The Practice of Homework - A Critical Ethnography - The Story of

The Practice of Homework: A Critical Ethnography The Story of Four Families by Jacqueline Hubbard Supervisor: Dr Barry Down In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree o

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The Practice of Homework: A Critical Ethnography

The Story of Four Families

by

Jacqueline Hubbard

Supervisor: Dr Barry Down

In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

Bachelor of Education (Honours) EDITH COWAN UNIVERSITY

South West Campus

Date: March 2003

USE OF THESIS

The Use of Thesis statement is not included in this version of the thesis

ABSTRACT

This thesis explores the homework experiences of four students and their families through the lens of critical inquiry The stories of the participants are told through conversational interviews with students and their parents/caregivers, as well as their classroom teacher, in a bounded study Drawing on these stories, the issue of homework

is 'problematised', and analysed in light of issues such as institutional power and hegemony

A critical review of the literature reveals a significant gap in the existing research on homework in relation to the inclusion of student and parent voices The study addresses this silence by listening to the voices of parents and children from different families, and

to how they understand, experience and respond to homework

The study is an exploratory case study about the experience and value of homework, with

a view to stimulating further critical research into a seemingly routine school practice

DECLARATION

I certify that this thesis does not, to the best of my knowledge and belief:

i lncorporate without acknowledgement any material previously

submitted for a degree or diploma in any institution of higher

education;

ii Contain any material previously published or written by another

person except where due reference is made in the text; or

iii Contain any defamatory material

Signed

jacqueline Hubbard

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My sincere thanks and appreciation go to my husband Barry, and my two children, Ryan and Lauren, for their patience, support and encouragement throughout the research process Special thanks also go to my fellow research srudent and good friend Alison Welsh, who has 'Jeen a fabulous support and 'sounding board' throughout

I wish to sincerely thank my supervisor, Dr Barry Down, for his support and assistance, and his extensive knowledge of educational theory and seemingly infinite repertoire of relevant publications! Thanks also to the many other staff members at Edith Cowan University's South West Campus for their advice and support Particular thanks go to Paul Swan and Carol Hogan, who inspired me to consider taking on this project, and to Janet Hunter, Margaret D mst and Sandra Wooltorton, who offered valuable support and advice, and who inspired me to see it through to completion!

Finally, and most importantly, 1 wish to sincerely thank the students, parents, and the teacher who so generously gave up their valuable time to participate in this study Their stories and others like them are this srudy's raison d'etre Sharing with them and reflecting on their conversations was the highlight of the process

The Research Question

A Critical Review of the Literature

Homework Policy

Significance of the Study

Limitations and Problems

Freire: Education as the Practice of Freedom

Bourdieu: The Notion of Cultural Capital

Lisa Delpit: Other People' s Children

3 METHODOLOGY

Research Methods/Data Collection

Context

Neutrality and Generalisation

Why Individual Stories?

The Teacher' s Perspective: A Conversation with Gary 31

Sharon, Tony and Bianca 39 Sheree and Louise 49 Karen and Nathan 57

5 ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION 69

A Bitter Pill: Homework as a Negative Experience 70 ' Policing' : Responsibility for Homework Completion 75 The Stuff That Matters: The Importance and Priority of Homework 78 That' s Just the Way It Is: Power and Choice 79 Contradictions: The (II) Logic of homework 84 Silencing: Looking Thro~gh the Lens of Michelle Fine 85

ll]lplications and Suggestions for further research 92

2 Letter Of Consent To Participate In Research 100

3 Letter of Invitation to Participate: School Principal 101

4 Letter Of Consent To Participate: School Principal 102

5 Letter of Invitatiun to Participate: Classroom Teacher 103

7 Homework policy: WA department of education 105

as a parent, a nttor and a student teacher In addition, 1 experienced my own difficulties with assignments and readings required by the course, caused not by the work itself, but

by problems such as geographical location, economics, family pressures, lack of my own 'study space' and conflicting commitments To use Macedo's term, (1995) my 'epistemological curiosity' was aroused, giving rise to questions such as: Who decides that homework is important? Why is homework more imponant than children's families and other interests? What are teachers thinking when they assign homework? And, the question that came back to me repeatedly; how do other families feel about and cope with homework - how does it interact with their unique situations? My own suspicion was, and is, that homework practices, however well intentioned, have the potential to impact negatively on students and their families

The Research Question

The development of my research question stemmed from an interest in social justice and critical teaching, and the application of these notions to the practice of homework This interest was initially aroused hrough reading the work of educators such as Paulo Freire (1970), and developed further as I read work by many researchers and educators, including Hinchey (1996; 1998), Bourdieu (1976; 1997), Connell (1982), Apple (1999), Shor (1978), and others

The over-arching question posed by this study is:

How do parents and children from different families understand, experience and respond

to homework? And more specifically

};> In what ways does homework intrude upon the lives of students and their families?

};> Who decides what kind of after-school activity is important and why?

