quite assorted local economies and sociocultural ensembles, and they connect inmany complicated ways to wider regional and global political economies. Theimportantpointhereistherapidpaceoftheevolutionofthespatialdynamicsthatundergirdpostmodernurbanismasinitiallymarginalfeaturesoftheurbanlandscapeand their ongoing transformation into a significant dimension of contemporaryurbanismonaglobalscale.Theexponentialexpansionofsuchfortifiedenclavesasgatedresidentialcommunities,enclosedshoppingmalls,cocoonedofficecomplexesandluxuryentertainmentsitesoffersagloballytestedmechanismforthepropertiedmiddleclassestoinsulatethemselvesfromthethreats–realorimagined–totheirphysicalsecurityandsenseofwell-being.Thiskindofcitybuildingnotonlyfollowstheprescriptionoftheneo-liberalvisionoftheentrepreneurialcity,butisalsopart-
and-parcel of revanchist urbanism where the defence of life style and privilege is
governedbythespatiallogicofexclusion,intoleranceandinsularity(Webster2001;Webster,Glasze&Frantz2002).Thereferentialroleofpostmodernurbanismhasfeaturedprominentlyinthe‘citybuilding’effortsofaspirantworldclasscitiesthatrapidly diffused across the global landscape over the past several decades. Whatneedstobeinvestigatedishowordinarycities–andthiscategoryincludesaspirantworld-classcities,‘latedevelopingcities’,postcolonialcitiesand‘thirdworldcities’–adopt,borrow,pillage,incorporate,mimicandflauntthecharacteristicfeaturesofpostmodernurbanism.
Theenchantingspellofpostmodernurbanism:Johannesburgand
thepractitionersofpostmodernurbanismhasbeenconfinedtocasestudiesofthegreaterLosAngelesmetropolitanregion,andtherearefewstudiesthatactuallyapplyits ambitious agenda for research to other urban areas. While some scholars have
Trang 14are shaping, urban landscapes outside the geographical circuits of such ‘globalised
cities’ as London, New York, Tokyo, Frankfurt, Paris, Berlin, Chicago, and Los
Angeles.13Lookingatthespatialdynamicsoftwoaspirantworldclasscities–São
Paulo and Johannesburg – can help to shed light on the more sinister, dystopian
aspectsofpostmodernurbanismastheyevolveinurbansocialordersdeeplydivided
along class, race, and possibly ethno-religious lines. If Los Angeles represents the
paradigmatic exemplar of postmodern urbanism, then the sprawling metropolitan
urbanism (Herwitz 1999). Despite their different histories, their dissimilar
geographical locations, regional networks and local affiliations, and their peculiar
Likewise, São Paulo and Johannesburg have exhibited similar patterns of
socioeconomic transformation during the late twentieth century. Once heavily
Trang 15bothmetropolitanregionshaveundergonesimilarprocessesofindustrialrestructuringwhichhaveresultedinplantclosuresandthespatialdispersalofmanufacturingsites,thehaemorrhageofjobs,labourredundancies,the‘informalisation’oflabourmarketsandthesteadyinfluxofnewimmigrants.Theirtransformation,fromconcentratedcentres of industry and manufacturing into service-oriented sites for business andfinance,representsinstancesofsimilarprocessesofworld-historicaltrendsthathavereshapedmetropolitanregionsoverthepastseveraldecades.17
Like the view through a kaleidoscope, postmodern urbanism assumes differentshapesandhuesatdifferenttimesandplaces,dependingontheangleofvisionandthequalityoflight.Attheriskofoversimplification,itispossibletoidentifyfivekeyfeaturesofpostmodernurbanismthatSãoPauloandJohannesburgshareincommon.Whilethedynamicsofpostmodernurbanismcannotbesimplyreducedtothesestaticelements,theyneverthelessconstituteitscoreelements.First,likeotherlargecitieswherethecentrifugalforcesofdecentralisation,deindustrialisationanduncontrolledsuburbansprawlhavereconfiguredtheurbanlandscape,SãoPauloandJohannesburghave experienced similar patterns of spatial fragmentation and disaggregation, orwhatStephenGrahamhascalledthe‘spectreofthesplinteringmetropolis’(Graham2001:365–368).Inafullreversalofmodernist-inspiredcitybuilding,thisprocessof peripheral urbanisation, or the ‘urbanisation of suburbia’, involves the radicalinversionoftheconventionalrelationshipbetweenconcentratedurbancoreandlow-densitysuburbanperiphery,wherecentral-placefunctions(corporateofficebuildings,high-endshoppingandcommerce,and‘world-class’entertainment)areincreasinglydispersedamongstrivalcentres(or‘edgecities’).Second,thebuildenvironmentinSão Paulo and Johannesburg consists of fortified enclaves with distinctive designmotifsthatreflect‘siegearchitecture’.Anerstwhileallianceofbuilders,architectsandproperty developers have come together to inaugurate new building types: citadeloffice complexes, enclosed shopping malls and security estates scattered across theurbanlandscape.Third,thepatternsofurbanlivinginSãoPauloandJohannesburgcorrespondtowhatmightbecalledprecariousurbanisation,whereextremedisparitiesinwealthandincome,classpolarisation,alongwithrampantcrimeandthemiddle-classfearsthatitengenders,havefosteredheightenedanxiety,insecurityandunease.
Middle-classurbanresidentshaveretreatedenmassebehindprotectivesecuritybarriers
ofallkinds.Fourth,citymanagers,urbanplannersandlocalauthoritiesinbothSãoPauloandJohannesburghavemovedawayfromthemodernistidealwherethegoalofurbanplanningistofostertheintegrationofthefunctionalpartsofthecityintoanevolvingorganicwhole,andhaveadoptedinsteadnewmodesofurbangovernancegroundedintheprinciplesofneo-liberalism.Newkindsof‘privatisedplanning’have
Trang 16replaced the grand visionary schemes of high modernism, with their emphasis onlarge-scale urban renewal projects, integrated transportation networks, open spacesfor social congregation and wide public thoroughfares bisecting the urban grid.The spatial dynamics of postmodern urbanism have produced an urban landscapecarvedintofragments,disconnected‘micro-worlds’cutofffromoneanother.Underthe neo-liberal mantra of ‘public-private partnerships’, municipal authorities haveexperimentedwithnewregulatorymechanismsofurbangovernancethatcedetherealpowerofspatialmanagementtoprivatecorporateentitieswhich,inturn,establishtheirownlegallysanctioned‘rulesofthegame’thatrestrictentrytoauthorisedusersonly. The creation of these ‘extra-territorial spaces’ that are beyond (and outside)publicjurisdiction,managementandcontrolonlycontributestosocialpolarisation,segregationandfragmentationofurbanlandscapes.Fifth,citymanagersinSãoPauloandJohannesburghaveexperimentedwithnewkindsofurbanlawenforcementandcrime prevention that involve a blurring of the conventional boundaries betweenpublicsecurityandprivatepolicing.18
FocusingoneachofthesecharacteristicfeaturesofpostmodernurbanismingreaterdetailastheycanbefoundinSãoPauloandJohannesburgenablesustohighlightthe ‘globalising’ tendencies of a new kind of urban form that finds expression inparticularcities.Investigatingnewkindsofurbanityonthegeopoliticalmarginsofthe world economy allows us to explore how the spatial dynamics of postmodernurbanism both reproduce social inequalities but also legitimate class privilege andvariouskindsofsocialexclusion.ThedistinctivepatternsofspatialsegregationandsocialexclusionthathaveevolvedinJohannesburgandSãoPaulodonotmakethesecity spaces unique, but they do represent exaggerated examples of the dystopiandimensionsofpostmodernurbanism
Thespectreofthesplinteringmetropolis
Albeit in different ways, the historical legacies of their country’s colonial andEurocentric heritage are deeply embedded in the urban landscapes of bothJohannesburg and São Paulo.19 In both places, ‘city building’ has long reflectedthe interests and preoccupations of settler elites wanting to inscribe the symbolsof their accumulated power in the built environment of the urban fabric. City-builders,includingpropertydevelopers,realestateagencies,architectsanddesigners,urban planners, civil engineers and municipal authorities in both São Paulo andJohannesburg have borrowed, copied and even blatantly plagiarised architectural
Trang 17styles, design features and ideas from leading global cities in Europe and NorthAmerica, imposing these features on their own cityscapes in ways that fit theirown peculiar needs and idiosyncratic interests. This combination of mimicry,appropriationandadaptationhasproducedcontemporaryurbanlandscapesinSãoPauloandJohannesburgthatdisplayremarkablysimilarfeatures.20
Unlikeaspirant‘world-class’citieswherestructuraloradministrativeimpedimentshaveplacedlimitsonuncontrolledurbansprawl,SãoPauloandJohannesburghaveexperienced extensive growth and development where the city boundaries havepushed the urban frontier further away from the traditional urban core. Similarto such cities as Los Angeles and Las Vegas, the built environment of these twosprawlingmegalopolisesexhibitsthecharacteristicfeaturesofperipheralurbanisation,exaggeratedfragmentationandcentrelesssprawl.Thedisjointed,patchworkpatternof new ‘city building’ has given rise to what Paul Goldberger has aptly called
‘urbanoidenvironments’:sealed-offprivatelocationsmasqueradingassitesofpubliccongregation (Goldberger 1996: 135–147). In both São Paulo and Johannesburg,municipalauthorities,urbanplannersandcityboostersseemintentonmortgagingtheircity’sfutureasa‘globallycompetitivecity’withadvancedinformationtechnologyandfinancialservicesectors,andaboomingtourismindustryenhancedwith‘world-class’hotelsandconventioncentres.Urbanspaceisdividedbetweensuchfortifiedenclaves as citadel office complexes, gated residential communities, enclosed malls,festivalmarketplacesandotherthemedentertainmentextravaganzas,andtheemptyvoidsthatseparatethem(Hannigan1998).Thelucid,playfulqualitiesofluxurysitesseemconsciouslydesignedtocloseoffthegrittyelementsofcitylife,toblockoutthedistasteful,disreputableundersideofurbanpoverty(Davis1985).