The thesis explores these questions using a critical ethnographic approach This chapter presents a critical review of the literature, followed by an outline of the current homework policy of., the Department of Educatlon of Western Australia, explains the significance of the study, and discusses the limitations and problems associated with it In the chapters to follow, the philosophical and theoretical perspective through which I approach this study is outlined, as are the methodology and methods employed, and ethical issues involved The participants' stories are presented in Chapter 4, then analysed and discussed in the context of the research questions Finally, the thesis concludes with some reflective thoughts, along with a discussion of the implications of the study and

A Critical Review of the Literature

The area of homework is one that appears to be sparsely researched Indeed, researchers have decried the lack of empirical evidence on the subject of homework Qongsma, 1985; Hinchey, 1996) In addition, the research that exists has at times produced conflicting results A review of the literature has also revealed a heavy leaning toward quantitative data (Cooper, 1989; Balli, Wedman & Demo, 1997; Epstein, 1986) There are few studies that give voice to the stakeholders, and those that do often apply a highly structured interview or questionnairf': approach This points to a need for further research using qualitative data, and more particularly, studies that give voice to both students and their families

The issue of voke is an important one in this research project Freire (1972) speaks of 'the culture of silence', in which the very situation of those that are oppressed is unrecognised

by the oppressed themselves, due to rhe nature of that oppression Not only do they have

no voice, they are also not conscious of the fact they have no voice (Freire, 1972; Crotty, 1998) Allowing students and parents to speak through conversational interviews gives them a voice and, through provocative questioning, may lead to conscientisation - that is,

to awaken within them an increase in conscious awareness of the multi-dimensional nature of their situation and their potential power to effect change

It is vital to me that the opinions and feelings of students and their families regarding homework are sought and told, so that they may be heard by other students, parents, educators and researchers Student and parent voices should be heard not only to elucidate the issue of homework, but also to ensure that students see their own voices as valid and important, and that educators and policy-makers begin to take them seriously

Michelle Fine emphasises this well when she speaks about silencing in schools She attacks silencing "at the level of policies which obscure systemic problems behind a rhetoric of 'excellenc~' and 'progress', a curriculum bereft of the lived experiences of students themselves, a pedagogy organised around control and not conversation", noting that through our teaching policies and practices, "we teach children to betray their own voices" (Fine, 1987, p 173) Students' and families' lived experiences are important They

should be heard

In addition, the literature review revealed that studies to date have focused on issues such

as whether or not homework practices benefit students (academically or otherwise), the influence of parental involvement on homework, and whether some types of homework are more beneficial than others and why (Hinchey, 1996; Cooper, 1989; Clark, 1993; & Wiesenthal, Cooper, Greenblatt & Marcus, 1997) The emphasis in the literarure upon the influence of parental involvement also led to findings that the educational level of parents influenced both homework and academic results generally in a more significant way than parental involvement itself(Balli, Wedman & Demo, 1997; Dornbusch, 1986) Other writers dispute this Clark (cited in Balli, Wedman & Demo, 1997) found that the influence of parental educational level was superseded by parental 'press' - that is, some parrots 'press' their children more than others for academic success

In all of these discussions, homework practice as a social justice issue does not appear to

be widely addressed Pat Hinchey (1996; 1998) is one researcher who has specifically addressed homework from a critical theory standpoint, with the inclusion of student voices in the research, and a call for teachers to think critically about how and why they assign homework Again, however, the emphasis is placed upon the types of homework

Hinchey argues that "overnight assignments may not be the ideal norm and that aU assignments ought to be thoughtfully designed and clearly valued by the teacher" (Hinchey, 1996, p 246) The issue of the possible perpetuation of social inequality is not directly mentioned, even though she states, "many students have far longer days than we imagine", and that commuting can "extend an average school day for many students to 9

or 12 houro; many have chores waiting at home or on the farm" (p 244) Even so, she raises the questions, "who decides what kind of out-of-school student habits and child-parent interaction should be promoted? And why should the school be doing such promotion?" These questions point to the issues of power and hegemony, as echoed by Hinchey in her text Finding Freedom in the Classroom She argues that there is a lack of critical thinking in teachers' homework practices: "Everyone knows that teachers give homework and students do it That's just the way it is" In regard to teachers' unquestioning acceptance and continuation of such practices, Hinchey contends: "the results of acting on someone else's plan, contributing to someone else's purposes and goals, can be much more insidious than (inherited habits]" (Hinchey, 1998, p 9)

The idea of homework as an agent of power (whether conscious or not) may also be understood in the light of Bourdieu's (1997) notion of cultural capital, and Freire's (1972) understanding of the culture of silence As there appears to be a gap in the homework research on these ideas, and my interest lies strm.gly in this area, I want to r.xamine homework as a cultural practice to sec how it impacts on children and their families

My focus in this study is on the possibility that the practice of homework itself is of an oppressive nature, regardless of the type or structure of that homework If it is indeed a

assign homework, who would lose and in what way? The notion of cultural capital is recognised as an important factor that contributes to the way in which families approach and deal with homework However, it was not my intention to examine the effects of cultural capital on the homework experiences of families in great depth Rather, the

research has focused upon if and how homework intrudes upon family life, and wlw decides what kinds of after-school activities are important

Homework Policy

The Western Austrt~lian Department of Educt~tion (DoE) has a brief document within its Regulatory Framework that outlines its policy regarding homework (sec Appendix Seven) The policy outlined is ambiguous and at times contradictory in its wording, effectively leaving decisions regarding homework to individual schools and teachers While the formulation and implementation of a school·wide approach to homework is the responsibility of the principal, the document docs give some procedures and guidelines for schools to follow It states that homework must "only be used to facilitate the achievement of learning outcomes; where otpproprinte, [be] developed in collaboration with students; and be disassociated from any form of punishing students or means of securing discipline" It also states that "Preparation of students for the time commitment

of homework anticipated in years to come is not, in itself, a reasonable basis for setting homework" (Department of EducRtion, 2001) It proclaims that "Homework cRn be a means of furthering school·homc relationships and can assist in keeping parents informed about the student's learning program and progress" It is also dear in its advice that any homework policy must respond to individual needs and be supportive of the student, and yet recommends that "homework should be phased in gradually and consistently Rnd

be consistently applied, monitored and assessed" (ibid.) The effective date of the DoE homework document is 30 Apti12001, and it i~ due for review on 30 April2004

At th.e time of this research, the school did not have a specific homework policy in place

Due to changes in the Regulatory Framework and DoE policies as a whole, particularly in regard to duty of care issues, the school policy file was under review by the principal and staff, with a view to creating and rewriting many school policies The school-wide policy

on homework was yet to be developed

SWnificanee of the Study

The initial review of the literature outlined in the previous section highlighted the current controversy surrounding the issue of homework and the need for further research, especially from a socially critical perspective In addition, my own diverse personal experiences of homework as a parent, a tutor, and as a student teacher, as well as the abundance of 'homework horror stories' related to me by others over many years, led

me to believe that there was a dear need for research into homework that attempts to specifically address it as an oppressive praaice

The moment that work is sent home, the situation becom~ unequal The range of individual family siruations and histories in any one community (and even within one classroom) is diverse Having lived in a small rural town for nine years, I have come to see examples of this diversity first hand As I spent some of that time working at the local primary school, which was attended by my children, assumptions and judgements made

by teachers in regard to ;;tudents' families led me to question the thinking behind teacher

often did not, was teaching practices informed by critkal thinking: praxis leading to conscienrisation, as Freire might describe it (Crotty, 1998; Freire, 1970; 1999)

The idea that the inequality that exists within social systems is reproduced by practices informed by hegemony (the dominant politics and ideology of society) has been described

by Bourdieu (1997) in his notion of cultural capital, one of three forms of capital, which

is further categorised into embodied, objectified and institutionalised forms (see Definition

influence on students' interaction with homework, and therefore are significant in the controversy surrounding the homework debate (Reay, 1998) Connell (1982; 1993) has researched and written extensively around educational inequality and how it is produced,

' and advocates an approach that com,iders social classes as a whole when examining educational practices Connell, Ashenden, Kessler and Dowsett (1982) point out that classes are neither abstract nor static; rather, they are dynamic, "real-life groupings, which are constantly under construction" (p 33) ln examining approaches to educational research based upon Bourdieu's idea of cultural capital, they note the dangers inherent in seeing classes as homogenous groups of people, from which blanket ascumptions can be made They state that, "classes arc always complex and internally divided groupings, composed into a class by a dialectic between their own activity and its circumstances" (p 189) This view of classes is consistent with my own experience, and I therefore approached the research process and analysis with this caution clearly in mind

lt is my intention that this study will add to the existing body of knowledge regarding homework by focusing attention upon the voices of four students and their families, and that it will inspire others to undertake similar research, with the expectation that both it

and any further studies will inform educational practice and focus attention upon the unspoken, often unrecognised power relations underlying everyday teaching practices

Limitations and Problems

This study is limited in its scope due to the relatively short time &arne and participant si:ze that is feasible for an Honours project However, the intention of the research is nonetheless to elucidate the experiences and feelings of the students, parents and teachers involved in the study Fot parents and students, this may be achieved through both the act of telling their stories via conversational interviews, through the reading of the transcripts, and the sharing of those stories to a wider audil~nce via the completed research document For teachers, this may be achieved through hearing the voices of students and their families in the context of research that questions the status quo, and encourages them to do the same

Although the !ltudy was inte11ded to be a bounded one, that is to say all participants attended the same school, year level and class, every one of the participants, students and caregivers, wi~hed to share their experiences not only in relation to that particular class, but also on a more general basis While this was not the initial intention of the study, I felt that it was important to allow the conversations to take this direction, rather than for

me to 'refocus' them, as it appeared to be very important to the participants to share in this way I believe that by allowing this flow of conversation to occur, I have gained a very rich picture of the effects of homework not only upon the participant families but more widely In many instances, participants raised issues that I may not have otherwise discussed The resultant conversations were perhaps not what I had anticipated in the

however they are consistent with the nature of the conversational interviewing style (Burgess, 1988), and with the spirit of critical ethnography (Carspecken, 1996) The panicipants and their needs were and are paramount

I believe that should I have omitted these issues that were so important for the parents to discuss, that they were so passionate about, I would not have been doing the participants justice, nor would I have been keeping my promise to 'share their stories, regardless of how they fitted with my ideas' Although the divergence of the conversations from the topic of homework experiences for 'that student in that class' is included here as a problem, I found that important issues were raised that needed to be expressed and discussed as part of the homework debate Children indeed are not 'islands', but individuals that are part of an interactive, dynamic family environment in which members impact upon each other I have only viewed this as a problem in relation to the bounded nature of the study The data that resulted provided rich and valuable descriptions of participant experiences

Initially it was my intention to speak separately with students and caregivers However, it was the preference of all parents to conduct conversations simultaneously with their children I respected that wish, and found that all data genl!rated was rich and illuminating However, should I conduct such a sn1dy again, l believe it would be valuable

to include an additional conversation with students without parents present - perhaps as

a group Due to the nature and richness of the conversations, there was potential for many more issues to be examined, and in much greater depth, than was possible given the scope and time frame of this study This is a subject that I will discuss further in Chapter