is a sprawling megalopolis without clearly recognisable boundaries, a vast anddecentralisedconurbationontheboundlessscaleofLosAngeles,thegreaterNewYorkmetropolitanregionandTokyo.Withabloatedpopulationofaround15to17millionresidents,itistheworld’sthirdlargestcityandthelargestinthesouthernhemisphere. Since the 1980s, São Paulo has become increasingly polycentric,fragmenting into large, geographically dispersed and relatively autonomous nodalpoints (or clustered activity areas) scattered across the fractured urban landscape.The historical urban core has emptied out, and the new centres that have comeintoexistencearelittlemorethanlargecommercialavenueswithfewpublicparks,plazasandotheropen,congregatingspaces.UnlikethemodernistplanningideasthatframedthespatiallandscapeofBrasilia,whatevereffortswerehistoricallydirectedat
Trang 18become the chief point of trans-shipment for the lucrative new cash crop. Profits
from the coffee trade were channeled into investments in industry and real estate
development, transforming São Paulo overnight into a booming commercial and
the late 1950s and early 1960s, under the umbrella of the 1956 Plano de Metas
(Development Plan), the massive injection of overseas capital, primarily in the
southwestern residential zones. In 1929, future Mayor Pretes Maya unveiled
his influential Plano de Avenida (Boulevard Plan), an ambitious urban renewal
Trang 19aroundacompactcommercialcore’(James1933).Large-scaledemolitionofolderbuildings, redevelopment of overcrowded commercial zones, and the openingof major avenues and new transportation lines facilitated the development of aburgeoning office and commercial district in the traditional downtown centre.TheimposingMartinellibuilding,thecity’sfirstgenuineskyscraperlocatedinthetraditionaldowntown,isavisibleexpressionofthismodernistimpulsethatdefinedcitybuildinguntilthe1960s.Inoutlyingareasservicedbytrainsandstreetcars,realestatespeculationspurrednewresidentialhousingdevelopmentsinwhatamountedtoaninitialsuburbanisation(Kowarick&Ant1994).
InthefirstdecadesafterWorldWarII,SãoPauloexperiencedyetanotherroundofspatialrestructuring,triggeredbysuchcentrifugalforcesasurbanrenewal,automobiletransportation, peripheral industrialisation, retail development and suburbanisation.Theconstructionoftheextensivefreewayandsubwaysystemsencouragenewareasof peri-urban expansion in peripheral areas beyond the city limits. The fashionable
residential district that had developed along the Avenida Paulista in the 1920s
succumbedtourbandensification,asmansionsgavewaytoofficebuildingsofbanks,financial services and other businesses. With the development of this new financialdistrict,thecentral-southwesternneighbourhoodsofJardimAmerica,JardimEuropaandJardimPaulistawereplannedasmodern‘gardensuburbs’(Godfrey1999).Inthelate1960sandearly1970s,thecityonceagainexperiencedthemassiveinfluxofpeople,asmillionsofinternalmigrantsdrawnfromthecountry’shardscrabble,drought-riddennortheastsoughtabetterlifeintherapidlyindustrialisingsoutheast.Urban planning has been unable to offer any consistent programme to deal withexplosivepopulationgrowth,thedemandsofinfrastructuralimprovementsandtherapidspreadofshantytownsonthecity’soutskirts,particularlyintheeasternzone(Romero2000a;Schiffer2002;Wilheim1984).Overthepastseveraldecades,theconjoined processes of economic restructuring, deindustrialisation of the centralcore and spatial decentralisation of residence and commerce have led to an evenmore complex and distorted morphology of the Greater São Paulo metropolitanregion.Oncetheindustrialandmanufacturingheartlandofthecountry,SãoPaulohasexperiencedasteadyflightofindustry,firsttotheindustrialsuburbs,thentoabroadzonewithinaradiusofatleast180fromthecentraldowntowncore,andnow to neighbouring states and regions. The once compact downtown core hasmetamorphosised into two primary nodes: the traditional central business district
nearthePracadaRepublicaandthenewfinancialdistrictalongtheAvenidaPaulista.