6

Participants in this study were chosen in a manner that was intended to include a range

of fumilies and experiences (as outlined in Chapter 3) However, the relatively small sample size (four families) meant that the respondents reflected the majority of the sample population in the fact that in every home, English was the first language of all family members, and that all families were 'Anglo-Australian' (that is, of European descent) In addition, even though one family was a 'blended' family (Karen and Nathan), and Karen had spent time as a single parent, all families in this study had two caregivers (heterosexual male and female) at home In this regard, they were members of the dominant culture The voices of those less dominant ethnic groups, and non·nuclear or

'non·traditional' families within our society are therefore not heard in this particular study It would be valuable if further studies were to be conducted, particularly those that are larger in size and scope, to include the voices of students and caregivers from a much broader range of ethnic, cultural and socio-economic background

Definition of Terms

This section defines the key terms used in the study, such as home, family, homework, resources, class, cultural capital and habitus, in order to clarify to the reader my own understanding of these terms, thus reducing the possibility of misinterpretation of what I take them to mean

Homework

For the purposes of this study, the term will refer to any rask set by the teacher for the student to complete outside of school hours, particularly when there are repercussions of any form for student non-compliance in this regard

Home and family

The place (or places) and people wirh whom the ~nident normally resides during out-of· school hours For some students, this can include more than one dwelling and extended and/or blended families and either multiple or single caregivers Each student's home and family is a unique blend of values, practices, traditions, resources and capital In fact, the idea that homes and families do not necessarily 'fit' a societal expectation of 'the norm' within a culture or a community, but are in fact individually diverse and unique, is central to this study The words 'parent' and 'caregiver' will be used interchangeably in this paper

Resources

In this paper, the term resources will refer to such things as books, computer hardware and software, desks/study space, and so on- those 'concrete' items that enhance a student's ability to 'do schoolwork' in the home environment, as well as referring to available time and the capital, in all its forms, available to the family

Class

Class, in this document, is a type of social stratification that delineates socio-ec(lr'!Cmic groups nnd their status In modern Western society, the existence of distinct classes in the traditional sense is contested Rather than a 'classless' society, I see differences in terms of economics, status and power as having a great influence upon social standing, though the lines between groups are perhaps much more blurred than they once were Cultural capital contributes to these differences, and iS briefly described below

Cultural Capital

According to Abercrombie, Hill and Turner (2000, p 81), the central tenet of cultural capital is that "children of middie-dass parents acquire from them endowments such as cultural and linguistic competence, and it is these competences that ensure their success

in schools" According to Bourdieu, "cultural experiences in the home facilitate children's adjustment to school and academic achievement, thereby transforming cultural resources into what he calls cultural capital" (Lareau, 1987, p 74) Drawing on Bourdieu, Saha (1997) describes three forms of cultural capital:

~ Embodied Dispositions or aptitudes, such as familiarity with educational

institutions, language and routines

) Objectified: Goods, such as books, and technology in the form of computers and Internet access

~ Institutionalised: Credentials and degrees

Habitus

According to Lawson and Garrod (200 1), Bourdieu uses the term habitus to describe "the distinctive sets of meanings that each social class passes on through the generations and that shape the thought and actions of individual class members the cultural context into which individuals are socialised" (p 106)

2 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE

The epistemology, or theory of knowledge, with which I identify (and therefore with which I have approached the topic) is that of constructionism, or more specifically, social constructionism According to Crotty (1998, p 58), "social constructionism emphasises the hold our culture has on us: it shapes the way in which we s~e things (even the way in which we feel things!) and gives us a quite definite view of the world" Crotty points out a dichotomy within constructionist research, describing the contrast between the symbolic interactionist and the critical theorist Crotty notes that, "the world of the critical theorist

is a battleground of hegemonic interests In this world, there are striking disparities in the distribution of power a world torn apart by dynamics of oppression, manipulation and coercion" (1998, p 63) Noting that social constructionism is "at once realist and relativist", Crotty states that, as social constructionists, we see our understandings as

"historically and culturally effected interpretations rather than eternal truths at different times and in different places, there have been and are very divergent interpretations of the same phenomena", and that ther, fore, "we need to recognise that different people may well inhabit quite different worlds Their different worlds constitute for them diverse ways of knowing, distinguishable sets of meanings, separate realities" (p

63-4)

The theoretical perspective, or paradigm, that underpins my thinking as well as my research actions, and informs the methodology I have used, is that of critical theory/critical inquiry (Smyth, Hattam & Shacklock, 1997; Crotty, 1998) I believe that this is where roy own ideology lies

Kincheloe and McLaren (cited in Crotty, 1998, p 157-58) list the following as the basic assumptions of critical theorists:

};> all thought is fundamentally mediated by power relations that are social in nature and historically constituted;

};> facts can never be isolated from the domain of values or removed from ideological inscription;

};> the relationship between concept and object, and between signifier and signified, is never stable and is often mediated by the sccial relations of capitalist production and consumption;

};> language is central to the formation of subjectivity, that 'i~, -both conscious and U'1conscious awareness;

};> certain groups in any society are privileged over others, constituting an oppression that is most forceful when subordinates accept their social status as natural, necessary

or inevitable;

};> oppression has many faces, and concern for only one form of oppression at the expense of others can be counterproductive because of the connections between them;