Alongwithseveralimportsatellitezones,theseprimarynodeshavebecomecentresnot of industry but of high-rise office buildings catering to banking, insurance,
Trang 20MartinJMurray TheEvolvingSpatialFormofCitiesinaGlobalisingWorldEconomy
finance and producer services, transport and telecommunications, commerce and
trade,andadvertisingwithadistinctmultinationalslant.Inatrendsimilartothat
inNorthAmerica,theoutlyingaffluentareashaveincreasinglyattractedcommerce,
retail and leisure activities away from the traditional downtown core. At least 15
major shopping malls have been constructed outside the urban core, especially
in the prosperous Zona Sul in the southwestern zone, where the most prestigious
provided for a relatively fluid transportation system. Yet by the beginning of the
twenty-first century, the number of private automobiles has ballooned to roughly
5.1 million in the Greater São Paulo metropolitan region, with an estimated 600
new vehicles added daily, and 180,000 kilometers of streets. If Los Angeles was
Trang 21Paulocannotbefarbehind.Thelackofadequateinvestmentininfrastructurehasresulted in daily gridlock and mounting ‘road rage’ assaults. For urban residents,dailycommutesfromhometoworkandbackagaincanlastaslongasthreehourseachtrip.Theproblemisnotoneofvastdistances,butagonisinglyslowtraffic.Thepublictransportationsystemiswoefullyinadequatetocaterforthedemandsplacedonittocarrypassengers.ThesubwaysystemissmallerthantheoneinWashingtonDCwhileservingapopulationfourtimesaslarge.2.5millionpassengerssaturateitsthreelineseachday.Incontrast,NewYorkCityhas25subwaylinesthatcarry4.3millionpassengers.InSãoPaulo,about3.7millionresidentsmakeuseofthecitybussystemeachday.Ridingthecity’s10,400busesisnotonlyuncomfortable,butalsooftendangerous,becauseofthehighriskofrobberies.Asapopularalternative,anarmyofillicitminivanstransportstwicethatnumberalongthehaphazardgridofcitystreets(Agostini1999;Romero1999a;Romero2000b;Rotella2001).
itsdecliningsignificanceasthecountry’spremierfinancialandbusinesscentre,theembattledJohannesburgurbancoreanchorsageographicallydisfiguredmetropolitanregion of enormous economic and social contrasts (Beall, Crankshaw & Parnell2002; Beavon 1998; Tomlinson, Beauregard, Bremner & Mangcu 2003). Thespatial morphology of the extended metropolitan region has polarised around twocompartmentalisedextremes:ontheonehand,thespacesofaffluencearehealthy,functionalandlargelytheexclusivepreserveofthewhiteupper-andmiddle-classes;on the other, the overcrowded spaces of confinement are distressed, dysfunctionalandwheretheoverwhelmingmajorityofblackurbanresidentsliveandwork.Themost luxurious suburbs on the African continent and downtown skyscrapers ofglimmering, iridescent modernity coexist with sprawling townships and makeshiftshantytownsofintentionallydegradedlivingenvironments,poorinfrastructureandanaemicsocialamenities(Beavon1992;Mabin1995;Saff1991)
Over the past several decades, two intertwined processes, operating in tandem,have restructured the urban field of the sprawling Johannesburg megalopolis. Ontheonehand,thespatialdispersal,fragmentationanddecentralisationofindustrial,manufacturingandcommercialactivities,andofresidentialpopulations,havepushedthe city boundaries outward, engulfing vacant lands and absorbing surroundingtowns. On the other, the intensive agglomeration of polynucleated clusters ofcorporateofficecomplexes,retailshoppingmallsandleisureactivitiesalongtheouterperimeter of the sprawling metropolis has ‘urbanised’ the periphery, undercuttingthe once dominant location of the Johannesburg central city. The Johannesburg
Trang 22location of their offices within a sprawling metropolis by minimising the costs of
rent, transportation, storage, and other operating expenses and by maximising the
commercial and residential development projects on the urban fringe reinforces
the existing patterns of racial segregation, separating social groups by visual
boundaries, growing distances and such interdictory spatial features as walls, gates
and checkpoints. By offering new housing, shopping and other services, which in
thepastwereonlyavailableclosertothecitycentre,placeslikeSandton,HydePark,
Midrand, Sunninghill and Fourways have become paradigmatic exemplars of the
urbanisation of suburbia. They have attracted increased concentrations of capital
investments, including light industries and small-scale manufacturing operations;
headquarter office complexes and shopping centres. The evolving spatial form of
these places conforms both to the poetics of postmodern design and the politics
andeconomicsofprofit-orienteddevelopmentdecisions.Thevisualappearanceof
the‘urbanising’suburbanzonefallsintolinewithitsrealincreaseinsignificanceas
aneconomicpowerhouseandjobmachine(Beavon1997;Bremner1999;Bremner
2002;Tomlinson1999)
post-modern urbanism promote the steady expansion of social polarisation and spatial
fragmentation, or what urban theorists have variously referred to as ‘dual cities’, ‘
Trang 23butalsotransformsdwindlingpublicspacesintobattlegroundswheretheurbanpoorstruggle for dignity and survival. The increasing fortification of the privileged is avisible symptom of the intensification of spatial fragmentation and the continuingdisparities of wealth and income where urban residents are polarised between theextremesoftherichandfrightenedandthepooranddesperate(Ellin1997;Flusty1997;Ghirado1996).
Along with a great many other conventions of modernist architectural syntaxand grammar, the postmodern cityscape abolishes the distinction between insideand outside, between centre and margin. The haphazard patterns of postmoderncitybuildingstandinstarkcontrasttothemodernistidealwheretheultimategoalof urban planning is to foster the integration of functional parts into an evolvingorganic whole. The fortification aesthetic includes not only ‘siege architecture’,where protected enclaves are cocooned behind walls, barriers, gates, razor wire,electrified fences, burglar alarms, vicious guard dogs, automated metal gates andmotion-detectiondevices,butalsoever-wideningsecurityapparatusthatwrapsthecityscape in an envelope of such anonymous monitoring mechanisms as CCTVsurveillancecameras,digitalisedaccesscodes,X-rayscanners,‘neighbourhoodwatch’groups and armed security guards (Borden 2000; Davis 1990; Marcuse 1997a).In cities like Johannesburg and São Paulo, insular places like enclosed shoppingmalls, festival marketplaces and even gigantic citadel office complexes (with theirownself-containedshopping,serviceandentertainmentvenues)havebecomewhatamountsto‘totalspaces’,or‘completemicro-worlds’thatseparatethemselvesfromthe surrounding cityscape (Jameson 1991). Despite the claims of urban vibrancy,glamour, and luxury, the construction of ‘world-class sites’ like upscale malls,luxuryhotels,conventioncentresandshoppertainmentextravaganzas,hascomeattheexpenseofexcludingtheunwanted(Davis1992;Flusty1994;Marcuse1997a;Marcuse1997b;Marcuse1997c)
mismanagement, widespread corruption and the apathy generated by decades ofhaphazardgrowth,itisadisorderlycityseeminglyatwarwithitself.Urbanresidentswho can afford to do so have fled crowded, chaotic and crime-plagued places inthe city, and have found refuge in the cocooned social spaces fashioned out offortifiedofficebuildingsscatteredacrossthefracturedurbanlandscape,oringatedcommunities,enclosedshoppingmallsandwell-guardedcountryclubsontheperi-urbanfringe,especiallytheprosperouscentral-southwesternzone(Rolnik2001).Incontrast,thepoorfendforthemselvesinmonotonousrowsofdilapidatedhigh-rise
Trang 24‘growth corridor’ connecting São Paulo with Rio de Janeiro (Diniz 1994). These
recent arrivals have not only crowded into slum areas close to the central city but
also have ringed the outskirts with squatter settlements. City life has long had a
strong appeal to the rural poor, whose hopes for socioeconomic survival lay with