};> mainstream research practices are generally implicated, albeit often unwittingly, in the reproduction of systems, class, race and gender oppression

Carspecken (1996) points out that Kincheloe and McL'lren's list includes points that pertain to both the principles and the values of critical researchers

Hinchey (1998, p 17) describes critical theory as "a way to ask questions about power" The power of hegemony (the dominant politics and ideology of society) to impose ideas upon society and shape 'what is true' directly influences not only educational practices themselves, but also the views and acceptance of those practices by parents and students

My own central organising ideas in this study draw on Freire's idea of "education as the practice of freedom- as opposed to the practice of domination" (1970, p 62), Bourdieu's

(1976) concepts of cultural capital and habi\US, and Lisa Delpit's (1995) understanding of

' cultural conflict and silencing in education;,:, I shall provide a brief explanation of these ideas in the sections to follow

Freire1 Education as the Practice of Freedom

Paulo Freire, who was dedicated to improving the education of the oppressed, maintains that factors such as the 'culture of silence' contribute to oppression He argues that education should be a practice of freedom, rather than one of domination Education should, according to Freire, be shared between the teacher and the student (Freire, 1970; 1999) Freire looks to a methodology in which we "place the oppressed in a consciously critical confrontation with their problems" (Crotty, 1998, p 156), what he terms 'problematisation'

Elements of Freire's work and writings have been cri,icised, such as the use of the term 'oppressed', but many researchers/educators, such as bell hooks (1994), believe that the value of and meaning behind his work overshHdow such criticism She emphasises that the writings of Freire enabled her to ',frame and voice the struggle and oppression that she had felt and experienced deeply, yet could not enunciate The challenges posed by Freire

to see oppression in a 'non·tradidonal' sense Oppression names not only those suffering grave injustices at the hands of despotic dictators, but also the less obvious, day to day, taken-for-granted practices enacted by those with some form of 'power' or 'privilege' over others Like bell hooks, those people abiding by and conforming to such practices do not consciously question their situation until they begin to think critically about it, placing the politics of their situation in a global context For Freire, such elucidation is the first step, which can then lead to praxis As hooks describes it, "that historical moment when one begins to think critically about the self and identity in relation to one's political circumstance Freire has had to remind readers that he never spoke of consdentization

as an end in itself, but always as it is joined by meaningful praxis" (1994, p 47)

Aspects of Freire's work have been criticised from the feminist perspective To address this criticism, hooks uses the metaphor of 'life-giving water' She likens those roost in need of liberatory pedagogy to people dying of thirst She states that it is only those who are privileged that can afford to reject water for the sake of some minor impurities, while those in need of it can recognise such impurities, yet still make use of the life-giving

prop~rties of the water This metaphor itself illustrates the difference that arises when

seein~ ? n action from a global perspective

Bourdieu: The Notion of Cultural Capital

As outlined in the previous section, Bourdieu saw cultural capital as a key element in the reproduction of social and educational inequality Saha (1997), commenting on the way

in which cultural capital works upon families, states that, "nearly all families care about their children's school success, but their knowledge of the system and their ability to work

(p 620) Reay describes Bourdieu's research as "a useful starting point" (1998, p 56)

when examining the home-school relationship She notes that

For Bourdieu, the family is the site of social reproduction However, his concept of habitus permits an analysis of social inequality which is not simply dependent on fixed notions of economic and social location At the centre

of the concept is the interplay not only between past and present but also between the individual and the forces acting upon them (p 59)

Like Freire, Bourdieu urges us to question situations and practices that we view as 'natural', advocating the problematisation of such situations Bourdieu suggests too that those who are marginaliscd or the subjects of domination arc complicit in maintaining that marginalisation or domination through their acceptance of the status quo (Rcay,

1998; Bourdieu, 1976; 1997) Reay suggests that, as well as assisting to unmask "the intricate dynamics of power Bourdieu helps us to keep key issues of social justice in

the frame" (1998, p 71)

Lisa Delpit1 Other People's Children

Lisa Delpit, in her book Other People's Children, speaks of the roles of power and pedagogy

in silencing parents and their children She challenges the practices of educators who make pedagogical and administrative decisions on behalf of students and their families, seeing them in her research as "battling over what was good for these 'other people's children', while excluding from the conversation those with the most to gain or lose by its outcome" (Delpit, 1995, p 6) I identify strongly with Del pit's idea that we, as educators, make decisions and carry out policies that impact upon the lives of children that are not our own, that do not share our personal histories nor necessarily our values The

resonance of Delpit's research findings and philosophies impacts strongly upon my approach to this research and to education generally

Delpit advocates the identification of and giving voice to alternative worldviews through ethnographic perspectives She believes that "it is the responsibility of the dominant group members to attempt to hear the other side of the issue; and after hearing, to speak

in a modified voice that does not exclude [the minority]" U995, p 20) She identifies issues of power and accompanying codes and rules, which impact upon educational success Her particular experience and passion is focused upon being an African· American educator, and upon the education of non-white children, however, her insightful advice holds merit and is applicable to all eductors and educational institutions She explains that, "when I speak, therefore, of the culture of power, 1 don't speak of how I wish things to be but of how they are 1 further believe that to act as if power does not exist is to ensure that the power status quo remains the same" (p 39)