Trang 25residents,itisoneoftheoldestgatedresidentialcommunitiesinLatinAmericaandthe largest in São Paulo. It is surrounded by a four-metre high cement wall andbarbed wire with its own private army of 1,100 well-armed security officers whoscreenallvisitors,patrolthestreetsandmaintainconstantvigilanceoversuspiciouscharacters. Like the estimated 300 other such secured residential estates that haveproliferated in the urban fringe, Alphaville is truly a futuristic ‘city-within-a-city’,offeringasequesteredrefuge,anescapefromthe‘bigcity’andallitsproblems.Itis an enclosed, self-sufficient mini-universe with its own shopping mall, its ownsupermarketsanditsownrecreationalfacilitiestoaccommodateitsresidents.Besidesthecollectivesecurityprovidedfortheenclosureasawhole,mosthomeownershavehiredprivatesecuritypersonneltoguardtheirindividualproperties,whichconsistinthemainofeitherluxuriouslyequippedapartmentcomplexesorexclusivehomesonspaciouslots.Theenclosedestatehasthreehelipadsandfourentrancesandexits;allmonitored24hoursaday.MeticulouslyplannedasasuburbanValhalla,Alphavilleisdividedintodistinctcellsorspecialtyzones.Besidesresidentialareas,thecomplexalsoincludesretailtrade,officeandservicelocations.Asaconsequence,duringtheday,thepopulationballoonstoaround130,000people.In2000,thereweremorethan1,400companieswithofficeorcommercialfacilitiesinAlphaville,alongwithseveralhugeshoppingcentres,numerousprivateschools,aprivateuniversity,diverseleisurefacilities(severalcinemacomplexes,sportsfields,andsoforth)andaluxuryhotelwithaconnectedbusinesscentreandretailshoppingvenue.Alphavilleoffersa self-sufficient, segregated luxury housing scheme that combines an ‘innovative’lifestylefortherichandveryrichalongwithconvenienceandsafety(Coy&Pohler2002;DeLimaSeabra1992).
Alphaville promises its residents a high standard of security in each walledresidentialcompoundwiththehelpofsuchsophisticatedsecuritysystemsasaccesscontrol,hiddencamerasandprivateguardservices.Inits15residentialareas(called
residenciais), surveillance cameras mounted at security checkpoints surreptitiously
record the movements of all visitors. In the communal areas, children can attendwell-guardedschoolsandenjoyafternoonsportsonfenced-infieldsthatarecarefullymonitoredbyprivatesecurityguardsdressedinmilitarystyleblack-claduniforms.In the evening, on ‘TV Alphaville’ (the only Brazilian cable network restricted toa private housing project), residents can view their maids leaving the compoundafterwork,whenallexitingemployeesarephysicallysearchedinfrontoflivevideocameras.Thelocalgym,whichspecialisesinself-defenceclasses,iscalledtheCIA.Toenterthelocalshoppingcentre,customersmustfirstpassthroughaguardedsecuritygate(Anonymous2001a;Carvalho,George&Anthony1997;Faiola2002).
Trang 26MartinJMurray TheEvolvingSpatialFormofCitiesinaGlobalisingWorldEconomy
classical formulation, Edward Blakely and Mary Gail Snyder distinguish between
the doldrums over much of the past decade, developers of residential ‘golf estates’
have feverishly pushed ahead with new construction. The steady appreciation of
living arrangements – or ‘security parks’, as Derek Hook and Michele Vrdoljak
(following Lindsay Bremner) call them – represent the cutting edge of bold, new
housing development schemes for the affluent middle classes in the ‘new South
Africa’ (Bremner 1999; Hook & Vrdoljak 2002). Largely autonomous living zones
with restricted access, these secured housing estates combine the luxury amenities
Trang 27ofafancyleisureresortwithparamilitarysurveillanceandtop-of-the-lineprotectiontechnology,andtheyseektoseparatethemselvesfromthe‘dangerouscity’.Withoutadoubt,fortifiedresidentialestatesofvariouskindshaveproliferatedonthefringesof contemporary cities across the globe, from Los Angeles to Mexico City, andfromMoscowtoSãoPaulo,arisingintandemwiththeglobalisingtendencytowardgrowingworldwideinequalitiesofwealth,incomeandaccessto‘survivalist’resources(Anonymous 2002a). Yet despite some apparent similarities with gated residentialcommunities elsewhere (particularly the United States, Europe and Latin America),enclosedsecurityestatesinthenorthernsuburbsofpost-apartheidJohannesburghavetakentheemphasisonluxurylivingandthefixationwithpersonalsafetytoanalmostunprecedented scale by world historical standards. These enclosed places typicallyincorporate ‘lifestyle’, ‘prestige’ and ‘security zone’ components in a single enclosedsite, thereby creating a new kind of fortified ‘luxury estate’ with distinctive SouthAfricancharacteristics(Jurgens&Gnad2002).
Withtheproliferationofgatedresidentialcommunitiesontheurbanfringe,thespatiallogicof‘separatedevelopment’isgrantedanewleaseonlifeandinfusedwithanewvitality.Securityestateseliminatetheneedtocreategenuinepublicspaces,ortoenhanceexistingones,becausetheaffluentmiddleclassesarecontenttoretreatto their defensible redoubts. Whereas formalised racial segregation is no longerenforcedthroughsuchodiousinstrumentsasthepasslaws,forcedremovalsandthe
Group Areas Act, a new kind of ‘separate development’ has come into existence in
thepost-urbanenvironmentofsuburbansprawl.Insteadofthecategoricalprivilegesof race group membership that prevailed under apartheid, rights and entitlementsinthe‘newSouthAfrica’arepredicatedontheprerogativesofclass.Hailedasthesovereigntyoftheconsumer,thepowertoexcludefallstothosewhocanaffordtopurchasetheprivilege.Theexorbitantcostsofhomeownershipingatedresidentialcommunitiesensurethatthesesequestered,sanitisedplacesaretheexclusiveabodeofonlythehigh-earningupperclasses(Bremner1999;Jurgens&Gnad2002)
InJohannesburgafterapartheid,obsessionwithsecurityandprivacyhasinciteddesign specialists to create what can be called ‘siege architecture’. The newestkinds of gated residential communities, high-rise office buildings or apartmentand condominium complexes, are constructed as fortress-like enclosures that aredistinguishedfromolder,open-accessmodelsintheirretreatfromthesurroundingurbanfabric.Surroundedwithhighperimeterwallsandaccessedbypatrolledsecuritygates,these‘luxurylaagers’turntheirbacksonthesurroundingurbanfabric.Theseenclosed neighbourhoods and security villages are exemplary expressions of crimepreventionthroughenvironmentaldesign,orwhatdesignspecialistseuphemistically
Trang 28MartinJMurray TheEvolvingSpatialFormofCitiesinaGlobalisingWorldEconomy
refertoas‘targethardening’,thatis,‘thephysicalstrengtheningofbuildingfacades
orboundarywallstoreducetheattractivenessorvulnerabilityofpotentialtargets’.
These places resemble islands of homogeneity and wealth set incongruously in
a tempestuous sea of diversity and poverty, where the incorporation of various
In both these cities, well-to-do urban residents have used mounting anxieties
about the disorderly, chaotic city to lend legitimacy to their withdrawal from the
conventional public spaces of the urban landscape and their retreat into exclusive,
Trang 29$22,000to$38,000abovethebasepriceforthevehicle.26Inexploitingtherealfearsof anxious motorists, automobile manufacturers like Ford Motor Company havegoneintobusinesswithleadingcararmouringfirmstoretrofitnewcarswithsuchprotective devices as bullet-proof glass, steel-plated door panels, anti-explosive gastanks, police-style sirens, satellite-tracking devices, puncture resistant tyres, metal-encased batteries and walkie-talkie systems. As a reflection of the cars favoured by
prosperousPaulistanos,astheresidentsofSãoPauloareknown,BMWs,Mercedes,
andJeepCherokeesarethemost-sought-aftermodelsforarmouring.By2000,BrazilhadovertakenColumbia,MexicoandtheUnitedStatestobecometheworld’slargestmarket for bulletproof cars. Around 3,000 cars were armour-plated in 2000, andthemarketisgrowingaround15percentayear.Thesecurityforceshaveexpressedgraveconcernsaboutthesetrends,worryingthatcriminalscouldeasilyexploittheadvantagesofarmouredvehicles.27
InSãoPaulo,theurbaneliteshavetakenthe‘fearofcrime’toextremes.Havingfailedtodevelopimaginativeplanstocombatthecrisisofurbanliving,theurbanwealthy simply avoids it by taking flight above the disorderly cityscape. The skiesoverSãoPaulo,thefinancialcapitalofLatinAmerica,havebecomecrowdedwithprivatehelicopters.Attimes,thesightoftheseairbornelimousinesdartingoverheadsilhouettedagainstthehazyskylinebearsastrongresemblancetoasurrealimagetaken
from Apocalypse now (Rotella 2001). With clogged roads making rapid movement
impossible, and with random carjacking, kidnappings of executives, and roadsiderobberiescommonplaceoccurrences,helicoptershavebecomevehiclesofchoiceformore than just convenience. The demand for private helicopters – contemporary