3 METHODOWGY

The methodolc;;y that I chose for the research falls into the category of critical ethnography, described by Crotty (1998, p 12) as "a methodology that serves to unmask hegemony and address oppressive forces" In light of Crotty's description, this methodolof!'· onsistent with the theoretical tradition of critical inquiry, as well as being consistent with my research question and with my ideology In attempting to understand and explain critical ethnography as a methodology, I was confronted with texts that were often, as I complained to my supervisor, 'like wading through mud'! C'lrspecken (1996) encapsulates my frustration and frames my thoughts far more eloquently when he laments that:

What is unfortunate is not that some writings on critical methodology are densely composed, but that virtually all writings in the field arc composed this way This has made work in the critical tradition basically inaccessible to a large number of people (p 4)

With this in mind, my explanation of critical ethnography and how it relates to this research project are certainly not intended to be in any way definitive, but merely a way of presenting this methodology that renders it easier to understand to both the readers of this work and to myself! Carspecken again summarises succinctly for me when he states,

"we criticalisrs have both witnessed and directly experienced forms of oppression We do not like them We want to change them" (1996, p 8)

The importance of a theoretical focus in making meaning from resenrch data is central to the critical ethnographer Critical ethnography itself, however, cannot be simply defined (Quantz, 1992) Quantz's preference is to "place it within a discourse", describing the

researcher's "attempts to re·present the 'culture', the 'consciou.~iH~ss', or the 'lived experiences' of people living in asymmetrical power relation~" (1992, p 448), and that

such ,esearch projects are often "arrived at through uniqu: p ;i,:.c.utl histories" (ibid p 450) That is certainly true of this research project

Critical ethnographers, according to Kincheloe and Mclaren (2000), "have made significant contributions to our understanding of the ways in which power is entailed in culture, leading to practices of domination and exploitation that have become naruralized

in everyday social life" (p 302) They point out that, "hegemony works through both silences and repetition in naturalizing the dominant world-view There also may exist oppositional ideologies among subaltern groups that break free of hegemony" (p 303) The objective of this study is to combat silence on the issue of homework by giving usually silenced stakeholders (students and caregivers) a voice that will reach the dominant voices and decision·makers on homework issues (educational organizations, researchers and educators) In addition, and in keeping with an emancipatory approach

to research, those same usually silenced stakeholders will be presented with an opportunity to view their own voices and experiences as valid and vitally important to pedagogy and the educational decision-making process

I have not at any time approached the participants in this srudy, and nor should anyone who reads it, as victims Rather, the cmancipatory aspect of this study aims to lead the participants to examine the system of which they are a part, thereby questioning the status quo, rather than accepting "the way it is" (Hinchey, 1998, p 9) According to Anderson (1989, p 249), "critical ethnographers seck research accounts sensitive to the dialectical relationship between the social structure constraints on human actors and the relative

autonomy of human agency the overriding goal of critical ethnography is to free individuals from sources of domination and repression"

The critical ethnographer is faced with a difficulty in regard to research validity (Anderson, 1989; Kincheloe & Mclaren, 2000; Lather, 1986a & 1986b) In regard to openly ideological research, Lather (1986a) maintains that we need not apologise for such methodology However, methods rhat ensure credibility need to be employed Lather suggests that in addition to triangulation (use of different data sources; search for counter-

patterns), face validity (member checks - going back to the subject) and construct validil.')'

(pertains to self-reflexivity in regard to a priori theory, subject's ways of thinking, the

researcher's involvement), the category of catalytic valid it)' be included Catalytic validity is particularly important to critically ethnographic methodology, as it "refers to the degree

to which the research process reorients, refocusses and energises participants in what Freire (1973) terms 'conscientization', knowing reality in order to better transform it" (p 67)

lather (1986b) believes that in emancipatory, praxis-oriented research, it is vital for the 'researched' to be included as much as possible True respect for those researched is paramount to Lather, as it should be to all those who profess to be critical ethnographers The need for a high level of reciprocity is urged, through shared negothuion of meaning with participants, through interactive, dialogic interviews, and through meaningful discussions of false consciousness Not only going back but also 1

giving back' to the

participants to check and negotiate data goes toward a sharing of power with the researched Lather states powerfully that:

For praxis to be possible, not only must theory illuminate the lived experience

of progressive social groups; it must also be illuminated by their struggles Theory adequate to the task of changing the world must be open-ended, non-dogmatic, informing, and grounded in the circumstnuces of everyday life; and moreover, it must be premi::;ed on a deep respect for the intellectual and political capacities of rhe dispossessed (1986b, p 262)

Quantz (1992) believes that, "any ethnography that claims to be 'critical' must be understood as an utterance in an ongoing 'critical' dialogue" (p 450) My own view of this research project is that it springs from a blend of my own 'unique personal history' and my readings of past and current critical research, and is intended to add to the voices that have already spoken, with the goal of prompting others, be they students, parents or teachers, to add their voices to the existing body of critically ethnographic work

Research Methods/Data Collection

I was able to gain insight into the issues underpinning my research t:!~'~stion by eJ.aminint_>: several student/family perspectives on homework More specifically, I utilised conversations with participants as the prime source of data, employing guiding but open· ended questions, which allowed the elaboration and exploration of responses In-depth semi-structured conversations with the participants were undertaken These conversations provided a rich sample of data, from which I was able to draw valuable insights into the unique perspectives of each student and family Burgess (l~CR) recognises the value of purposeful conversations to ethno.;:r~~phic research, proposing that su~·h conversations, in comparison with a more sanitised and scripted interview, can help us t<.•ward a far deeper understanding of the lives of our research participants

Context

Participants were drawn from the same community, school and class level Conversations were conducted with four students and parents/caregivers at home, in regard to their beliefs, attitudes and feelings toward homework This method was chosen to allow student and family voices to be heard, and to allow their perspectives to be acknowledged Permission was gained from the school p1 •.ncipal to speak with a year seven teacher and to draw participants from the school (see Appendices Three and Four) The school policy, as well as current education department policy regarding homework was also noted Carried out in this manner, the study is a bounded one (Bassey, 1999); that is, it has a set place and time

The data was drawn from a number of students in the upper primary grades, (who attended an established government primary school in a suburb in the Southwest region

of Western Australia) along with their parents/caregivers The school was undergoing many changes at the time of the study due to rapid growth in population and housing The area contained a mix of old and new housing, and families with a wide range of socio-economic circumstances attended the school

The teacher of a year seven class at the school was asked to participate in the study, (see Appendices Five and Six) and he agreed Participants were then to be drawn from his class He was asked to share his general attitudes and beliefs regarding homework, as well

as his homework practices within that particular year, in a conversational interview After much discussion regarding how participants might be chosen, it was decided that the teacher would provide a list of names and contact details for approximately ten students and caregivers The students chosen by the teacher included what he considered to be a

mix of ability levels, socio-economic status (SES) and attitudes toward the completion of work I then contacted four families from that list at random to explain my research and

to invite them to participate I expected that perhaps some would decline, in which case I would contact another name on the list until four participants had accepted The first four families contacted all agreed to participate without hesitation All of the parents were keen to share their homework thoughts and experiences It may have been coincidental, but this eagerness to discuss the subject of homework certainly mirrors the informal feedback I have constantly received whenever I mention the issue of homework

All parents/caregivers were invited to participate It is interesting to note however, that in each case, it was the mother or female caregiver that actually participated with their child

in the conversation Only in the case of Sharon, Tony and Bianca did the father participate, and this occurred during the course of the interview Tony had initially planned not to participate In all other cases, the father or male caregiver was not present

in the room, or not at home, at tl:.e time that the conversations took place

After acceptance of the offer to be included in the research project, participants were presented with a letter of invitation to participate which contained information about the research (see Appendix One), and suitable times were arranged for conversations to take place letters of consent to participate were also presented to participants (see Appendix Two), which were signed and returned Initial conversational interviews (approximately

an hour long) were conducted over a period of several weeks, with further time allowed for feedback sessions with participants shortly after ench session was transcribed

When organising the sessions, the convenience of the participants was paramount The

period than I had initially envisag~d however the times were those that were most convenient for the parents/ caregivers and students, who were after all allowing the intrusion of a stranger into their lives The sessions took place toward the end of the school year, as this allowed the students and parents to reflect on their year seven experiences during conversations I was aware that the latter part of the school year is generally i\ busy time for schools and families, and that for most participants, the sessions were 'slotted in' ro small gaps in very demanding schedules

Neutrality and Generalisation

According to Stake (cited in Bassey, 1999, p 30), "Issues are not simple and clean, but intricately wired to political, social, historical and especially personal contexts" Our practices arc never neutral; rather they are shaped and influenced by a myriad of forces, both overtly and implicitly (Freire, 1972; Connell et.al 1982; Hinchey, 1998; Apple, 1999; Shor, 1978) In the tradition of critical inquiry, I do not pretend to claim neutrality, but instead I make my positioning clear Participants were made aware that I approached the research through the lens of my own experiences as both a teacher and a parent, and that within both of these roles, I had found homework to be problematic However, I did not wish to lead the participants in any way, and therefore was very explicit about what I wanted to achieve through the research; that is, to obtain genuine responses from all stakeholders who were willing to challenge my own thinking by presenting their own unique perspectives

I used questions and statements within conversations in order to genuinely engage the participants and elicit authentic responses regarding homework wherever possible and to further probe those responses The approach worhd well, which is illustrated by the fact

that in each session, it is the participants that do most of the talking The initial ended prompts tended to draw full responses that served as springboards for further discussion In addition, family members often talked 'amongst themselves' abouc their homework experiences and feelings

open-Why Individual Stories?

Freire emphasises the importance of the critical comprehension of history in discourse, stating that, "as historical beings, we are not merely historical, but historically conditioned" (Macedo, 1995, p 390) Detailed examinations of individual experiences can, as Stake (cited in Bassey, 1999 p 30) points out, "help us to see the instance in a more historical light" Although many criticisms have been levelled at such methods, including the difficulty of generalising from individual cases, I believe that there is great merit in what Helen Simons (1996) calls the holistic perspective that such $tudies can bring I agree with her assertion that, "the tension between the study of the unique and the need to generalise is necessary to reveal both the unique and the universal and the unity of that understanding" (Simons, 1996, p 237-8)

What is particularly valuable about presenting individual stories is that intensely detailed accounts can be obtained that can provide the reader with resonance and verisimilitude, accounts that may be termed 'thick, rich descriptions' (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000; Creswell

& Miller, 2000) Thus, participant's accounts of their experiences are seen through the lens of the reader as well as that of the researcher (Creswell & Miller, 2000)