‘space evaders’ – has turned São Paulo into one of the most vibrant markets forhelicopter dealers in the world. With a total of 470 private helicopters registeredin2001,SãoPauloboaststhethirdlargestfleetinanycityintheworld.Althoughthe fleets in New York and Tokyo are larger, mostly corporations, not super-richindividuals,ownthehelicoptersinthesecities.Overthepastseveralyears,theboomin helicopter sales has more than doubled the number of helipads atop mansions,luxuryhotels,banks,enclosedshoppingmalls,governmentbuildings,corporateofficecomplexesandguardedresidentialcompounds(Romero2000b;Rotella2001)
Trang 30tale of two cities, one rich and one poor. Like other Latin American mega-cities,
São Paulo has sunk into a science fiction-like miasma of overcrowded streets, air
pollutionandviolentcrime.Rush-hourtrafficbringscongestionandgridlock,and
thecontaminationofexhaustfumesonhotdayscreatesanextremelyinhospitableand
unhealthyenvironment.Therearecountlessstreetswheregraffiticrawlsimpossibly
higher and higher up the walls of gloomy 20-story buildings, conjuring images
of intrepid taggers hanging perilously by their ankles from windows or repelling
Trang 31Brazilhasoneofthemostmarkeddisparitiesofwealthintheworld,withtherichesttenpercentofthepopulationcontrollingmorethan50percentofwealth,whilethepooresttenpercentcontrollessthanonepercent.Helicoptersexemplifywhatmaybeadystopianglimpseofableakfutureinsprawlingmetropoliseswhererichand poor are crammed incongruously together in a fragmented urban landscapesegregatedintozonesofaffluenceandzonesofdegradation.Amidrisingcrimeandovercrowdedurbanliving,therichhaveincreasinglyretrenchedintohyperinsulatedlives.ThisinequalityisparticularlyvisibleinSãoPaulo,thefinancialandcommercialcapitalofthecountrywheremanyofBrazil’srichestpeopleliveandwork(Romero2000b;Faiola2002).
Johannesburg, private companies, residential households and individuals who canafforditspendanestimatedR50billion[$4.8billion]ayearonprivatesecurity,suchasperimeterbarricades,armedguardsandalarmsystems,afigure‘overandabovethehighinsurancecosts’andwhatvariousstateagenciesalreadyspendon‘maintainingwhatpassesforlawandorderinthecountry’.Thefearofcrimehasdrivenresidentsofmiddle-classneighbourhoodstoturntheirhomesintobunker-likefortresses,anexpensethathasdrainedmanyhouseholdsofdiscretionaryspending.Almostafifthof government expenditure is earmarked for protection services (defence, police,prisonsandthecriminaljusticesystem),buthomeownersareforcedtopayevenmorefortheirownprivatesecurity(Anonymous2001b;Moodie2001)
Residentialsecurityinpost-apartheidJohannesburg–whetherinfortifiedmansionsofthesuper-richortheordinarysuburbanbunkeredenclosure–dependsuponthevoraciousconsumption of security paraphernalia. The amount of money that homeownersbegrudgingly spend on domestic security alone has steadily increased over the pastdecade,andby2001thefigurereachedanastoundingR3billion.Concernedwithsafety,suburbanhomeownerswantahouseoutfittedwithhighwallstoppedwithbrokenglassandrazorwire,alarmsandpanicbuttons,burglarbarsonallwindows,electricfencing,remote-controlledmotorisedgatesandviciousRottweilers.Ratherthanfrighteningaway
prospectivehome-buyers,suchmacabrewishlists–thedesiredaccoutrementsofobsessed
securityfetishists–onlyenhancepropertyvaluesinthesuburbs.Homesecurityprovidersdeliberatelycatertothesefearsbyclaimingthatstrongsafetydeterrentsdeflectwould-be thieves to properties less well defended. The apparent success of such promotionaladvertising indicates that many homeowners are willing to protect themselves to thepossibledetrimentoftheirneighbours.Ironically,ashousingpricesriseinthesedefendedsuburbs,thesurroundingpregnableneighbourhoods,lackingthesecurityshieldsoftheir
Trang 32security devices include such up-to-date perimeter intrusion protection systems as
outdoor infrared beams that can automatically distinguish between small animals,
birds, flying litter and unwanted intruders, and closed-circuit cameras linked to
the Internet, enabling homeowners to view their properties remotely and from a
safe distance. Pieter Venter, general manager for communities protection at the
Johannesburg-based Coin Security Group, has estimated that homeowners need
about R30,000 – a figure that middle-class urban residents refer to as ‘grudge
order and the prevention of transgressions, these new modes of urban governance
seek to regulate the spaces people occupy through ‘risk management’ strategies
pacifying, sanitising or purifying space, creating ‘liberated zones’ for the
security-conscious middle class, where users are shielded from offensive behaviour. Rather