Ethical Procedures

As qualitative research, and critically ethnographic research in particular, involves an intrusion into the lives of the participants, the consideration of ethical issues is of utmost importance The maintenance of confidentiality and anonymity is of paramount importance Pseudonyms have been used for all participants in this study, as well as for the school, and identifying details have been altered Bell (1999) also advocates aiming for the principle of informed consent, and it was my imcnt to do so 1 addressed this through extensive consultation with all participants before the data collection commenced This consultation included an explanation of the nature and purpose of the research

In order to fulfil the requirements of an ethics committee, and to "minimise the potential for harmful consequences" (Smyth, Hattam & Shaddock, 1997, p 28), a code of practice was drafted, outlining an agreement to be made between the participants of the study and myself as researcher (see Appendices section for letters of invitation to participate and consent to participate) These letters included guidelines as to how the research was to be undertaken and how it was to be used

Ethical considerations included Bassey's (1999) ethical values of respect for democracy, respect for truth, and respect for persons, and, since these three values may occasionally clash, the additional value he cites, that of respect for educational research The overriding value for me was and is, above all else, respect for the participants Providing students and their parents with a voice in educational research remains the prime concern of this re~earch project l also recognised the need to be mindful of my own connection with the topic, and, as stated earlier, made my own biases and personal

position clear 1 reflected carefully upon my own positioning while conducting interviews and analysing the data

lntetviews were audiotaped and participants given the opportunity to contact me in order

to discuss or amend responses if they so chose Participants also had the right to withdraw from the research project at any time during the research process I provided an interactive conversational setting that was 'safe' for the participants, conducting the conversational interview sessions at times and venues that were most suitable to the participants Participants were assured of anonymity and I emphasised my desire to hear their genuine personal accounts, regardless of my own or any other viewpoints, encouraging them to contribute candidly

It was also my intention to minimise, as much as it was possible, any perceived 'power differences' between the participants and myself As the chief participants were srudents

and caregivers, I emphasised my dual roles of student and parent, rather than m.y role as researcher, so that there was some feeling of commonality between us I made every effort

to ensure that my language and manner was as on-intrusive and compatible as possible

As stated earlier, participants had control of determining a conversation setting and time

that was most comfortable and convenient to them

Ethical sensitivity is, to my mind, as it is in research llterature, a vitally important trait for any researcher Therefore, maintaining respect for the srudy participants and ensuring that the treatment of all people involved was handled with sensitivity and tact at all times were paramount In this regard, I also looked to my university supervisor for assistance and guidance, in addition to taking into account other researchers' experiences of ethical

4 STORIES FROM THE CHALKFACE

In this chapter, I will give a brief description of the background of each participant/family, including the context in which each conversation took place In each case, these are followed by pertinent excerpts from each transcript that highlight the participants' views, concerns and experiences of homework Full transcripts have by no means been included, as these were extensive However, I felt it important to include substantial sections of the conversation transcripts The purpose of doing so, as previously outlined in the section Wh:y Individual Stories?, is to provide a rich description of each

family's experiences and feelings, thereby creating both resonance and verisimilitude (Creswell & Miller, 2000; Denzin & Lincoln, 2000), by allowing the reader to identify with and understand more deeply those experiences described by the participants

Underlining is used within excerpts to indicate emphasis placed by the participants upon certain words Words placed in square brackets and italicised indicate my own additions, used for clarification A set of three dots immediately after a word within excerpts indicates that the participar.t 'trailed off' or paused, while ellipses, distinguished by spaces before and after, indicate omission of text (that is, that only the relevant comments from that part of the conversation have been included) Omissions have not been made where doing so would alter the meaning or general gist of the participant's story l will analyse and discuss these conversations in light of the research GUestion, and identify and discuss common themes in Chapter 5

The Teacher's PersPective: A Conversation with Gary

Gary is a year seven teacher at Saunders Primary SchooL He is married with two school· aged sons, who both attend the school at which he teaches At his request, our conversation took place in the school staff room during Gary's 'DOlT' time (Duties Other Than Teaching) Gary was keen to participate in the research project, and was extremely enthusiastic about it, but found it difficult to find the time to 'fit things in' Gary expressed concern that there were many demands upon his time within his teaching role, of which the student:; were only a part This is echoed in a section of the transcript that I have included below I believe that the best way to explain Gary's philosophy on homework is to include his own words The following passages are excerpts from our conversation:

Teachers can give too much written homework or worksheet type work Homework to me should be something that really excites and interests the child that they can go and think "I'd really like to go and find our about that I'd renlly like to know" Even though that's not measurable, I think, not measurable from a teacher's perspective I support reading every night they should be reading something they're interested in, urn, and also reading about current events Spelling and writing I think is pretty much the same Spelling to me, if the child for example knows that they're not as good a speller as they'd like to be, then they should be doing some work every night And similarly with writing 1 think it's really important, and possibly we don't focus on that enough as teachers, to get the kids to do written work outside of school hours in itself

Other work I'll set the children is stuff that we're learning about at the time, which relates to the theme, or topic that I'm running with, so it's fairly subject-specific some kids will download something from the internet, which doesn't necessarily mean they understand what it's about

I guess the other perspective for me is homework not as a penalty, but for children who haven't finished their work that's been set aside in class maybe if the majority, at least half to three quarters of the class have the work completed anyway, so the last small group need to say, "well I'm behind here It's up to me to go and finish the work myself and get it in So sort of three steps I guess for me Reading and spelling effectively and writing every night